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"pdfa1b", "print"], "text": "COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMVIUNITIES \n\nCOM(90)462 \n\nf \u00bb n a l - S Y N 2 33 \n\nB r u s s e l s, 28 September 1990 \n\nAMENDMENT TO THE PROPOSAL FOR A \n\nCOUNCIL D I R E C T I VE \n\na m e n d i ng D i r e c t i ve 8 9 / 3 9 2 / E EC on \n\nt he a p p r o x i m a t i on of \n\nt he \n\nl a ws \n\nof \n\nt he Member S t a t es \n\nr e l a t i ng \n\nto m a c h i n e ry \n\n( p r e s e n t ed \n\nby \n\nt he C o m m i s s i on \n\np u r s u a nt \n\nto \n\np a r a g r a ph \n\n3 \n\nof \n\nA r t i c le 1 49 of \n\nt he EEC T r e a t y) \n\n\f- 2 -\n\nExplanatory Memorandum \n\nThe European Parliament In session on 13 June 1990, delivered \n\nits opinion on the Commission's proposals set out in document \n\nC0M(89) 624 final - SYN 233. This proposal takes Into account the amendments proposed by \n\nthe European Parliament which the Commission considers can be \n\naccepted. - 3 -\n\nProposal for a nodifIcation to the Council Directive \n\namending Directive 89/392/EEC on the approximation of the laws \nof the Member States relating to machinery. Following upon the opinion expressed by the European \nPar I Iament(1> at its first reading in the context of the \ncooperation procedure, on the proposal for a Council \nDirective^2) \nthe \nDirective \nCommission transmitted to the Council, the Commission has \ndecided to amend its proposal as follows : \n\n89/392/EEC \n\namending \n\nwhich \n\nIn Annex I : \n\n^ \n\nIn the list of machines at the end of point 3. 4. 4, the words \n\"hydraulic excavators on tracks or wheels\" are replaced by \nthe words \"hydraulic excavators on tracks or wheels with \nbooms pivoting both horizontally and vertically\". 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Mitions! 10 pages: 1. 25 ECU \n\nOffice for Official Publications of -the European Communities \n\nL. 2985 Luxembourg"} +{"cellarURIs": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/1c6a976b-9ae0-439a-8b2f-15be47c046aa", "title": "Commission Regulation (EEC) No 2814/90 of 28 September 1990 laying down detailed rules for the definition of lambs fattened as heavy carcasses", "langIdentifier": "ENG", "mtypes": "html,pdfa1b,print", "workTypes": "http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#legislation_secondary,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#regulation,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#resource_legal,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#work", "authors": "European Commission", "date": "1990-09-28", "subjects": "agricultural guidance,carcase,fattening,sheep", "workIds": "celex:31990R2814,oj:JOL_1990_268_R_0035_055", "eurovoc_concepts": ["agricultural guidance", "carcase", "fattening", "sheep"], "url": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/1c6a976b-9ae0-439a-8b2f-15be47c046aa", "lang": "eng", "formats": ["html", "pdfa1b", "print"]} +{"cellarURIs": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/a814378f-c7d5-48bf-acee-ee073556578a", "title": "Written Question No. 2139/90 by Mr Gerhard Schmid to the Commission of the European Communities. 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Transport of pleasure boats on the roads", "langIdentifier": "ENG", "mtypes": "print", "workTypes": "http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#question_parliamentary,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#question_written,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#resource_legal,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#work", "authors": "European Parliament,RAFFARIN", "date": "1990-09-27", "subjects": "administrative formalities,approximation of laws,delivery,large vehicle,pleasure craft,road safety,road transport", "workIds": "celex:91990E002152", "eurovoc_concepts": ["administrative formalities", "approximation of laws", "delivery", "large vehicle", "pleasure craft", "road safety", "road transport"], "url": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/a5f96e89-fa94-4d71-8b53-e8fd9771a049", "lang": "eng", "formats": ["print"]} +{"cellarURIs": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/e5624ab4-8fbe-47b6-9c95-ef386125a0d5", "title": "PROPOSAL FOR A COUNCIL DIRECTIVE ON THE HARMONIZATION OF TECHNICAL REQUIREMENTS AND PROCEDURES APPLICABLE TO CIVIL AIRCRAFT", "langIdentifier": "ENG", "mtypes": "pdf,pdfa1b,print", "workTypes": "http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#act_preparatory,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#proposal_act,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#proposal_directive_ec,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#resource_legal,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#work", "authors": "European Commission", "date": "1990-09-27", "subjects": "European Civil Aviation Conference,administrative procedure,civil aviation,harmonisation of standards,transport safety", "workIds": "celex:51990PC0442,comnat:COM_1990_0442_FIN,oj:JOC_1990_270_R_0003_01", "eurovoc_concepts": ["European Civil Aviation Conference", "administrative procedure", "civil aviation", "harmonisation of standards", "transport safety"], "url": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/e5624ab4-8fbe-47b6-9c95-ef386125a0d5", "lang": "eng", "formats": ["pdf", "pdfa1b", "print"], "text": "COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES \n\nCOM(90) 442 final \n\nBrussels, 27 September 1990 \n\nProposal for a \nCOUNCIL PI RECTI YE \n\non the harmonization of technical requirements and procedures \n\napplicable to civil aircraft \n\n(presented by the Commission) \n\n\f- 2 -\n\nEXPLANATORY MEMORANDUM \n\n1. The liberalisation process for aviation seeks to apply the principles \n\nof the single market to air transport, the first set of measures have \n\nalready been adopted and the second set are In the process of \n\napproval. , \n\nThis liberalisation process requires a number of accompanying \n\nmeasures as recognised by the European Parliament which emphasised, \n\nIn Its Resolution of September 1987, the need for Inltatives In \n\navlat ion safety. This Directive addresses those aspects of aviation safety which \n\nrelate to the airworthiness, operational approval and maintenance \n\nof aircraft, engines and other aircraft equipment, and has been \n\ndeveloped In consultation with, and assisted by, the Joint Aviation \n\nAuthorities \n\n(JAA) \n\nand \n\nIndustry \n\n(Association \n\nEurop\u00e9enne \n\ndes \n\nConstructeurs de Mat\u00e9riel A\u00e9rospatial, AECMA, and the Association of \n\nEuropean Airlines, AEA). 2. The free movement of aircraft within the Community Is currently \n\nrestricted, mainly due to the differences In technical standards for \n\naircraft certification, operation and maintenance. This results In a considerable amount of technical work and, in many \n\ncases, costly modification when an aircraft Is transfered between \n\nregisters of the Member States. The differences In technical \n\nstandards may also result in variations In safety levels for air \n\ntransport between the Member States. - 3 -\n\n3. The Commission recognises that the liberalisation process for air \n\ntransport, to prepare the Industry for the internal market, must be \n\nsupplemented by Initiatives in aviation safety not only to maintain \n\nand Improve current safety levels but also to enable the maximum \n\nbenefit to be achieved from the Single Act, consistant with the \n\nminimum cost to the Industry. 4. The Commission has been considering this problem for some time and \n\nrecognises the possibility that, unless specific actions are taken, \n\nthe increased competition could result in a downward pressure on \n\nsafety standards towards a lower level within the Community. The \n\nobjective of this Directive is to provide the framework to maintain \n\nthe high general level of safety in Europe and for the standards in \n\nall Member States to achieve the highest levels currently attained \n\nwithin the Community. 5. Aviation safety Is currently the reponsibiIIty of the civil aviation \n\nauthorities of the Member States. A large number of these \n\nauthorities, including all the major european countries with large \n\naviation interests both within and outside the Community, have \n\nestablished the Joint Aviation Authorities (JAA) organisation under \n\nthe auspices of the European Civil Aviation Conference (ECAC) to \n\ndevelop a unified european approach to aviation safety and to \n\nminimise the differences between the ECAC member states. 6. The high level of safety of air transport in Europe Is achieved \n\nthrough certification, the approval of operational and maintenance \n\nprocedures, and the Individuals and/or organisations reponslbie for \n\ncarrying out the procedures. The JAA have been working for several years to develop European \n\ntechnical codes and procedures. (Joint Aviation Requirements -\n\nJARs). A number of these codes are currently complete, and have been \n\nIssued, dealing mainly with the certification of aircraft, engines \n\nand other aviation products. - 4 -\n\nHowever, a comprehensive set of codes, to cover the whole range, has \n\nyet to be developed to cover operation, maintenance and the approval \n\nof Individuals and organisations. Whilst work is continuing to \n\ndevelop these codes It will be some time before the process is \n\nfinished. 7. The adoption of a single set of codes however, is not, in Itself, \n\nsufficient to ensure a harmonisation of safety standards, due to \n\ndifferences In Interpretation of the requirements, and differences In \n\nthe technical resources of the Individual national civil aviation \n\nauthorities. This harmonisation Is best achieved, at this stage, through the \n\ncreation of technical teams by the JAA, drawn from the authorities to \n\ncarry out all the technical work on behalf of all the Member States. This will permit a more efficient use of the limited resources of the \n\nauthorities of the Member States, and enable the smaller authorities \n\nto be sure that an adequate technical assessment has been carried \n\nout, whilst at the same time minimising the burden on the Industry. Such an approach should ultimately lead to the framework of a single \n\nEuropean Aviation Authority thus ensuring total harmonisation of \n\nsafety standards and consistency of their implementation. Whilst \n\nconsidering that such a result Is highly desirable and is to be \n\nwelcomed, It is not at this stage, an objective of the Commission. However, it Is considered that appropriate studies on the structure \n\nof such an organisation should be initiated. - 5 -\n\n8. The current effectiveness of the JAA could be limited by the fact \n\nthat it Is a purely volountary arrangement, lacking a legal \n\nframework, and that not all EC States are currently members. This Directive is aimed at strengthening the JAA by making this \n\nvoluntary arrangement binding by Incorporating it Into community \n\nlegislation. This will require the Member States to adopt common \n\ncodes of technical requirements and to adhere to the administrative \n\nrequirements and procedures of the JAA. The comprehensive set of codes of technical requirements above, is \n\nbeing developed and as the Individual codes are completed they will \n\nbe added to the directive through the use of a committee. 9. Many Member States, either through national research organisations or \n\nthrough their civil aviation authorities, carry out research work \n\naimed at improving civil aviation safety. This work is rarely co \n\nordinated and consequently Is not as effective as It could be. All research work should be co-ordinated through the JAA to ensure \n\nmaximum benefit from the relatively limited funds available. 10. The progressive development of a complete set of codes, and the \n\ncontinuous amendment of existing codes In the light of service \n\nexperience and technical progress, will require a relatively \n\nfrequent modification of Annex 2 of the Directive. To avoid an \n\nunacceptable burden being put on the Council by the submission of \n\nrevised directives several times a year, It is proposed that the \n\nCommission Is empowered to adopt these amendments with the \n\nassistance of a committee, which will make recommendations to the \n\nCommission. This Committee must be capable of understanding the \n\ntechnical reasoning behind the proposals and consequently It Is \n\nanticipated that Member States will normally nominate Committee \n\nMembers from their national aviation administration. - 6 -\n\nCOMMENTS ON THE VARIOUS ARTICLES \n\nArticle 1 \n\nThis Article sets the scope of the Directive. Article 2 \n\nThis Article lays down the necessary definitions, \n\nArticle 3 \n\nThis Article lays down the common technical requirements and procedures to \n\nbe adopted as sole national codes for the certification of the design, \n\nmanufacture and maintenance of aviation products, operation of aircraft, \n\nand of the organisations, persons and services Involved In these tasks. These codes will be adopted into community legislation through the \n\nprocedures specified in Article 10, and are indicated In Annex 2. It \n\nrecognizes that, until specific JAR codes are completed. Member States may \n\ncontinue to use the equivalent national code until the JAR code Is adopted \n\ninto community legislation. - 7 -\n\nArticle 4 \n\nThis Article requires the Member States to ensure their civil aviation \n\nauthorities adhere to the arrangements document. The arrangements require the authorities to commit themselves to co-operate \n\nIn all aspects related to the safety of aircraft, in particular Its design, \n\nmanufacture, continued airworthiness, maintenance and operation to ensure \n\nthat a high consistent level of safety Is achieved throughout the Member \n\nStates, to avoid duplication of work between the authorities and to \n\nfacilitate exchange of products, services and persons not only between the \n\nparties but also between the parties and \n\nothers. This is achieved by the \n\nMember States Joining the JAA to develop, adopt and implement Joint \n\nAviation Requirements (JARs). This Article also requires the Member States to take the necessary measures \n\nto enable the Community to participate in the JAA organisations. Article 5 \n\nThis Article establishes the mutual acceptance of aviation products that \n\nhave been designed, manufactured, operated and maintained in accordance \n\nwith the requirements of this Directive. It Introduces a mechanism by which \n\nproducts that have not been certificated to the common requirements and \n\nprocedures can achieve mutual recognition. This mechanism is a technical \n\nassessment, carried out by the JAA, to determine that the level of safety \n\nof the product is broadly equivalent to that required by the common \n\nrequirements and procedures. - 8 -\n\nArticle 6 \n\nThis Article establishes the mutual acceptance of the certification of \n\norganisations and persons, Involved In the design, manufacture and \n\nmaintenance of products and operation of aircraft, In accordance with the \n\ncommon requirements and procedures of this Directive. Article 7 \n\nThis Article recognizes that Member States may need to react Immediately to \n\na safety problem. In this situation the Member States involved shall inform \n\nthe Commission immediately of the problem, the actions taken and the \n\nreasons for its decision, and identifying. If possible, whether the \n\nproblem Is non-compliance with the requirements, an Inadequate requirement, \n\nor gap in the requirements. The Commission shall consult with the Member States and the JAA to \n\ndetermine whether the actions taken are Justified and if there Is a need to \n\nrevise the common requirements and procedures. In this case the Commission \n\nwill ask the JAA to propose a new code, or changes to an existing one. Article 8 \n\nThis Article calls for the co-ordination, through the JAA, of civil \n\naviation safety research within the Member States to improve the efficient \n\nuse of resources and enable maximum benefit of such work to be realised. The Commission shall be Informed of the measures taken to achieve co \n\nordination and may take any necessary initiatives to Improve such co-\n\nordlnatIon. Article 9 \n\nThis Article provides the mechanism by which the Commission Is notified of \n\nchanges: either to the common requirements and procedures specified in \n\nAnnex 2, In the form of a new JAR code or as a change to an existing one; \n\nor modifications to the arrangements specified In Annex 1. Article 10 \n\nThe Commission will adopt the changes notified in accordance with Article 9 \n\ninto Community legislation through the use of a committee. Where a new code, or change to an existing code, incorporates a national \n\nvariant the Commission shall decide, following advice from the committee \n\nwhether this national variant should be made applicable for all Member \n\nStates, or not included In the common requirements and procedures. Article 11 \n\nThis Article lays down to the composition and procedures for the committee. Article 12 \n\nProcedural Article \n\nArticle 13 \n\nProcedural Article \n\n\f- 10 -\n\nProposal for a \n\nCOUNCIL Pi RECTIYE \n\non the harmonization of technical requirements and procedures \n\napplicable to civil aircraft \n\nTHE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES, \n\nHaving regard to the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community, \n\nand in particular Article 84(2) thereof. Having regard to the proposal from the Commission, \n\nHaving regard to the opinion of the European Parliament, \n\nHaving regard to the opinion of the Economic and Social Committee, \n\nWhereas It Is important to adopt measures with the aim of progressively \n\nestablishing the Internal market over a period expiring on 31 December \n\n1992 as provided for In Article 8(a) of the Treaty-, whereas the Internal \n\nmarket shall comprise an area without Internal frontiers in which the free \n\nmovement of goods, persons, services and capital is ensured; \n\nWhereas the current restrictions on the transfer of aircraft and aviation \n\nproducts between Member States would cause distortions to the Internal \n\nmarket; whereas such restrictions are due to different safety provisions In \n\nthe Member States-, \n\nWhereas safety is a basic provision of Community air transport; whereas \n\naccording to the Convention on International Civil Aviation signed in \n\nChicago on 7 December 1944, Member States have the responsibility to \n\nimplement requirements for the safe operation of civil aircraft; \n\nWhereas several European civil aviation authorities have established the \n\nJoint Aviation Authorities organisation (hereinafter called the JAA), as an \n\n\f- 11 -\n\nassociated body of the European Civil Aviation Conference, to develop \n\narrangements to co-operate on the development and implementation of Joint \n\nAviation Requirements (JARs) in all the fields related to safety of \n\naircraft and their operation; \n\nWhereas It Is appropriate to harmonise safety levels by establishing common \n\nrequirements and procedures on the basis of JAA codes; \n\nWhereas, to facilitate harmonisation, all Member States should become \n\nmembers of the JAA and the Commission should participate in the JAA \n\norganisations; \n\nWhereas Member States should accept the certification of products, and \n\norganisations or persons concerned with \n\nthe design, manufacture, \n\nmaintenance and operation of products, without further technical work or \n\nevaluation, when the product, organisation or person has been certificated \n\nIn accordance with the common requirements and procedures-, \n\nWhereas emergency problems in aviation might arise: whereas in such cases \n\nthe Member State must take all appropriate measures: whereas a reason must \n\nbe given for the measures and, where the reason is a shortcoming In the \n\ncommon requirements and procedures, the Commission should request the JAA \n\nto propose such amendments; \n\nWhereas It is appropriate that funding by the Member states of research to \n\nImprove aviation safety be co-ordinated to ensure efficient use of \n\nresources and to enable the maximum benefit to be achieved; \n\nWhereas it Is appropriate to delegate the power to the Commission to \n\nintroduce new common requirements and procedures, or amendments to existing \n\nones, as developed by the JAA, assisted by a committee composed of experts \n\nnominated by the Member States, In accordance with procedure I of \nCouncil Decision 87/373/EEC<1>, \n\nHAS ADOPTED THIS DIRECTIVE: \n\n(1) OJ No L 197, 18. 7. 1987, p. 33. - 12 -\n\nArticle 1 \n\nThis Directive shall apply to the harmonisation of technical, operational \n\nand administrative requirements and procedures In the field of safety of \n\ncivil aviation with respect to: \n\nthe design, manufacture, operation and maintenance of aircraft \n\nregistered In the Member States of the Community. persons and organisations Involved in these tasks. the mutual acceptance within the Commmunlty of certification \n\ngranted by any Member State of the Community on the basis of \n\nthese requirements and procedures. Article 2 \n\nFor the purpose of this Directive : \n\n1. \"certification\" means the legal recognition that a product, service, \n\norganisation or person complies with the applicable requirements. Such certification comprises the activity of technically checking the \n\nproduct, service, organization or person; and the formal recognition \n\nof compliance with the applicable requirements by Issue of a \n\ncertificate, licence, approval or other document as required by \n\nnational laws and procedures. In particular, certification of a product Involves : \n\n(a) \n\nthe process of assessing the design of a product to ensure that \n\nIt complies with a set of standards applicable to that type of \n\nproduct so as to demonstrate an acceptable level of safety; \n\n\f- 13 -\n\n(b) \n\nthe process of assessing an individual product to ensure \n\nthat It conforms with the certificated type design; \n\n(c) \n\nthe issue of any certificate required by national laws to \n\ndeclare that compliance or conformity has been found with \n\napplicable standards In accordance with paragraph (a) or (b) \n\nabove. 2. \"arrangements\" means arrangements developed under the auspices of the \n\nEuropean Civil Aviation Conference, to co-operate In the development \n\nand Implementation of Joint requirements In all the fields related to \n\nsafety of aircraft and the safe operation of aircraft. These \n\narrangements are specified In Annex 1. 3. \"product\" means any civil aircraft, or aircraft engine, propeller, \n\nappliance, material, part or component to be installed thereon, new \n\nor used. 4. \"maintenance\" means the ongoing process of Inspections, servicing, \n\nmodification and repair throughout the lifetime of an aircraft needed \n\nto ensure that the aircraft remains in compliance with the \n\ncertificated type design and consistent with a high standard of \n\nsafety; this shall include modifications made mandatory by the \n\nauthorities party to the arrangements in accordance with continuing \n\na Irwor t h Iness poI Icy. 5. \"national variant\" means a national requirement or regulation Imposed \n\nby a given country additional to, or instead of, a JAR provision. The \n\nnational variants are Indicated in the relevant JAR code. 6. \"JAR\" means \"Joint Aviation Requirements\", that is requirements \n\ndeveloped and maintained by the JAA Including procedural requirements \n\nIn accordance with the arrangements. - 14 -\n\nArticle 3 \n\n1. Member States shall adopt as their sole national codes, and apply not \n\nlater than 1 January 1993, the codes relating to the common \n\nrequirements and procedures specified In Annex 2 and adopted by the \n\nCommission under Article 10. 2. Where by 1 January 1993, and as long as, a specific code Is not \n\nadopted, Member States may use the relevant part of their existing \n\nnational codes. Article 4 \n\n1. Member States shall ensure that their civil aviation authorities \n\nmeet the conditions for membership of the JAA specified in, and shall \n\nsign, the arrangements not later than 1 January 1992. 2. Member States shall take the necessary steps to enable the Commission \n\nto participate In the JAA organisations mentioned in point 4 of the \n\narrangements. Article 5 \n\n1. Member States shall accept products designed, manufactured, operated \n\nand maintained In compliance with the common requirements and \n\nprocedures, without further technical requirements or evaluation, \n\nwhen the products have been certificated or approved by another \n\nMember State. When the original acceptance is for a particular \n\npurpose, or purposes, the subsequent acceptances shall cover the same \n\npurpose(s). - 15 -\n\n2. Member States shall accept products that have not been certificated \n\nin compliance with the common requirements and procedures subject to \n\na technical assessment, by the JAA, to determine that the product's \n\nlevel of safety is broadly equivalent to that required by the common \n\nrequirements and procedures. Article 6 \n\nMember States shall accept the certification, granted by another Member \n\nState In accordance with the common requirements and procedures, of \n\norganisations or persons concerned with the design, manufacture, and \n\nmaintenance of products, and operation of aircraft, without further \n\ntechnical requirements or evaluation. Article 7 \n\n1. Where \n\na Member \n\nState ascertains \n\nthat \n\na product \n\ndesigned, \n\nmanufactured, operated and maintained in accordance with this \n\nDirective Is likely to Jeopardize aviation safety, it shall take all \n\nthe appropriate measures. The Member State shall \n\nInform the \n\nCommission Immediately of these measures and Indicate the reasons for \n\nits decision, stating in particular whether the safety problem \n\nresults from : \n\nnon-compliance of the product with the common requirements and \n\nprocedures, \n\nan inadequate safety level of the common requirements and \n\nprocedures, \n\na lacuna In the common requirements and procedures with regard \n\nto the definition of the product or procedure. - 16 -\n\n2. The Commission shall enter into consultation with the Member States \n\nand the JAA as soon as possible. Where, after such consultation the \n\nCommission finds that the measure refered to In paragraph 1 Is \n\nJustified, it shall forthwith so inform the Member States. Where the \n\nmeasure Is attributed to shortcomings in the common requirements and \n\nprocedures, the Commission shall ask the JAA to develop a new code or \n\namendments to an existing code. Article 8 \n\nThe Member States shall take the necessary steps to co-ordinate, through \n\nthe JAA, their programmes of research for Improvement In safety of civil \n\naircraft and their operation and to inform the Commission thereof. The \n\nCommission may take, In consultation with the Member States, any useful \n\ninitiative to promote such coordination of policies and programmes of \n\nresearch carried out at national level. Article 9 \n\nMember States shall ensure that the Commission Is notified of : new or \n\namended requirements and procedures when they are completed and agreed In \n\naccordance with the arrangement's procedures; and modification to the \n\narrangements. They shall also inform the Commission of the extent and \n\nresults of the consultation by the JAA with Industry and other interested \n\nbodies. - 17 -\n\nArticle 1Q \n\n1. The Commission Is hereby empowered In accordance with the procedure \n\nset out In Article 11 : \n\nto make the necessary changes to the Annexes; \n\nto adopt the codes relating to the common requirements and \n\nprocedures specified in Annex 2, and amendments to those codes. 2. If a new code, or amendment to an existing code, developed by the JAA \n\ncontains a national variant for a Member State, the Commission shall \n\ndecide, In accordance with the procedure set out In Article 11, to \n\nmake the variant applicable for all Member States, or not to Include \n\nIt In the common requirements and procedures. Article 11 \n\n1. The Commission shall be assisted by a committee of an advisory nature \n\ncomposed of the representatives of the Member States and chaired by \n\nthe representative of the Commission. 2. The representative of the Commission shall submit to the Committee a \n\ndraft of the measures to be taken. The Committee shall deliver its \n\nopinion on the draft, within a time limit which the Chairman may lay \n\ndown according to the urgency of the matter, If necessary by taking a \n\nvote. - 18 -\n\n3. The opinion shall be recorded In the minutes; in addition, each \n\nMember State shall have the right to ask to have its position \n\nrecorded In the minutes. 4. The Commission shall take the utmost account of the opinion delivered \n\nby the Committee. It shall inform the committee of the manner In \n\nwhich its opinion has been taken Into account. Article 12 \n\n1. Member States shall, after consultation with the Commission, \n\ntake the necessary steps to bring into force the laws, regulations \n\nand administrative provisions necessary to comply with this Directive \n\nnot later than 31 December 1991. They shall Immediately Inform the \n\nCommission thereof. These provisions shall make express reference to this Directive. 2. Member States shall comunicate to the Commission all subsequent laws \n\nand administrative provisions adopted In the field governed by this \n\nDirective. A r t i c le 13 \n\nThis Directive Is addressed to the Member States. Done at Brussels, \n\nFor the Council \n\nThe President \n\n\f- 19 -\n\nANNEX 1 \n\nARRANGEMENTS REFERRED TO IN ARTICLE 2 PARAGRAPH 2 \n\n\"Arrangements Concerning the Development, the Acceptance and the \n\nImplementation of Joint Aviation Requirements\" signed on 6 December \n\n1989 in Paris. - 20 -\n\nANNEX 2 \n\nCommon Requirements and Procedures referred \n\nto in Article 3 \n\nSubject \n\nAdopted by decision of \n\nthe Commission on : \n\n1. General and procedures \n\nJAR 1 \n\nDefinitions \n\nJAR 11 \n\nGeneral rule-making procedures \n\n2. Type Certification of Products and Parts \n\na) List of Codes \n\nJAR 22 \n\nSailplanes and Powered Sailplanes \n\nJAR 25 \n\nLarge Aeroplanes \n\nJAR AWO All Weather Operations \n\nJARE \n\nEngines \n\nJAR P \n\nPropellers \n\nJAR APU Auxiliary Power Units \n\nJAR TSO Technical Standards Orders \n\nAuthor isat ions \n\nJAR VLA Very Light Aeroplanes \n\n\f- 21 -\n\nANNEX 2 \n\nPage 2 \n\nJAR 23 \n\nSmall Aeroplanes \n\nJAR 23 \n\nCommuter Aeroplanes \n\nJAR 27 \n\nNormal Category Rotorcraft \n\nJAR 29 \n\nTransport Category Rotorcraft \n\nJAR 36 \n\nNoise Standards : aircraft type \n\nand individual certification \n\nJAR 39 \n\nAirworthiness Directives and \n\nRetroactive requirements \n\nb) Applicability \n\nJAR 21 \n\nCertification procedures for \n\nproducts and parts \n\nThe JAR 21 code defines the code applicable to new products, new \n\nderivatives, existing products certificated to JAA standards and \n\nprocedures, changes to a product etc. The JAR 21 code states that the applicable Issue of the code is \n\ndefined \n\ntaking \n\ninto account \n\nthe \n\ndate \n\nof \n\napplication \n\nfor \n\ncertification. In accordance with the bilateral agreements of the \n\nMember States, the date of application for Imported products is the \n\ndate of application to the primary authority. The JAR 21 code also makes provisions for equivalent safety \n\ndemonstrations or for additional \n\nrequirements called \n\nSpecial \n\nConditions which may be required, though not included In the \n\nairworthiness codes, for the certification of a specific product. - 22 -\n\nANNEX 2 \n\nPage 3 \n\n3. Maintenance \n\n(a) \n\nGeneral \n\nThe maintenance of aircraft Is a responsibility of the \n\noperator. Therefore the relevant requirements are specified In \n\nthe appropriate JAR-OPS maintenance chapter (see paragraph 4 \n\nbelow). This chapter also covers the acceptance of the \n\noperators' maintenance arrangements. Such acceptance may be \n\nbased \n\non \n\ncertificated \n\nmaintenance \n\norganisations and \n\ncertificated maintenance personnel. (b) \n\nList of codes \n\nJAR-OPS \n\nMaintenance chapter : see paragraph 4 below \n\nJAR 145 \n\nCertification of maintenance organisations \n\nJAR 65 Sub-Part E Certification of maintenance personnel \n\n(c) \n\nApplicability \n\nThe maintenance requirements apply to operators, organisations \n\nand persons and therefore cover all aircraft, parts and \n\ncomponents regardless of whether these aircraft, parts or \n\ncomponents have been certificated to a common code. - 23 -\n\nANNEX 2 \n\nPage 4 \n\n4. Operations \n\nJAR-OPS Part 1 Commercial Air Transportation \n\n(Aeroplanes) \n\nJAR-OPS Part 2 General Aviation (all aircraft \n\nexcept helicopters) \n\n- Aerial Work \n\n- Corporate Operations \n\n- Private \n\nJAR-OPS Part 3 Helicopters \n\n- Commercial Air Transportation \n\n- Aerial Work \n\n- Corporate Operations \n\n- Private \n\n5. Certification of Persons \n\nJAR 61 \n\nCertification of Pilots and flight Instructors \n\nJAR 63 Certification of Flight crew members other than pilots \n\nJAR 65 Certification of Aircrew other than flight \n\ncrew members. JAR 67 Medical standards and certification. - 24 -\n\nANNEX 2 \n\nPage 5 \n\n6. Certification of Organisations \n\nJAR 141 Pilot schools \n\nJAR 143 Ground Instructors \n\nJAR 145 Maintenance organisations \n\nJAR 147 Maintenance personnel training schools \n\n\f- 25 -\n\nC O M P E T I T I V E N E SS AND E M P L O Y M E NT I M P A CT S T A T E M E NT \n\nI. W h at is the m a in r e a s on for i n t r o d u c i ng the m e a s u r e? \n\nT h is p r o p o s al c o n c e r ns the h a r m o n i s a t i on of t e c h n i c al \nr e q u i r e m e n ts and p r o c e d u r es and t h e ir a p p l i c a t i on to civil \na i r c r a f t. This h a r m o n i s a t i on will be b a s ed on the a d o p t i on of \ne u r o p e an J o i nt A v i a t i on R e q u i r e m e n ts ( J A R s) and t h e ir \na p p l i c a t i on t h r o u gh the J o i nt A v i a t i on A u t h o r i t i es ( J A A) \no r g a n i s a t i o n. 11. F e a t u r es of the b u s i n e ss in q u e s t i on \n\nAll e n t e r p r i s es w h i ch m a n u f a c t u re a i r c r a ft and a v i a t i on \np r o d u c t s, and a i r c r a ft o p e r a t o r s. III. W h at o b l i g a t i o ns d o es t h is m e a s u re i m p o se d i r e c t ly on \n\nb u s i n e s s e s? \n\nA i r c r a ft and a v i a t i on p r o d u c ts shall be m a n u f a c t u r e d, \no p e r a t ed and m a i n t a i n ed in a c c o r d a n ce w i th the p r o v i s i o ns \nof this p r o p o s a l. IV. What i n d i r e ct o b l i g a t i o ns are n a t i o n a l, r e g i o n al or local \n\na u t h o r i t i es l i k e ly to i m p o se on b u s i n e s s? \n\nI m p l e m e n t a t i on of the o b l i g a t i o ns as d e s c r i b ed u n d er I I I. Y. Are t h e re any special p r o v i s i o ns in r e s p e ct of S M E ' s? \n\nN o n e. V I. W h at is the l i k e ly e f f e ct on: \n\na ) T_he \u00a3ompe. tj_tj_ve. ne. s 1 \u00a3 ^ _b\u00a3sin\u00a3s\u00b1 \n\nThe i n t e r n al c o m p e t i t i v e n e ss of e n t e r p r i s es \nm a n u f a c t u r i ng or o p e r a t i ng a i r c r a ft and a v i a t i on \np r o d u c ts will be e q u a l i s ed by a p p l y i ng h a r m o n i s ed \nt e c h n i c al r e q u i r e m e n ts and p r o c e d u r e s. Emp_l o y m e \u00a3t \n\nNo e f f e c t. - 26 -\n\nYII. Have the relevant r e p r e s e n t a t i ve organisations been \n\nconsul ted? \n\nThe representative o r g a n i s a t i o ns of aircraft \nmanufacturers and operators have been consulted. Their \nopinions are as follows: \n\nAircraft manufacturers strongly support the proposals but \nbelieve the Commission should be requiring the \nestablishment of a single european aviation \nadministration as soon as p o s s i b l e. The aircraft operators also support the proposals but are \nconcerned about the possible introduction of a further \nlayer of bureaucracy in an, already, highly regulated \nindustry. ISSN 0254-1475 \n\nCOM(90) 442 final \n\nDOCUMENTS \n\nEN \n\n07 \n\nCatalogue number : CB-CO-90-503-EN-C \nISBN 92-77-64734-5 \n\nPRICE \n\n1 \u2022 30 pages: 3. 50 ECU \n\nper additional 10 pages: 1. 25 ECU \n\nOffice for Official Publications of the European Communities \nL-2985 Luxembourg"} +{"cellarURIs": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/32f9ce05-7f85-45e1-b320-15712e14b3ca", "title": "Written Question No. 2167/90 by Mr Jean-Claude Pasty to the Commission of the European Communities. 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Fast food packaging and environmental protection", "langIdentifier": "ENG", "mtypes": "print", "workTypes": "http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#question_parliamentary,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#question_written,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#resource_legal,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#work", "authors": "European Parliament,GLINNE", "date": "1990-09-27", "subjects": "Germany,environmental protection,packaging product,waste recycling", "workIds": "celex:91990E002170", "eurovoc_concepts": ["Germany", "environmental protection", "packaging product", "waste recycling"], "url": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/e72b7098-ccde-4331-bb34-34ac78f209e9", "lang": "eng", "formats": ["print"]} +{"cellarURIs": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/92565215-3425-479a-920b-62efa43d74c4", "title": "Commission Regulation (EEC) No 2769/90 of 27 September 1990 on interim measures applicable in the beef and veal sector after the unification of Germany", "langIdentifier": "ENG", "mtypes": "html,pdfa1b,print", "workTypes": "http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#legislation_secondary,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#regulation,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#resource_legal,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#work", "authors": "European Commission", "date": "1990-09-27", "subjects": "German Democratic Republic,Germany,market prices,transitional period (EU),unification of Germany", "workIds": "celex:31990R2769,oj:JOL_1990_267_R_0017_034", "eurovoc_concepts": ["German Democratic Republic", "Germany", "market prices", "transitional period (EU)", "unification of Germany"], "url": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/92565215-3425-479a-920b-62efa43d74c4", "lang": "eng", "formats": ["html", "pdfa1b", "print"]} +{"cellarURIs": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/34ae5e61-c6df-4cd1-a949-261743fce403", "title": "PROPOSAL FOR A COUNCIL REGULATION ( EEC ) OPENING AND PROVIDING FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF COMMUNITY TARIFF QUOTAS FOR COD AND FISH OF THE SPECIES BOREOGADUS SAIDA, DRIED, SALTED OR IN BRINE, ORIGINATING IN NORWAY ( 1991 )", "langIdentifier": "ENG", "mtypes": "pdf", "workTypes": "http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#act_preparatory,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#proposal_act,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#proposal_regulation_ec,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#resource_legal,http://publications.europa.eu/ontology/cdm#work", "authors": "European Commission", "date": "1990-09-27", "subjects": "Norway,salted product,sea fish,tariff quota", "workIds": "celex:51990PC0444,comnat:COM_1990_0444_FIN", "eurovoc_concepts": ["Norway", "salted product", "sea fish", "tariff quota"], "url": "http://publications.europa.eu/resource/cellar/34ae5e61-c6df-4cd1-a949-261743fce403", "lang": "eng", "formats": ["pdf"], "text": "COMMISSION OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES \n\nCOM(90)444 final \n\nBrussels, 21 September 1990 \n\nProposal for a \n\nCOUNCIL REGULATION (EEC) \n\nopening and providing for the administration of Community tariff quotas for \ncod and fish of the species Boreogadus saida, dried, salted or in brine, \n\noriginating in Norway \n\n( 1 9 9 1) \n\n(presented by the Commission) \n\n\fExplanatory Memorandum \n\n1. The Agreements in the form of exchanges of letters between the European \n\nEconomic Community and Norway concerning agriculture and fisheries, \n\napproved by the Council Decision of 15 September 1986, \n\nprovide in \n\nparticular for the annual opening, on a date to be arranged by common \n\naccord, of Community tariff quotas for the following products originating \n\nin Norway, for which the volumes and duties applicable are given below: \n\n| Common Customs I \n| Tariff heading | \n| \nNo \nI \n\nD e s c r i p t i o nj \n\nQuota | Rate of I \nI volume | duty | \n| \nI (tonnes) | \n\nj 03. 02 \n| \nI \n| \n| \n| \n| \nI \nI \nj \nj \n\nI. Whole, headless or in pieces: \n\n| \nj Fish, dried, salted or in brine; \n| smoked fish, whether or not cooked \n| \n| before or during the smoking process: | \n| \n| A. Dried, salted or in brine: \n| \n| \n| \n| \n| \n| \nI \nI \n| \n| \n\nBoreogadusssaida, Gadus \no g a c ): \n-Dried, unsalted \n-Dried, salted \n-Wet salted, or in brine \n\nb) Cod (Gadus morhua, \n\nj \n| \n| \n| \n| \n| \nj \n\nj \n| \n| \nj \nj \n| \nj \n\nI\nj 3 900 | \nj 13 250 | \nj 10 000 | \n\nII \n\nOX | \nOX | \nOX j \n\nThe quota of 3 900 tonnes forseen for cod, dried and not salted is opened, \n\nat the request of the Norwegian authorities, starting on 1 January 1991. The current proposal forsees, therefore the coming into application of the other \n\nquotas for the period 1 April to 31 December 1991 taking into account the \n\nentry into force of the Combined Nomenclature which replaces that of the \nCommon Customs Tariff. In order to respect the ruling of the Court of Justice of 27 September 1988 \n\nin case 51/87 the Commission proposes not to allocate the tariff quota volumes \n\namong the Member States but to allow the latter to draw against the said volumes \n\nquantities corresponding to real needs that have been reported, as is \n\nthe usual practice in similar cases. In addition, this procedure is more \n\nin keeping with the Community nature of these tariff quotas. 1 \n\n0J No L 328, 22. 11. 1986, p. 7 6. 100 Employees \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 -\n\nI \n\nD L UK \u0392 NL DK E \u03a1 F IRL GR \n\n-\n\n12 Change in Usual Weekly Working Hours in t he \n\nMember States 1975\u00ad1987 \n\n\u25a1 1975 \u25a0 1987 \n\n50 Hours \n\n45 \n\n40 -\n\n100 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n50 \n\n45 \n\n40 \n\n35 \n\n30 \n\nNL DK UK \n\nIRL GR \n\n23 \n\n\fChapter 1 Employment in the European Community \n\n13 Changes in the Female Share of Total \nEmployment in the Member States \n\n1977\u00ad1987 \n\nD 1977 \u25a0 1987 \n\nTC 1987 - 38. 5% \n\nEC 1977 - 35. 5% \n\n% Total Employment \n\n50 \n\n4 b \n\n40 h \n\n35 \n\n30 -\n\n25 \n\nDK UK F \u03a1 D \u0392 NL GR L I IRL E \n\n14 Female Share of Total Employment a nd of t he \nVolume of Employment in the Member \nStates 1987 \n\n50 \n\n45 \n\n40 \n\n35 \n\n30 \n\n25 \n\nFemale Share (%) \n\nTotal Employmenl \n\n\u03a0 Volume of Employment \n\nEC Total - 38. 5 % \n\nEC Volume - 35. 2 % \n\n24-\n\nDK UK F \n\n\u03a1 D \n\n\u0392 NL GR L I IRL E \n\nUnemployment remains a serious \nproblem and is still over 9% of the \nlabour force across the Community \nas a whole. Over half those now \nunemployed have been without \nwork for longer than a year and over \n30% for more than two years (Graph \n15). Prospects for improvement will \ndepend largely on reducing overall \nunemployment and the effective\u00ad\nness of specific measures. Unemployment rates among young \npeople below the age of 25 have de\u00ad\nc l i n ed from t h e ir 1984 p e a k. However, although unemployment \nis falling more rapidly among young \npeople than in the labour force as a \nwhole, and may be expected to con\u00ad\ntinue to do so in the short term, \nunemployment rates for this age \ngroup still remain high relative to \nthose adults (Graph 16). There are wide divergences in youth \nu n e m p l o y m e nt r a t es b e t w e en \nMember States, more now t h an \nwhen they were at their peak. In \nMay 1989 unemployment rates for \nyoung people were in excess of 30% \nin Italy, Greece and Spain and \naround 20% in Belgium, France and \nIreland. In the Federal Republic of \nGermany, however, the unemploy\u00ad\nment rate for young people, at 5. 5%, \nis now lower than the overall rate, \nand those aged under 25 now ac\u00ad\nc o u nt for only 17% of t he \nunemployed compared with over \n45% in Italy, Spain and Portugal. The failure to reduce unemploy\u00ad\nment has been the cause of consid\u00ad\nerable tension and much debate in \nthe Community about alternative \nstrategies and policies. There re\u00ad\nmains an urgent need to adapt and \nequip the Community labour force \nwith the skills necessary to face the \nchallenge of the coming years. As the pace of economic growth has \nquickened, progress in reversing \n\n50 \n\n45 \n\n40 \n\n35 \n\n30 \n\n25 \n\n50 \n\n45 \n\n40 \n\n35 \n\n30 \n\n25 \n\n\fthese trends has begun but many of \nthe benefits have not gone to those \nmost in need. Much more effective \naction ranging across the breadth of \nsociety will be needed if many of \nthose hit hardest by economic reces\u00ad\nsion a re n ot left behind in t he \nrecovery process. Opportunities and \nChallenges \n\nAll Member States of t he Com\u00ad\nmunity, and all citizens in Member \nStates, must be able to see potential \nbenefit from t he o p p o r t u n i t i es \nwhich now exist and from respond\u00ad\ning to the challenges they face if \nthey are to make the necessary ef\u00ad\nforts to a d a pt a nd grow. Unfortunately, the long periods of \nrecession or slow growth during the \npast decade or more have not made \nthis easy. Despite these negative aspects, \nmuch was achieved in the difficult \nyears of the early 1980s \u00ad through \nboth collective n e g o t i a t i on a nd \nlegislation \u00ad in bringing greater \nadaptability to the Community's \neconomy and to its labour markets. Many of the changes achieved were \noverdue and are to be welcomed. However, change h as often taken \nplace in a haphazard and erratic \nway. The new, more 'employment\u00adintens\u00ad\nive' p a t t e rn of g r o w th t h at is \nemerging in the Community will \nneed to be strengthened. Dealing \nwith run\u00addowns and closures in the \n1970s and early 1980s h as left be\u00ad\nhind attitudes towards the use of \nhuman resources whereby labour \nsaving economic growth had become \nenshrined as a good thing. Such at\u00ad\ntitudes are inappropriate for facing \nthe future. Chapter 1 Employment in the European Community \n\n15 Long\u00adTerm a nd Very Long\u00adTerm \n\nUnemployment in Relation to Total \nUnemployment in the Community 1987 \n\n% Labour Force \n\n25 \n\n> 2 Years D 1 - 2 Years < 1 Year \n\n20 \n\n15 -\n\n10. \u25a0. ml li \n\nL DK D GR \u03a1 NL F \u0399 \u0392 UK IRL E \n\n16 Youth Unemployment a nd Total \n\nUnemployment in the Community \n(Seasonally Adjusted) May 1989 \n\n% Labour Force \n\n40 \n\n\u03a0 All Ages \n\n< 25 Years \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\nEC < 25 Years - 17 8 % \n\n^Q EC All Ages - 9. 3 % \n\nL D UK DK \u03a1 NE \u0392 F IRL GR I F \n\n25-\n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\n\fChapter 1 Employment in the European Community \n\na nd \n\nCertainly, the process of capital ex-\np a n s i on \nt e c h n o l o g i c al \ndevelopment must continue since \nthis is the basis for much economic \nadvance. However, this process has \nbeen distorted in the past by a lack \nof adjustment of wages, by financial \nsubsidies to capital, and it has been \ndominated by short-term thinking. Such attitudes overlook the new \npatterns of growth that are emerg \ning, which will be very different \nfrom the mass production models of \nthe past, and which will reflect \nmuch greater concern about the \nquality of life, about cultural devel \nopment and about respecting and \ndefending the environment. The Community has a population of \nworking age which needs to be em \nployed - if people cannot work they \nhave difficulty in contributing. If \npeople c a n n ot c o n t r i b u t e, \nt h ey \nbecome an economic cost to Euro \npean society. Minimising that cost \nby a gradual erosion of unemploy \nment and social security benefits is \nnot a positive response to the chal \nlenge t h at Europe faces. Europe \nneeds to invest in such people so \nthat they can contribute to their \nmaximum ability and not be written \noff. The f u n d a m e n t al conditions for \ngrowth and employment creation in \nthe Community have improved. The \neconomic and social policies de \nveloped and pursued in recent years \nare bearing fruit. The past three \nyears have shown a progressive and \nsignificant \nt he \neconomic climate, with an atmos \nphere of renewed confidence and \ninvestment. i m p r o v e m e nt in \n\nthe pursuit of policies to achieve \nthis have strengthened, a process to \nwhich the European Monetary Sys \ntem has contributed considerably. Budgetary policies directed towards \nreducing public deficits have been \nlargely, but not wholly, successful. The rate of return on capital has \nrecovered significantly, boosting in \nvestment although the Community \naverage is still well below its 1960s \nlevel. Possible Scenarios \nfor Future Economic \nand Employment \nGrowth \n\nA faster reduction in unemploy \nm e nt r e q u i r es an even b e t t er \nperformance in increasing employ \nm e nt t h an t h at currently being \nachieved. If it were possible to in \ncrease employment by 1. 5% a year, \nfor e x a m p l e, it would m a ke \nit \npossible both to absorb the expected \nincrease in the labour force - arising \nfrom the increase in the population \nof working age and to the probable \nrise in the participation rates - and \nto reduce unemployment signifi \ncantly. The i m p l i c a t i o ns of s e e k i ng \nto \nachieve a net 1. 5% a year increase \nin employment are illustrated in \nTable 1. This provides an extrapola \ntion of present trends - employment \ngrowth of 1% a year (example 'a') \nand an alternative scenario of em \nployment growth of 1. 5% a year \n(example 'b'). On the former basis \nunemployment would be down to \n7% by 1995. On the latter it would \nbe down to 5%. There has also been a marked re \nduction in social and labour market \ntensions, reflected in lower rates of \ninflation. The consensus on the ob \njective of monetary stability and on \n\nThe increase in the active popula \ntion resulting from the growth of \npopulation of working age is likely \nto slow down from its current rate \nof 0. 7% a year to 0. 1% a year in the \n\nfirst half of the 1990s. The demo \ngraphic p r e s s u re on the \nlabour \nmarkets will thus be slightly re \nduced. On the other hand, a more favour \nable economic and employment \nscenario will probably result in fur \ni n c r e a s es in p a r t i c i p a t i on \nt h er \nrates. It could turn out, for example, \nthat the increase in the labour force \nattributable to a higher participa \ntion rate is around 0. 5% a year in \nthe first half of the 1990s, instead of \n0. 3% a year in the period 1980 to \n1990. Compared with the USA, J a p an or \nthe Scandinavian countries, the \naverage participation rate in the \nCommunity - especially of women -\nis still low. There therefore remains \na potential for large increases in the \nparticipation rate in the coming \nyears. If this were the case, an unemploy \nment rate of 5% by 1995 could still \nbe achieved even with Community \nlabour force growth of 0. 6% a year \n(0. 1% due to growth of population of \nworking age plus 0. 5% due to in \nc r e a s ed \nif \nemployment grew at around 1. 5% a \nyear. p a r t i c i p a t i o n) \n\nAn increase in net employment of \n1% a year between 1990 and 1995 \nwould mean 6. 5 million net addi \ntional jobs, whereas an employment \nincrease of around 1. 5% a year \nwould create 10. 5 million net addi \ntional jobs. An increase in employment of 1. 5% \na year would seem to be necessary \ntherefore in order to reduce unem \nployment significantly during the \nnext few years. If it were achieved, \nit is likely to mean higher growth, \nincreasing wealth and a reduction \nof the burden on public budgets and \nsocial security systems. 26 \n\n\fChapter 1 Employment in the European Community \n\nIn this scenario, the dependency \nratio (the ratio of inactive people of \nall ages including the unemployed, \nto the total in employment) would \nrevert to the level of the 1960s \n(Table 1). This would help the Com \nmunity cope with the pressures on \nsocial security from an ageing popu-\nl a t i o n, a l t h o u gh \ng r e a t er \nproportion of part-time workers in \ntotal employment would reduce the \nbeneficial effects of a fall in the de \npendency ratio. t he \n\nAchieving a medium-term growth of \nemployment of 1. 5% per year may \n\nnot be easy, however. Labour pro \nductivity is currently increasing at \na trend rate of around 2% a year in \nthe Community as a whole. This \nrate could increase to say 2. 5% a \nyear during the next few years as a \nresult of the completion of the Inter \nnal M a r k et (Chapter 5) and an \naccelerated catching up of the Com \nmunity's less favoured countries \nand regions. In t h at case, a medium-\nterm GDP growth rate of 4% or \nhigher would be needed in order to \ngive a 1. 5% growth in employment. Table 1 \n\nPopulation, Active Population a nd \nin the Community \n\nEmployment \n\nAverage annual \n% change \n\n1960 \n1970 \n\n1970 \n1980 \n\n1980 \n1990 \n\n1990 \n1995 \n\nPopulation \n\nActive population \n\n0. 8 \n\n0. 2 \n\n0. 5 \n\n0. 6 \n\n- due to the increase in \n\nthe population of \nworking age \n\n0. 5 \n\n0. 7 \n\n- due to the change in \n\nthe participation rate -0. 3 \n\nEmployment \n\n0. 2 \n\n-0. 1 \n\n0. 2 \n\n0. 3 \n\n0. 8 \n\n0. 7 \n\n0. 1 \n\n0. 3 \n\na \n\n0. 2 \n\n0. 4 \n\n0. 1 \n\n0. 3 \n\n1. 0 \n\nb \n\n0. 2 \n\n0. 6 \n\n0. 1 \n\n0. 5 \n\n1. 6 \n\nLevels \n\n1960 \n\n1970 \n\n1990 \n\n1995 \n\nUnemployment rate \n\nDependency ratio \n\n2. 5 \n\n1. 32 \n\n2. 0 \n\n1. 46 \n\n10. 0 \n\n1. 51 \n\n7. 0 \n\n1. 41 \n\n5. 0 \n\n1. 34 \n\n-27 \n\n\f28 \n\n\fSectoral Changes in Employment \n\nSectoral Changes in Employment \n\nThroughout the last two decades a \nseries of basic structural changes \nhave taken place in the Community \neconomy. These are in line with \nsimilar changes in other \nindus \ntrialised countries. a nd \n\nEmployment in agriculture has de \nclined a l m o st c o n t i n u o u s ly \n-\nalthough it still accounts for 8% of \nin t he Com \nt o t al e m p l o y m e nt \nof \nto h a lf \nup \nm u n i ty \nemployment in many rural areas. Map 19 shows the distribution of \nagricultural employment across the \nCommunity. It is heavily concen \nin t he s o u t h e rn zones -\nt r a t ed \nGreece, southern Italy, northern \nPortugal and Spain, but also well \nrepresented in southern Germany, \nthe Netherlands and north-west \nFrance. Industrial employment has also de \nclined, although in this case the fall \nonly began in 1973. Before then, \nthere was a small rise during the \n1950s and 1960s. Since 1973, how \never, it has declined from over 40% \nto some 33% in 1987 although over \nthe past two years it appears to have \nstabilised and even shown some \nmodest growth. Within this overall \npicture, the decline in some tradi \ntional sectors (such as coal, steel, \nshipbuilding, textiles) has been par \nticularly strong. Employment in the \ncoal and steel industries alone, for \n\nexample, has fallen by around 1 mil \nlion since the early 1970s. The decline in agricultural employ \nment since 1960 and in industrial \nemployment since 1973 has been \noffset by the growth in employment \nin the service sector. Services en \ncompass a wide range of activities \nfrom business services - essentially \nservices to industry or to other parts \nof the service sector - services to \n\nhousehold and personal services as \nwell as banking and insurance and \nhealth care. In c o m m on w i th o t h er \ni n d u s \ntrialised countries, the European \nCommunity has seen the share of \nservice employment grow from less \nt h an 40% in t he early 1960s to \naround 60% of all employment. 17 \n\nSectoral Employment Trends in t he \nCommunity \n\n1960-1987 \n\nServices. __ Millions \nloU r~ \n\n100 \n\n2 9-\n\n\fSectoral Changes in Employment \n\n18 \n\nTotal Employment \n\no \n\n1986 \n\n1 Dot = 10,000 Employed \n\n19 \n\nEmployment in Agriculture \n\n1986 \n\na \n\n1 Dot = 1,000 Employed \n\nE g g^ \n\nCiC^\u00e1 \n\n30 \n\n\fSectoral Changes in Employment \n\n20 \n\nEmployment in Industry \no \n\n1986 \n\n1 Dot = 5,000 Employed \n\n21 \n\nEmployment in Services \n\nC <^ \n\n1986 \n\n1 Dot = 5,000 Employed \n\nC ^^ \n\n31 \n\n\fSectoral Changes in Employment \n\nGains = \n\nLosses = \n\n22 \n\nTotal Gains a nd Losses \no \n\n1975 - 1986 \n\n1 dot = 1,000 Losses/Gains \n\nG ^ \u00a3 24 \n\n23 \n\nGains a nd Losses in Agriculture \n\n1975 - 1986 \n\no \n\n1 dot = 500 Losses/Gains \n\n\u00ef\u00a3=\u00a32d \n\n32 \n\n\fSectoral Changes in Employment \n\n24 \n\nGains a nd Losses in Industry \n\n1975 \u00ad1986 \n\n\u03a9 \n\nGains = \n\nLosses \n\n1 dot = 500 Losses/Gains \n\n25 \n\nGains and Losses in Services \n\n1975 -1986 \n\n1 dot = 500 Losses/Gains \n\n\u0393\u03c4\u039d\u00adg\u00e6i \n\n33 \n\n\f34 \n\n\fChapter 2 Short-term Outlook \n\nChapter 2 Short-term Outlook \n\nInvestment \n\nInvestment has picked up over the \nlast few years, contributing signifi \ncantly to the higher growth in GDP. While investment growth may slow \ndown this year and in the short-\nterm, it is forecast to remain rela \ntively strong as compared with the \nperformance over the past 15 years, \nespecially in new equipment. As \nwith GDP growth, Spain and Portu \ngal seem to be showing the largest \nincreases and the United Kingdom \nand Denmark among the smallest, \nwith expenditure on construction \nbeing especially depressed. 27 \n\nI n v e s t m e nt \n\nAnnual % Chango \n\nThe Economic \nOutlook \n\nEconomic Growth \n\nGrowth of real output in the Com \nmunity in 1988 at 3. 7% was the \nhighest for 12 years. With the excep \nt i on of D e n m a r k, w h e re G DP \na c t u a l ly fell s l i g h t l y, a nd t he \nNetherlands, growth rates in Mem \nber States were between 3% and 5%. In 1989, growth seems to be easing \noff slightly but is still likely to be \nover 37r for the year. The Com \nmission's services estimate t h at the \nshort-term prospect is for some fur \nther moderation to 2. 5 - 3%, with \nSpain, Portugal and Ireland, three \nof the poorest Member States, show \ning the strongest performance (with \ngrowth at around 4%) and Denmark \nand the United Kingdom the wea \nkest (with growth at around 2%). 26 GDP \n\nAnnual % Chango \n\ndepressed state of which made a \nmajor contribution to low inflation \nin the recent past, are now exercis \ning t he r e v e r se effect, boosting \ngrowth by adding to export demand \nfrom primary producing countries \nbut pushing up prices at the same \ntime. Labour costs are also edging up, \nthough at a slower rate than prices, \nwith little sign as yet of any resump \ntion of the wage-price spiral which \nwas a pronounced feature of the \nperiod of high inflation in the 1970s \nand early 80s. While inflation is rising in most \nMember S t a t e s, c u r r e nt a n n u al \nrates are little different from their \nlevel in the 1960s, at around 3 to 4%. The exceptions are Greece and Por \ntugal, where inflation has remained \nin double figures \nthroughout the \n1980s (except in the case of Portugal \nfor a brief period recently) and the \nUK, w h e re inflation h as r i s en \nsharply over the past year. 28 \n\nInflation \n\nInflation \n\nHigher growth rates in the Com \nmunity have been accompanied by \nsome rise in inflation, stimulated by \nincreases in import prices as global \ndemand for primary products has \nrevived and European currencies \nhave fallen against the US dollar. External factors, in the shape of \ncommodity market conditions, the \n\n- 3 5-\n\n\fChapter 2 Short-term Outlook \n\nThe present rise in inflation is fore \ncast to moderate in the short-term \nin almost all Community countries, \nas growth of internal demand and \noutput slows down. Apart from un \nexpected external developments, \nwhich the Community can influence \nbut not control, the main risk is of \nan upsurge in wage costs since the \nlabour market is expected to tighten \nfurther, though not by much. External Balance \n\nThe t r a de balance of the Com \nmunity with the rest of the world, \nwhich registered a surplus of over 1 \nper cent of Community GDP in \n1986, has deteriorated over the past \nthree years, but is still expected to \nbe in small surplus in 1989. It is \nforecast to remain in small surplus \nin the next two years, the more so if \nGDP growth falls by more than pre \ndicted. The major potential external con \ns t r a i nt on growth in \nindividual \nMember States comes not from a \ndeteriorating balance with coun \ntries outside Europe, but from a \nwidening trade imbalance within \nthe Community itself. The risk is \nthat the German surplus, already \nover 6% of GDP, will increase fur \nther, making it more difficult for \nother Member States to sustain \npresent growth rates although a \ncertain external surplus may be \nnatural for highly developed areas. A further problem for some coun \ntries is the continuing high level of \ngovernment borrowing required to \nfinance budget as well as trade defi \ncits. In the case of Greece and Italy, \nin particular, where government \nborrowing h as exceeded 10% of \nGDP for some time, this severely \nlimits the scope for demand expan \nsion. Indeed, the liberalisation of \n\ncapital markets planned as part of \nthe 1992 programme puts added \npressure on these countries to cut \ndeficits and reduce borrowing. numbers in work not going up at the \npresent time, though in most coun \ntries the rate of increase along with \nGDP growth is tending to slow \ndown. 29 \n\nTrade B a l a n ce \n\nUnemployment \n\nAs employment has increased, so \nthe numbers unemployed in the \nCommunity have come down grad \nually, from nearly 11% of the labour \nforce in 1986 to 10% in 1988 and to \n9. 3% in mid-1989. This fall has been \nassisted by demographic factors as \nthe number of young people coming \nonto the labour market each year \nhas declined. Nevertheless, the un \nat \nr a te \ne m p l o y m e nt \naround 18% in Spain and Ireland \nand over 14% in Italy, and in all \ncountries, apart from Luxembourg, \nthe rate is still several times greater \nthan the levels experienced in the \n1960s. r e m a i ns \n\nThe forecast is for a continuing fall \nin unemployment over the short-\nterm, though at a slower pace than \nduring the past two years if GDP \ngrowth moderates as expected. The \nprospect is for the rate across the \nCommunity as a whole to remain \nclose to 10% of the labour force at \nthe end of 1990, on the basis of na \ntional definitions (see Box page \n125). Employment Outlook \n\nEmployment \n\nWith higher output growth, new \njobs have been created in the Com \nmunity and employment has been \nrising. It is likely to go on increasing \nthis year and next, at a rate of \naround 1% a year, so long as GDP \ngrows at the rate forecast. If this \nhappens, some 2 to 3 million new \njobs will be created in the two years \n1989 to 1990, adding to the similar \nnumber created over the past two \nyears. Only in Denmark are the \n\n30 \n\nE m p l o y m e nt \n\n31 \n\nU n e m p l o y m e nt \n\n, % Labour Force \n\n36 \n\n\fPart II Structural Employment Issues \n\nChapter 3 \n\nCommunity Employment a nd the World Economy \n\nChapter 4 \n\nThe Employment Content of Growth \n\nChapter 5 \n\nSectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nChapter 6 \n\nJ ob Quality - For Better Or Worse? \nSME a nd the Self-employed \n\nChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nChapter 8 \n\nThe Demographic Time Bomb \n\nChapter 9 \n\nTraining a nd Employment \n\nChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nChapter 11 Black Economy \n\nChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nChapter 13 New P a r t n e r s h i ps in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nChapter 14 Mobility a nd the E u r o p e an Labour Market \n\n37-\n\n\f38 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nEmployment in the Community is significantly affected by \nthe growth of world trade, the buoyancy of geographically \nproximate markets and the strength of competitors. What \ndoes the future hold in store? \n\nThe prospect of completing the \nCommunity's Internal Market in \n1992 has brought greater aware\u00ad\nness of the Community's place in \nthe world economy. It h as also \ndrawn attention to the interaction \nbetween the level and structure of \nemployment in the Community and \nexternal developments in world \nmarkets. Though economic growth in the Eu\u00ad\nropean C o m m u n i ty h as slowed \ndown appreciably since the early \n1970s, there has been a substantial \nimprovement in recent years and it \nremains one of the richest parts of \nthe world. It accounts for 18% of \ntotal global income and output, yet \nonly 7% of the world's potential la\u00ad\nbour force \u00ad t h o se people aged \nbetween 15 and 64 \u00ad live in Com\u00ad\nm u n i ty c o u n t r i e s. T h o u gh t he \naverage level of income per head in \nthe Community is only two\u00adthirds \nthat of the United States, it is never\u00ad\ntheless three times higher than in \nLatin America and ten times higher \nthan in the developing countries of \nAfrica (see Maps 32, 33 and 34). The Community's importance in \nworld trade is even greater. It ac\u00ad\ncounts for over 35 % of total world \nexports and imports, or for some \n20% excluding trade internal to the \nCommunity \u00ad far in excess of either \nthe United S t a t es or J a p a n. In \n\nmanufacturing, which is by far the \nlargest element of trade, its share of \nworld exports is some 27%. While the Community has declined \nin importance as a manufacturing \nzone since the early 1970s, it still \nproduces around 25% of all indus\u00ad\ntrial goods produced by the world \neconomy and exports a similar \nshare of these (Map 35). For motor \ncars, the piOduction of which is a \nmajor indicator of economic ad\u00ad\nv a n c e m e n t, t he C o m m u n i ty \n\nremains by some way the world's \nleading manufacturer, accounting \nfor 3 5% of all c a rs p r o d u c ed \n(Map 36). Some 10% of the Community's out\u00ad\nput of goods and services goes to \nworld markets. A similar percent\u00ad\nage of e m p l o y m e nt in t he \nCommunity depends directly on \nthis external trade and more is in\u00ad\ndirectly dependent upon it. 32 Shares of World Income \n\n1988 \n\n^\\ 2% / \u201e \n\n/ X\u2014\u2014\u00a3> \n( 21% z' \n\nvCV. \\ 8% \n\n< 5 X \\ f \n\n5 - 10 X \\\u00ec \n\nA \u00bfe \n\n18%* \n\n14% \n\n^X 8% \n\ny tf \n< ?^ 8% \n\n3% y \n\n\\J\u00fa \n\n>\\ \n\n10% \n\n1% \n\n\u03c0 > \n\n 15 \u03a7 \n\nh \n\n39 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nChanges in the pace of economic \nactivity in the rest of the world thus \nhave an important effect on econ \nomic and employment growth in the \nC o m m u n i t y. E q u a l ly t he Com \nmunity is such a large market for \ngoods and services produced \nin \nother countries t h at the r a te of \nCommunity growth significantly af \nfects how rapidly the rest of the \nworld can expand. Years of high \ngrowth - such as 1988, when world \ntrade grew in' real terms by 9% -\nprovide a stimulus to the Com \nmunity's growth and employment \nprospects. Equally, the predicted \ndecline in the growth of world trade \n\nthis year to under 7% and around \n6% next year will have an impact on \nt he e c o n o m i es of t he M e m b er \nStates. ral markets of Scandanavia, Africa, \nthe Middle East and Eastern Eu \nrope has grown much more slowly \nor even declined. A major difficulty for the Com \nmunity has been the fact that its \ngeographically proximate markets \nhave recently been among the slo \nwest growing parts of the world \neconomy. Income in the Pacific mar \nkets, on which both J a p an and the \nUnited States are increasingly fo \ncusing attention, has been growing \nat an a v e r a ge of 5-6% a y e ar \nthroughout the 1980s. By contrast, \ndemand in the Community's natu \n\nThe greater efficiency and activity \nbrought about by the completion of \nthe Internal Market will improve \nthe Community's competitiveness. Coupled with the implementation of \nthe Community's economic growth \nstrategy, this could not only im \nprove European growth rates in the \nimmediate future but, by promoting \ndemand for imports from the rest of \nthe world, help ensure growth in \nEurope's export markets. 33 World Labour Force \n\n1988 \n\n1 Dot = 500,000 \n\n40 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nMore of the world is seeking to raise \nliving standards. The task is consid \nerable. The world population of \nworking age outside the European \nCommunity and the United States \nis expected to grow by 700 million \nbetween 1980 to the year 2000. This \nis on top of the fact that some 950 \nmillion people are estimated to be \nliving in absolute poverty in the \nworld today. Global Markets -\nMobile Capital a nd \nImmobile L a b o ur \n\nGlobal markets for food products \nand raw materials have existed for \ndecades, even centuries, because of \nthe relative homogeneity of the pro \nducts and because the location of \nproduction was largely determined \nby natural advantages. Global mar \nt he s t a n d a r d i s a t i on of \nk e t i n g, \nproducts and economies of scale in \nproduction have altered the basic \n\nparameters of international \ntrade \nfor manufactured goods - a prospect \nfaced, too, by the services sector. This has led to the growth of new \nproduction locations outside tradi \ntional industrial areas (see Maps 35 \nand 36). Multinational companies \nhave had increasing choice as in \ncreasing n u m b e rs of Asian and \nSouth and Central American coun \ntries have achieved the minimum \nconditions necessary for modern \nproduction. Developing countries \nwhich have progressed the most \nhave assisted this process by en-\n\n34 World Income p er Head in Relation to t he Community \n\n1988 \n\n100% \n\n27% \n\n41 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\ncouraging sub\u00adcontracting to their vantages to the Community's con\u00ad\nless developed neighbours. sumers in the form of lower prices. T he r e m o v al of p r o d u c t i on to investors and new market oppor\u00ad\ncheaper locations has brought ad\u00ad tunities, especially for the export of \n\nIt has also created profit income for \n\n35 S h a r es of World M a n u f a c t u r i ng P r o d u c t i on \n\n1988 \n\n^ ^\\ 1% f rs. f fKy \n\nI \\-^\u00a3> 24% < f\u03a4 c\u00c6> \n( 19% y (\u00bf/\"y'csrrr^w^. VV^. ( V> \n\u03c7 ^ \u2014 \u03c7^ \\ ^_ 1% y \n\nV \\J\u00da \n\nI ( 1% \n\n< 2 X \n\n2 - 10 X \n\n10 - 20 X \n\n> 20 X \n\n_ \n\n19% S \n\nv^ > \na> \n\n36 Shares of World Production of Motor Cars \n\n1988 \n\n- 4 2-\n\ncapital goods. Nevertheless the em\u00ad\np l o y m e nt c o n s e q u e n c es of t he \ntransfer of production, in certain \nsectors, were negative for the Com\u00ad\nmunity. There was a widespread \nfailure of Member States either to \nexploit fully the opportunities of\u00ad\nfered by the changed patterns of \nworld production and consumption \nor to adopt appropriate strategies \nand responses. The global economy is a reality, but \nthe market is far from perfect. New \nfinancial capital for investment is \nhighly mobile as there are fewer \nr e s t r i c t i o ns on m o v e m e n t, low \ntransaction costs and greater se\u00ad\ncurity for international lenders. Equally, the technological know\u00ad\nhow for many established products \nwhich is not already embodied in \nequipment is easily available and \nrapidly diffused. On the other hand, restrictions on \ntrade abound. Labour is largely im\u00ad\nmobile in a global sense, being \nunable to move between countries \ndue to the severe restrictions most \ncountries apply to foreign national \nimmigrants. This even goes as far as \ninhibiting trade in certain service \nsectors which require temporary \nmovements of personnel. Community Markets \nand Competitiveness \n\nOver the past two decades, the Com\u00ad\nmunity share of a number of global \nmarkets and of a range of product \nareas, particularly those in which \ndemand h as been growing most \nrapidly, has declined. The competi\u00ad\ntive s t r e n g th of J a p an and t he \nemergence of newly\u00adindustrialising \ncountries have been important fac\u00ad\ntors but it should also be noted that \nintra\u00adCommunity trade has been \ngrowing over this period. The Com\u00ad\nmunity has suffered from relatively \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nlow industrial productivity which, \nin turn, is a result of low rates of \ninvestment. The fragmented Euro \npean market has also contributed \nby limiting the achievement of scale \neconomies. It is also related to the changes in \nthe economic fortunes of geographi \ncally proximate zones - E a s t e rn \nEurope, Africa, the Middle East -\nwhich have traditionally been major \nmarkets for European goods. The secular downward t r e nd \nin \ncommodity prices has depressed de \n\ntwo \n\ni n to \n\nt h e se \n\nmand for manufactures in Africa \nand the Middle East. Between 1980 \nand 1986, the dollar value of im \np o r ts \nr e g i o ns \ndeclined by 25%. By contrast, mar \nkets in Asia and the United States \nhave expanded significantly over \nthe same period - by 40% in the case \nof Asia and by 125% in the case of \nthe United States (see Map 37 and \nGraph 38). Eastern Europe with its geographi \ncal proximity, should be a natural \nmarket for the EC. Despite the cur \nrent difficulties being experienced \n\nby countries of this region, which \nhave resulted in a decline in East-\nWest trade, the economic reforms \ncurrently under-way should offer \nthe Community the prospect of im \nproved trade in the future. Significantly, however, the Com \nm u n i t y 's s h a re of t r a de is now \nsmallest and has declined most in \nthe technologically advanced sec \ntors of machinery and electrical \nequipment and t r a n s p o rt equip \nment, which have also experienced \nthe most rapid rates of growth. By \ncontrast, in chemicals, for which the \n\n37 Community's Share of Imports into Different World Markets \n1986 \n\n(Manufactured Goods) \n\n68% \n\n23% \n\nD \n\n/ \n\n56% \n\n43 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nmarket is much smaller, the Com\u00ad\nmunity is dominant in trade and \nhas held onto or increased its share \nin most parts of the world. Key to \nAbbreviations \n\nL. Am \nAus/NZ \n\nME \nSA \nNon EC \n\nLatin America \nAustralia and \nNew Zealand \nMiddle East \nSouth Africa \nNon\u00adEC Europe \n\nThe Challenge of the \nNewly Industrialised \nEconomies \n\nIn the past, the Community has \noften sought to preserve employ\u00ad\nment in mature industries where \ndemand was stable or declining and \nwhere there was frequently world\u00ad\nwide excess capacity due to the \nentry of newly\u00adindustrialising econ\u00ad\nomies \u00ad NIEs \u00ad into these markets. This has been at the expense of \nmaking more effort in higher tech\u00ad\nnology growth sectors. The growth of these newly indus\u00ad\nt r i a l i s ed e c o n o m i es b r o u g ht \nconsiderable competitive pressure \non E u r o p e an Community based \ncompanies with consequent losses \nof production a nd employment. Change has been rapid and the geo\u00ad\ngraphical location of production has \n\n38 Community Share of Different World Markets \n\nfor Manufactured Goods 1986 \n\n% Market Share \n\n80 \n\n\u03a0 1965 m 1975 \u25a0 1986 \n\n1965 Total 1975 Total \u20141986 Total \n\n\u0393 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nNon-EC EC Africa S. A. u \nUSSR \n\n\u25a0 b nm. ,\u00bb. 0 \n\nME Aus/NZ L Am Japan USA Asia China Canada \n\n44\u00b7 \n\nshifted eastwards on the world map. Global economics has traditionally \nbeen dominated by Europe or the \nUnited States. The new balance \ngives a major role to the countries of \nthe Pacific Basin. Within the Pacific area, the main \nsource of competition has shifted \nfrom country to country. J a p an \u00ad\nwhich was the prototype newly in\u00ad\ndustrialised competitor \u00ad has long \nsince given way to the next wave of \nNIEs \u00ad South Korea, Taiwan, Hong \nKong and Singapore. They, in turn, \nhave since shed many of the estab\u00ad\nl i s h ed p r o d u c ts a nd sectors to \nanother wave \u00ad China, Indonesia, \nP a k i s t a n, T h a i l a n d, M a l a y s i a, \nIndia and The Philippines. The newly industrialised economies \n(NIEs) a re b e g i n n i ng to adopt \nstrategies which are less dependent \non exports to stimulate growth and \nare starting to turn their attention \nto other developing countries. The new competitors have taken \ngrowing shares in the United States \nand Japanese markets in particular \n(see Graph 39). They are also mak\u00ad\ni ng i n r o a ds into t he E u r o p e an \nmarket. Their share of total Com\u00ad\nmunity imports of manufactures is \n10% and growing. It is particularly \nhigh in some sectors, notably con\u00ad\nsumer goods. Employment \nC onsequences \n\nSectors where labour costs are an \nimportant component of production \nand where there is easy access to \nthe technology have been particu\u00ad\nlarly vulnerable to competition. Traditional product sectors \u00ad tex\u00ad\ntiles and clothing, footwear and \nleather \u00ad have declined consider\u00ad\nably. So have shipbuilding and steel \nand more sophisticated goods such \n\n\fas areas of mechanical engineering. lost \nIn t o t a l, \n1. 4 million jobs in these areas over \nthe six years 1980-86 alone. t he C o m m u n i ty \n\nh a ve \n\nl o s s es \n\nThe social consequences of the em\u00ad\nployment \nb e en \nparticularly serious where the im\u00ad\npact h as b e en g e o g r a p h i c a l ly \nconcentrated - for example in areas \ndependent on a declining industry. The severity of the problems in \nsome regions has been exacerbated \nby the slowness of the Community \nin a d j u s t i ng \nto t h e se e x t e r n al \nchanges through the development \nof new employment-creating pro\u00ad\nducts and services. Given the levels of absolute poverty \nthroughout the world and the ex\u00ad\ntent to which real wages in most \ndeveloping countries have declined \nin recent years - by up to 20 to 30% \n- Europe cannot hope to compete in \nterms of wage rate for the produc\u00ad\ntion of basic manufactured goods. Europe has, however, had a com\u00ad\np a r a t i ve \nh i gh \na d v a n t a ge \ntechnology products and its future \nlies in cashing in on this. Unfortu\u00ad\nnately, although Europe appears to \nhave the ability and know-how to \ndesign innovative products, it has \nbeen less successful in developing \nlarge scale production and markets \nfor these products. in \n\nf o r t h c o m i ng \n\nEven this advantage could be lost if \nexpenditure on research and devel\u00ad\nopment is not increased, and when \nthe \nd e m o g r a p h ic \nchanges - the 1970s' babies slump -\nlead to a shortage of highly trained \nyoung people who will be expected \nto be in the vanguard of high tech\u00ad\nnology development, production \nand marketing. In the area of services, the Com\u00ad\nmunity has fared better. Including \nintra Community trade, the EC cur\u00ad\nrently provides 40% of the world \n\nChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nm a r k e t. H o w e v e r, \nt he r a te of \ngrowth of world trade in services \nhas been slow. In the Community's \ndomestic economy, services now ac\u00ad\ncount for some 60% of employment. By contrast, services account for \nless than a quarter of total interna\u00ad\ntional trade. While the catch-all \ncategory of 'other services' h as \ngrown as a share of total interna\u00ad\ntional t r a d e, the s h a re of other \nservice activities - notably transport \nand tourism - has actually declined. While many growing services will, \nby their nature, remain non-traded, \nit is hoped that the current Uruguay \nround of multi-lateral negotiations \nwill achieve a breakthrough in de\u00ad\nfor \nveloping t he world m a r k et \nservices. Community \nResponses \n\nResponses by industrialised coun\u00ad\ntries to rapid import penetration \nhave included measures to soften \nthe impact by restricting imports, \np a r t i c u l a r ly \nt h r o u gh non-tariff \nmeasures. Indeed limitations or trade restric\u00ad\ntions survive in many \nindustrial \nsectors. The extent of non-tariff \nmeasures is closely related to the \ndegree of import penetration, except \nwhere there is considerable intra-\ni n d u s t ry \nt r a d e, often b e t w e en \nmultinational companies with oper\u00ad\nations both in industrialised and in \ndeveloping countries. In the case of the Community, how\u00ad\never, its trade policies have been \naccompanied by a series of sectoral \nrestructuring plans - which have in-\n\n39 \n\nPacific NIE's Share of Different World Markets \nfor Manufactured Goods. 1986 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n0_ % Market Share \nou r~ \n\n1965 \n\n1965 Total \n\n1975 \n\n1975 Total \n\n1986 \n\n1986 Total \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n10 % \n\nrJ \u038a\u039b \u00b7 - J r-fit J \n\n:TI [J :1 \n\nNon-EC USSR L. Am \n\nEC \n\nSA Africa Canada ME Aus/NZ Asia USA China Japan \n\n45 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\ne l u d ed specific \nl a b o ur m a r k et \nmeasures such as early retirement \nor voluntary redundancy - in order \nto ensure that the necessary degree \nof s t r u c t u r al adjustment \nin the \neconomy and labour market took \nplace. This occurred despite the dif \nficulties caused by low r a t es of \neconomic growth and investment at \nthat time. There is little long-term future in \nthe preservation of jobs in declining \ns e c t o r s. i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y - t r a d ed \nMember States recognise that their \nfuture lies in the pursuit of excel \nlence and quality in all sectors and \nin the development of domestic ser \nvices and activities which are not \ntraded internationally. Historically, the Community has \nhad the advantage of a high level of \neducation and training among its \nlabour force, but this will be rapidly \neroded without increased \ninvest \nment in human resources. Europe \npossesses a high proportion of the \nhighest skills in the world although \nnot so much those with a direct ap \nplication in industry and commerce. An awareness of the risk of losing \nthis advantage has stimulated the \nCommunity into making new policy \ni m p r o v i ng \ni n i t i a t i v es aimed at \nt r a i n i ng s t a n d a r ds and co-oper \nation in education. social \n\nSuch actions are necessary since \nmany newly industrialised coun \ntries have learnt that their past \neconomic failures were less a result \nof inherent weaknesses than ad \np o l i t i c al \nv e r se \ndevelopments. They have found \nthat in the right conditions, their \ncitizens a re capable of moving \nrapidly from low levels of develop \nment to cope with the requirements \nof high quality physical or intellec \ntual work. or \n\nminimum social standards and wor \nkers rights in developing countries \nby including these requirements in \nt r a de a g r e e m e n t s. These senti \nm e n ts have been echoed in \nthe \nCommunity. The Commission pro \nposed social clauses prior to the \nLome negotiation round although \nthese were rejected by the Council. And in 1983 and 1986, the Euro \npean Parliament pressed similar \ndemands for trade in general. The proposed content of such social \nclauses, the mechanisms to ensure \ntheir establishment and to impose \nsanctions in the case of non-observ \nance have varied but success in \nadvancing them has been limited. Pressures from developed countries \nfor the establishment of minimum \nor 'fair' international social stand \nards are open to the criticism that \nthey are being imposed for protec \ntionist rather than moral motives. While this may at times be the mo \ntivation behind support for these \nmeasures, the widespread concerns \na b o ut s t a n d a r ds \nin developing \ncountries are real and heightened \nby an awareness that, many develo \nping countries have undemocratic \nregimes which impose widespread \nrestrictions on basic human rights, \nparticularly the right of workers to \norganise. Trade Expansion, \nFuture Growth and \nEmployment \n\nTrade interdependence, at world \nlevel, and the importance of that \ntrade for Member States has made \nthe participation of the Community \nin the processes of international \ntrade negotiations, and the world \nmanagement of economic and mon \ne t a ry \ni n c r e a s i n g ly \nimportant. a f f a i rs \n\nin \n\nThere are lessons from recent devel \nt he w i d er world \no p m e n ts \neconomy and in the NIEs for the \nCommunity. When successful NIEs \nput their future in quality, technol \nogy and efficiency, it shows how \nlittle scope there would be for the \nCommunity to maintain its employ \nment through low wage strategies. The ultimate maintenance of living \nand employment standards in the \nC o m m u n i ty depends on \ninvest \nment, whether it be in physical \ncapacity or education and training. It depends moreover on developing \nan integrated European market and \non maintaining an open multilat \ne r al t r a d i ng s y s t e m. It is also \ncontingent on the Community being \nin a position to encourage favour \nable world market developments \nand to keep itself in a position to \nsupply those markets where \nthe \neconomic returns and employment \npotential are greatest. C o m m u n i ty growth \nis a major \ndeterminant of the rate of world \ngrowth and demand. Aid and debt \nrelief policies towards the develo \nping countries also have a bearing \non the future growth of Europe's \nexport markets. Differing Social \nStandards \n\nFears that the industrialisation of \ndeveloping countries might \nlead \nsimply to exploitation and impover \ni s h m e nt \nt h an \ngreater wealth and employment \nhave led to pressures for the intro \nd u c t i on of \nin \n'social c l a u s e s' \ninternational trade agreements. in t h o se r a t h er \n\nThe ILO Ohlin report in the 1950s, \nthe Brandt Commission in 1980, \nand the Council of Ministers of \nOECD meeting in 1987 all stressed \nthe need to ensure a respect for \n\n46 \n\n\fChapter 3 Community Employment and the World Economy \n\nto \n\nis f u n d a m e n t al \n\nT r a de \nt he \nachievement of the Community's \nemployment goals. Effective inter \nnational economic co-operation is \nalso needed to ensure a reduction in \nin \nu n s u s t a i n a b le \nother countries which create protec \ntionist pressures. t r a de deficits \n\nOf particular importance for the \nCommunity are the on-going Uru \nguay round negotiations in which \nthe Community is seeking to fur \nther liberalise trade, to strengthen \nand extend the GATT system, and \nto bring new areas like services into \nthe framework of the GATT. is \n\nfor \n\ni m p o r t a nt \n\nT he e x p a n s i on of t r a de oppor \nt he \nt u n i t i es \nCommunity because its historical \nand geographically proximate mar \nkets - in Africa, the Middle East and \nEastern Europe - have grown slow \nly, if at all, \nin r e c e nt y e a r s. Moreover, the Community is having \nto concede markets to newly indus \nb o th \nc o u n t r i es \nt r i a l i s i ng \ntraditional sectors and new growth \nareas. in \n\nGrowth in international trade in \nservices, in which the Community is \ncompetitive, but which has been \nlimited by barriers, could provide \none significant area of expansion of \nemployment. 47 \n\n\f4 8-\n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nThe overall relationship between economic growth and \nemployment creation has fundamentally \naltered in the \nCommunity \nneeded in order for employment \ncase for thirty years. in recent years. Less economic growth is now \n\nto expand than has been the \n\nEconomic Growth \nand Employment \nCreation \n\nThe relationship between economic \ngrowth and employment can be \nlooked at in two ways: \n\nas the rate of economic growth \nemployment \nbeyond \ngrowth becomes positive - the \n\"employment threshold\" \n\nwhich \n\nas the amount of employment \ncreated per additional percent \nage point of economic growth -\nthe \"marginal employment in \ntensity of growth\". 40 \n\nE m p l o y m e nt a nd GDP Growth Trends in t he \n1961-1989 \nC o m m u n i ty \n\nAnnual % Change \n\nIntroduction \n\nEmployment levels in t he Com \nmunity have been stimulated by the \nrecovery in economic growth since \n1982 (see Graph 40). Although t he a n n u al economic \ngrowth in the Community was only \na modest 2. 5% between 1983 and \n1987, this has been sufficient to en \nsure that employment grew by over \n0. 5% a year. From 1988 to 1990, forecasts indi \ncate annual GDP growth of above \n3%, p r o d u c i ng an e m p l o y m e nt \ngrowth well in excess of 1% a year. Although this is insufficient to bring \nabout a rapid reduction in unem \nployment, it is high in comparison \nwith past performance. The 4. 5 mil \nlion additional jobs created in the \nCommunity in t he u p t u rn since \n1983 have more than compensated \nfor the 3. 2 million jobs lost between \n1981 and 1983. 1960 \n\n1965 \n\n1970 \n\n1975 \n\n1980 \n\n1985 \n\n1990 \n\n49 \n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nThese points are illustrated by \nGraphs 40 and 41. Graph 40 shows a n n u al growth \nrates of Community GDP against \nthose for employment. There was a \nfairly stable relationship between \ngrowth and employment over the \nperiod 1960-1973 but GDP growth \nrates over 4. 5% were needed to \ngenerate any increase in employ\u00ad\nment. This stable relationship between \ngrowth and unemployment levels \nwas upset by the first oil shock. A \nnew ratio was established between \n1977 and 1980, but again was al\u00ad\ntered by the second oil price shock. The period since 1981 suggests that \na third constant relationship be\u00ad\na nd \neconomic g r o w th \nt w e en \nemployment creation has developed \nand the current employment thre\u00ad\nshold is now 2% - in other words, \nGDP growth nowadays only needs \n\nto be above 2%, rather than 4. 5% as \nin the 1960s, for employment to \ngrow. to \n\nGraph 41 illustrates how the rela\u00ad\ntionship between employment and \nGDP growth has changed over the \nperiod 1960 to 1989. It shows how, \nfor the period since 1980, a GDP \ngrowth rate of 2% generates no net \nemployment increase (this corre\u00ad\ns p o n ds \ne m p l o y m e nt \nt he \nthreshold) but that growth rates of \n3% and 4% correspond to 1% and 2% \nemployment growth, respectively. Consequently, in order to reach an \nemployment growth of 1. 5% or more \nwhich - given demographic factors \nand increasing activity rates - is the \nrate needed to significantly lower \nthe unemployment rate, an annual \nGDP trend growth rate of at least \n3. 5% is now required. Macroeconomic \nAnalysis of t he \nEmployment Content \nof Growth \n\nThe increase in the employment \ncontent of growth is due to changes \nin the behaviour of key economic \nvariables - e. g. wages, productivity, \nprofitability - and important struc\u00ad\ntural changes - e. g. in the sectoral \ncomposition, in working time. Two main macroeconomic develop\u00ad\nments have affected employment \nperformance: \n\n\u2022 a sharp upturn in investment, \nin particular in plant and ma\u00ad\nincreased \nchinery which has \nthe growth potential of \nthe \neconomy, and \n\n\u2022 an appreciable slowdown in the \nrate at which capital has been \nsubstituted \n(see \nfor \nGraph 43), which has increased \nthe \ncontent of \ngrowth. employment \n\nlabour, \n\n41 Relationship between Employment and GDP \n1960-1989 \n\nGrowth in the Community \n\nEmployment Growth (%) \n\nb \n\n4 \n\n3 \n\n2 \n\n1 \n\n0 \n\n-1 \n\ny \n\n1980 to 1989 \n\n-\n\nyS \n\n^r \n\n1973 to 1980. \" \u0393 \u00b7 \u00b7 \" * *\". \" \n\nr \n\n1961 to 1973'\" \n\n\u03b9 \n\nI \n\n\u03b9 \n\n\u0399 \n\n\u03b9 \n\nGDP Growth (%) \n\n- 5 0-\n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nBetween the first oil shock of 1973 \nand the early 1980s, investment de \nclined in real terms whereas real \nGDP grew at an average of 2% a \nyear. As a result, the ratio of invest \nment to output fell from over 23. 5% \nin 1973 to under 19% in 1986. A \ndecade of depressed \ninvestment \nproduced an \" i n v e s t m e nt g a p\" \nwhich, in itself, explains much of \nthe shortage of jobs in the Com \nmunity. Since the early 1980s, the behaviour \nof real investment levels has mir \nrored, but lagged behind, the slow \nlevel of GDP growth. Construction \ninvestment in particular remained \nsubdued. In 1986, international un \nc e r t a i n ty a nd \nt he difficulties \ninvolved in switching from export-\nled growth to i n t e r n al growth, \nimpeded investment. In 1987, how \never, and to an even greater extent \nin 1988, investment became \nthe \nmost dynamic component of de \nmand in the Community. The real \nincrease in total investment of over \n7. 8% in 1988 was the highest for \ntwenty years. This dynamic rate of \n\ninvestment is expected to continue \nin 1989 and 1990. The revival of investment in the \nCommunity is a result of increased \nprofitability and expectations of \nstronger demand. Early reactions \nby the business sector to the ap \np r o a c h i ng \nt he \nInternal Market are also boosting \nprivate investment. c o m p l e t i on of \n\nage - i. e. real wages rose much less \nthan labour productivity. Reduc \ntions in energy prices and increases \nin c a p i t al p r o d u c t i v i ty d ue \nto \ngreater utilisation have also con \ntributed to higher profitability. The \ngains in capital stock profitability \nhave more t h an compensated for \nthe fact t h at long-term real interest \nrates are higher today than in the \n1970s. Profitability has steadily improved \nsince the early 1980s (see Graph \n42). The rate of return on fixed capi \ntal in the Community has risen by \nalmost 30%, and has now climbed \nback to 85% of the rates of the period \n1960 to 1973, when the Community \neffectively enjoyed full employment. Improved profitability h as been \nlinked to the moderate real wage \ngrowth of recent years. Real unit \nlabour costs have fallen by nearly \n7% compared to the 1973/1981 aver \n\nDemand in recent years has also \nstrengthened, and is expected to re \nmain buoyant. Up to 1984, growth \nin demand was primarily export-led \nbut since 1985 additional demand \nh as been increasingly generated \nfrom within. The improvement in \nthe terms of trade, due to the fall in \noil prices and the devaluation of the \nUS dollar, stimulated private con \nt he C o m m u n i t y, \ns u m p t i on \nalthough part also come out of sav \nings. Since 1987 investment itself \nhas accelerated the growth of de-\n\nin \n\n42 \n\nProfitability of Capital in t he Community \n\n1965-1989 \n\n110 1960 = 100 \n\n51 \n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nmand. Dynamic demand has re\u00ad\nsulted in a continually increasing \nrate of capacity utilisation in the \nmanufacturing sector, now higher \nthan at the previous cyclical peak of \n1979. productivity (see Graph 43) suggest \nthat wage moderation in the 1980s \nhas also played an important part \nin curbing the process by which \ncapital was being substituted for la\u00ad\nbour. Thus improved profitability and \nstronger demand have stimulated \ninvestment with potential benefits \nfor production and employment. However, this would not have been \nsufficient to expand employment as \nmuch as it has, if capital intensity \n(capital stock per person employed) \nwere not now increasing more slow\u00ad\nly than in the past. The change in the relationship be\u00ad\ntween employment and the capital \nstock is explained by increased capi\u00ad\ntal utilisation and by structural \nemployment changes, notably the \nexpansion of part time work. The \nlevel of real wage costs per em\u00ad\nployee a nd of t o t al factor \n\nTotal factor productivity is the \nweighted average of labour and \ncapital productivity. Its r a te of \ngrowth indicates the expansion of \nproduction potential with given fac\u00ad\ntor i n p u t s, and t h us takes into \naccount technical progress as well \nas increased efficiency in the use of \nall factors of production. When la\u00ad\nbour costs grow faster than total \nfactor productivity, there is an in\u00ad\ncentive to replace labour with other \nfactors of production in order to \nmaintain the rate of return on capi\u00ad\ntal. During the 1960s, and until the first \noil price shock, real per capita wage \ncosts increased faster than total fac\u00ad\n\n43 Real Wages, Capital Intensity a nd Total Factor \n\nProductivity in the Community 1965\u00ad1989 \n\nAnnual % Change \n\n\u00b7. \u00b7 \u25a0 * \u00b7\n\n\u00b7. \u00b7 \u00b7 \u00b7 \u00b7 \u00b7 \u00b7 \u00b7. Real Wagos \n\n\u00b7\n\n-\n\n-\n\nV Total Factor Productivity \\ \n\n\\ *. Capital \n\nIntensity \n\n\u2022 \u2022 \n\n\\ >-i^ \n\n1965 \n\n1 \n\n1970 \n\n1975 \n\n1980 \n\n1985 \n\n1990 \n\n52-\n\ntor productivity, t h us favouring \nmore capital intensive forms of pro\u00ad\nduction, accompanied by a high \ninvestment ratio. However, because \nlabour supply increased little at the \ntime this was not prejudicial to full \nemployment. During the 1970s until 1983, the \nproductivity of capital declined, \nparticularly sharply in the years \nimmediately following the two oil \nprice shocks. A reduction in the an\u00ad\nnual operating hours of the capital \nstock was a factor and the growth of \nlabour productivity also slowed \ndown. As a result, total factor pro\u00ad\nductivity growth fell appreciably \nand after a delay it was followed by \nan equivalent fall in real costs per \nhead, continuing the process of capi\u00ad\ntal/labour substitution. In recent years improved growth \nrates, better terms of trade and in\u00ad\ncreases in t he r a te of capacity \nutilisation have ended the decline in \nproductivity of capital which has \neven begun to rise again. The \ngrowth in labour productivity has \nstabilised at an annual rate of about \n2%. Real wage costs per head are \nnow, for the first time since the \nearly 1960s, increasing at a rate \nlower than that of total factor pro\u00ad\nd u c t i v i t y. T h is is c u r b i ng t he \nprocess of capital/labour substitu\u00ad\nt i on a nd t h us i n c r e a s i ng t he \nemployment content of growth (see \nGraphs 47, 48, 49, 50). The Role of Sectoral \nChanges \n\nThe relationship between economic \ngrowth and employment creation \ndiffers greatly between sectors and \nactivities. Among other things it \ndepends on the capital intensity of \nthe production process, on company \nsize and on the availability and im\u00ad\nplementation of technical progress. While such structural features may \nchange over time, some sectors dis \nplay in the long term a much closer \nlink between growth and employ \nment creation i. e. a lower rate of \nlabour productivity growth - than \nothei'S. To the extent that these sec \ntors expand as a proportion of the \neconomy, the overall employment \ncontent of growth rises. in \n\nActivities with low rates of labour \nproductivity growth exist in all sec \nt he \ntors b ut p r e d o m i n a n t ly \nservice sector. Productivity growth \nof market services has always been \nsignificantly lower than t h at of the \ntotal C o m m u n i ty economy (see \nGraph 44). Between 1982 and 1986, \nfor example, market services pro \nductivity growth was 1. 5% a year \ncompared with 2% in the total econ \nomy. The relative expansion of the ser \nvice sector has therefore been the \nmain source of the recovery of em \nployment after 1983. Only since \n1988 has manufacturing employ \nment started to recover. Market \nservices grew at an annual rate of \nnearly 2. 5% between 1983 and 1986 \nwhile non-market services - which \nprovided the biggest contribution to \nemployment creation in the 1970s -\nexpanded at a significantly lower \nrate. The Role of Working \nTime Reductions \n\nAnother factor which h as linked \nemployment creation more clearly \nto economic growth has been the \nreduction in the average working \ntime per person employed, which \nhas spread the demand for labour. Reductions in average working time \nhave come about in two ways: \n\nChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nlower contractual weekly work \ning hours, leading to reductions \nin real or effective hours, and; \n\n\u2022 growth \nment. in part-time employ-\n\nin \n\nContractual weekly working hours \nd e c r e a s ed s i g n i f i c a n t ly \nt he \n1970s. In the 1980s the downward \ntrend had slowed, until some major \nindustrial disputes (German metal \nworking industry in 1984 and 1987) \nor government initiatives (France \n1982) restarted the process. In the \nFederal Republic of Germany, con \ntractual weekly working hours in \nsome sectors will go down to 37 \nhours (metal working, printing in \nd u s t r i e s) a nd 36. 5 hours (steel \nindustry) in 1989. In Portugal a 35 \nhour working week has been nego \nIn \nt i a t ed for t he civil service. general, however, the margins for \ncontractual weekly working time \n\np r e s s u r es \n\nreductions have been limited by em \nr e s t o re \np l o y er \nprofitability, and by the desire of \nthose who are in employment to \nmaintain growth in real wages. to \n\nIn the 1980s it has been the growth \nof part-time employment that has \nprincipally reduced the average \nworking time in the Community \neconomy. P a r t - t i me employment \nhas grown much more strongly than \nfull-time e m p l o y m e n t. Between \n1983 and 1987, 70%\u00b7 of all jobs cre \na t ed \nt he C o m m u n i ty w e re \npart-time. In Denmark, the Nether \nlands and the United Kingdom over \n20% of total employment is now \npart-time (see Chapters 1 and 6). in \n\nThe aggregate importance of the \ngrowth of part-time employment \ncan be estimated since the EC La \nbour Force Survey estimates t h at \npart-time employees worked 19. 4 \n\n100 \n\n10 \n\n44 \n\nProductivity in Agriculture, Manufacturing \na nd Market Services in the Community \n\n1960-1986 \n\n1,000 ECU per Employee \n\n100 \n\nMarket Services. Manufacturing^\u00bb -\n\n10 \n\nA g r i c u l t u r e. \u00b7 \u00b7\u00b7 \n\n1960 \n\n1965 \n\n1970 \n\n1975 \n\n1980 \n\n1985 \n\n53 \n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nhours per week in 1987 as compared \nwith the 40. 6 hours of full\u00adtime em\u00ad\nployees (effective working time, \nwhich includes overtime work). Two part\u00adtime employees therefore \nsupply about the same labour vol\u00ad\nume \u00ad if not necessarily the same \nlabour \"value\" \u00ad as a full\u00adtime em\u00ad\nployee. If the new part\u00adtime jobs \nwere thus converted to \"full\u00adtime \nequivalents\", annual employment \ngrowth between 1983 and 1987 \nwould have been 0. 4% instead of the \n0. 6% achieved by counting full\u00adtime \nand part\u00adtime jobs equally. The \ngrowth of part\u00adtime employment \nh as t h us contributed about one \nsixth of the reduction in labour pro\u00ad\nductivity growth between the late \n1970s and the 1980s. Alternatively, \nif only full\u00adtime jobs had been cre\u00ad\nated in the recovery since 1983, \nthere would be at least one million \nfewer j o bs a nd u n e m p l o y m e nt \nwould still be rising (Graph 45). Other Factors \n\nThe shift towards the service sector \nand the reduction in average work\u00ad\ning time are not the only factors \nwhich have made growth more em\u00ad\np l o y m e nt c r e a t i ng in t he \nCommunity. Others are: \n\n\u2022 a slow\u00addown in the incorpora\u00ad\n\ntion of technical progress into \nthe capital stock. Depressed in\u00ad\nvestment levels between the \nmid\u00ad1970s and the early 1980s \nslowed down the introduction of \ntechnology in the Community \nproduction process. \u2022 Special efforts by virtually all \n\nMember States in the 1980s to \nprovide jobs in the non\u00admarket \nservices sector targeted on the \nunemployed, which have lower \nproductivity levels. Prospects and \nPolicies \n\nThe employment content of growth \nis difficult to predict as it is the \noutcome of a variety of economic \nprocesses. On the one hand, the \ntrend towards the service sector will \ncontinue. As female participation in \nmany parts of the Community is \nstill comparatively low, there may \nwell be further increases in part\u00ad\ntime employment. On the other \nhand, the recent investment growth \nshould accelerate the implementa\u00ad\ntion of new production technologies. The completion of the Internal Mar\u00ad\nket should also improve efficiency \nand labour productivity. Moreover, \nas unemployment declines, low\u00adpro\u00ad\nductivity jobs in the public sector \ntargetted on the unemployed are \nliable to be reduced. 45 Volume of Employment \u00ad Total Employment \na nd Full\u00adTime Equivalents in the \nCommunity (EUR9) 1979\u00ad1987 \n\nMillions \n\n\u25a0 Total Employment \n\u03a0 Full-time Equivalents \n\n1979 - 1983 \n\n1983 - 1987 \n\n54 \n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nA number of policies could help sus \ntain the high employment content of \ngrowth: \n\n\u2022 Relative \n\nfactor \n\nprice move \nments which discourage capital \nsubstitution for labour and sus \ntain the moderate growth level \nof real wages. This would be \nhelped if any margins of ma \nnoeuvre which \ngovernments \nacquire from growth are used to \nreduce non-wage labour costs, \nin particular by lowering direct \ntaxes, \nthan providing \nsubsidies which encourage the \nuse of capital (See Graph 46). rather \n\n\u2022 Actions to ensure that sectoral \nchange, especially the growth of \nservices, is not inhibited by re \nstrictive \nprice \npractices \ndistortions. At the moment, ac \n\nor \n\ntivities remain highly regulated \nin some service sectors, (e. g. fin \nance, insurance, transport and \ntelecommunication) \nand may \nnot be able to expand to their \nfull potential because of these \nrestrictions. The Community's \nimplementation of the Internal \nMarket programme addresses \nand \nmany \nshould provide a new impetus \nto \nregulatory \nframework. reforming \n\nissues \n\nthese \n\nthe \n\nof \n\nstock \n\nThe strategy of enhancing the \nemployment content of the capi \ntal \neconomic \nand of \ngrowth by forms of shift work \nin \ning \nindividual working time which \nexpand of operating hours of \nequipment. When capacity utili \nat \nsation \n\nis very high, as \n\nreductions \n\nlinked \n\nto \n\npresent, an expansion of opera \nting hours would contribute to \nthe growth of production poten \ntial and provide more jobs with \nthe given capital stock. The \nemployment effect would be \nstrongest when the resulting re \nductions \nin unit capital costs \nwere used to negotiate reduc \nindividual working \ntions \ntime. in \n\nThese policies would contribute to a \nmore employment intensive pattern \nof economic growth in the Com \nmunity. However, such structural \nchanges take time to have their ef \nt h e ir a c c e p t a n ce a nd \nfect a nd \nsmooth implementation is at least \np a r t ly d e p e n d e nt on t he Com \nmunity continuing to achieve high \noverall rates of economic growth. 46 \n\nReal Wages a nd Labour Productivity in the \nCommunity \n\n1965-1989 \n\nAnnual % Change \n\nReal Wages \n\n1965 \n\n1970 \n\n1975 \n\n1980 \n\n1985 \n\n1990 \n\n55 \n\n\fChapter 4 The Employment Content of Growth \n\nEconomic Developments in t he Community in t he 1980s. 47 GDP and Productivity Growth in the \n\nCommunity 1981-1989 \n\n48 GDP Growth and the Role of \n\nInvestment in the Community \n\n1981-1989 \n\nAnnual % Change \n\nGDP \u0392 Productivity \n\nAnnual % Change \n\nGDP \n\n\u25a0 Investment - Construction \nQ Investment - Equipment \n\nir ! \u25a0 \n\n-\n\nm \n\n! 1 1 \n\n1381 1982 1983 1984 1985 198\u0398 1987 1988 1989 \n\n49 Consumer Price Inflation and its \n\nDeterminants in the Community \n\n50 Government Borrowing and the Trade \n\nBalance in the Community \n\n1981-1989 \n\n1981-1989 \n\nAnnual % Change \n\n-' \n\n\u25a0 Labour Costs \n\u25a1 Imports (goods and services} \n\n\u2014\u2014 Consumer Prices \n\n1 I \n\n- Gove'nmant Borrowing \n\nTrade Balance \n\n1 1 1 1 1 \n\n1 1 1 \n\n1982 1983 1984 1986 198\u0398 1987 1988 \n\n2 I I I I I L \n\n1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 '988 1989 \n\n56-\n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nThe opportunities and challenges unleashed by the \ncompletion of the Internal Market are multiple. What can we \ncurrently predict about its effects on employment \nparticular sectors and areas of the Community? \n\nin \n\nIntroduction \n\nThe completion of the Internal Mar\u00ad\nket by 1992 has already begun to \ngive an impetus to growth and em\u00ad\nt he \nployment \nin \nc r e a t i on \nCommunity. By removing \nt r a de \nbarriers and exploiting economies of \nscale, it stands to strengthen com\u00ad\ne m p l o y m e nt \np e t i t i v e n e ss a nd \ngrowth. It should provide a margin \nof manoeuvre for the creation of \ns e l f - s u s t a i n ed \nb a l a n c ed \ngrowth, especially when supported \nby related policies in such areas as \nresearch and technology, environ\u00ad\nment and competition. While the \noverall impact will be positive for \nemployment, the free movement of \ngoods, services, labour and capi\u00ad\ntal that the Internal Market implies \ncould lead to a considerable restruc\u00ad\nturing of the European economy \nand labour market. a nd \n\nThese effects will have an impact on \na Community already undergoing \nmajor structural transformation as \na result of changes in the world \neconomy (as discussed in Chapter 3) \nand of other changes taking place \ninternally - notably the continuing \ngrowth of the service economy. The overall macroeconomic envi\u00ad\na \nr o n m e nt \n\nd e t e r m i n e s, \n\nto \n\nconsiderable extent, the ease and \ns t r u c t u r al \ns p e ed w i th w h i ch \nthe \nchanges are absorbed. Thus \nability of the Community to achieve \nand maintain higher rates of econ\u00ad\nin \nomic growth is a key factor \n\nensuring t h at the economic benefits \nof 1992 are translated into employ\u00ad\nment gains. Other policies can also assist. For \nexample, the completion of the In-\n\n51 \n\nS h a r es of Intra- a nd Extra-Community Trade \n1960-1987 \nas a % of GDP - EUR12 \n\n% GDP \n\n30 \n\nntra-Community Trade \n\n\u03a0 Extra-Community Trade \n\n1960 \n\n1965 \n\n1970 \n\n1975 \n\n1980 \n\n1985 \n\n57 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\n52 \n\nInterdependence: Intra- and Extra-\nCommunity Trade as a % of GDP \n\n1960 \n\n% GDP \n\n50 \n\nIntra-trade \nEC Intra-trade \n\nD Extra-trade \n- EC Extra-trade \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\nB/L \n\nIRL \n\nNL \n\n\u03a1 \n\nD \n\nDK \n\nF \n\nUK \n\nGR \n\n\u0399 \n\nE \n\n53 \n\nInterdependence: Intra- and Extra\u00ad\nCommunity Trade as a % of GDP \n\n1987 \n\n50 % G DP \n\nIntra-trade \nEC Intra-trade \n\n03 Extra-trade \n- EC Extra-trade \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\nB/L \n\nIRL \n\nNL \n\n\u03a1 \n\nD \n\nDK \n\nF \n\nUK \n\nGR \n\n\u0399 \n\nE \n\n5 8-\n\n50 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\n50 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\nternal Market at a high level of en\u00ad\nvironment protection could also \nprovide a stimulus to the growth of \nthe environmental protection in\u00ad\ndustry which currently provides \nemployment for more than 1. 5 mil\u00ad\nlion people, a number which could \ndouble by the end of the century. Community \nEconomic \nInterdependence \n\nThe Community is characterised by \na high degree of economic interde\u00ad\npendence, with a large and growing \nlevel of trade between the Member \nStates. In 1960, Community trade \nb e t w e en M e m b er S t a t es repre\u00ad\nsented only 40% of total trade. By \nthe mid-1960s, when the original \nc u s t o ms u n i on was completed, \nintra-Community trade equalled \nextra-Community trade in value. Today it represents 60% of Com\u00ad\nmunity trade (Graph 51). For some Member States this inter\u00ad\ndependence is even greater: for the \nthree Benelux countries and for Ire\u00ad\nl a n d, \nt r a de \ni n t r a - C o m m u n i ty \nrepresents over 70% of total trade \nand more than one-third of GDP \n(Graphs 52 and 53). However, the growth of intra-Com\u00ad\nmunity trade has slowed somewhat \nsince 1973 as a result of non-tariff \nb a r r i e rs and the small share of \nCommunity production in growth \nsectors. The completion of the Inter\u00ad\nnal Market is expected to have a \npositive effect with respect to both \nthese factors. Structural Shifts in \nEmployment \n\nThe completion of the Internal Mar\u00ad\nket will impact on a Community \n\n\falready experiencing major changes \nin the structure of its employment \n(see Graph 54). Agricultural em \nployment has continued to decline, \nnow representing less than 8% of \njobs in the Community. Employ \nment in industry declined sharply \nin the period after the first oil shock \nin 1973-74, although it has picked \nup in recent years. Manufacturing \nemployment is expected to main \ntain the slow rate of growth begun \nin 1988 after many years of decline. It now seems that the substitution \nof capital for labour in the manufac \nturing sector is slowing down as the \navailability of labour has increased \nand its cost has declined (see Chap \nter 4). The major growth area for employ \nment continues to be the service \nsector which now accounts for over \n60% of total number employed in \nthe Community. Part of the appar \nent job creation in services is a \nresult of a shift in activities from \nmanufacturing to services through \nthe contracting out service work \npreviously u n d e r t a k en \nin-house \n(see Chapter 6). This exaggerates \nboth the decline in manufacturing \nemployment and the rise in service \nemployment. Nevertheless, there is \nno reason to expect a slowdown in \nthe increase in employment in ser \nvices in the immediate future. 1992 - The Impact on \nEmployment \n\nThe impact of 1992 on employment \nwill not be felt evenly. There will be \nan overall, positive, effect in the \nlong-run but there will be disparate \neffects on different sectors, indus \nt he \ntries a nd \nstructure of employment within \nthem. r e g i o ns a nd on \n\nIt is obviously impossible to foresee \nall the possible changes that 1992 \n\nChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nwill bring or to predict the particu \nlar effects it will have on specific \nnarrowly defined sectors or individ \nu al firms. A g r e at deal of t he \nanalysis that is underway remains \nto be completed. Moreover, forecast \ning e x e r c i s es of t h is k i nd a re \nhazardous. Nevertheless, some pre \nl i m i n a ry \nb e en \ncompleted and this chapter exploits \nthis initial work in order to provide \na first assessment of the possible \nimpact of 1992 on employment (see \nBox on 1992 monitoring). s t u d i es \n\nh a ve \n\nOne reason for the difficulty in as \nsessing the impact of 1992 is the \ncomplexity of the different pro \ncesses involved. The abolition of \nfrontiers will encourage the exploi \ntation of economies of scale in the \nsearch for greater competitiveness, \naffecting both the structure of in \ndustry and of employment. Greater \nefficiency will in t u rn reduce costs \n\nand prices and increase demand \nand production, which will in turn \ninduce additional growth. The effect on different sectors will \ndepend on the extent to which they \npreviously enjoyed protection and \non the realisation of potential econ \nomies of scale through merger and \na reduction in the number of estab \nlishments. The abolition of frontiers \nwill increase competition between \nproducers in different countries, ac \ncelerating adjustments in certain \nsectors. It will also offer oppor \ntunities to build on the strengths of \nparticular localities: those with, for \nexample, good communications and \na reserve of highly-skilled workers \nwill be in a good position to move \ninto new markets after 1992, thus \nbringing about shifts in the struc \nture of production. 54 \n\nChange in Sectoral Employment in the \nMember States \n\n1974-1987 \n\nMillions \n\nAgricultura \n\nIndustry \n\nServices \n\n- 5 9-\n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nThese likely developments are not \nnecessai'ily all desirable. Concern \nhas already been expressed that ef \nforts m u st be m a de \nto avoid \nallowing the 1992 process to aggra \ni m b a l a n c e s. The \nv a te r e g i o n al \nCommunity comprises regions at \nvery different levels of economic de \nvelopment and while the backward \nregions have very competitive wage \nlevels, they mostly lack good infra \ns t r u c t u re a nd c o m m u n i c a t i o n s. There is a balance to be struck. On \nthe one hand, concerns have been \nexpressed t h at the more peripheral \nregions would lose out against more \ncentral areas in the Community. On \nthe other hand, the northern coun \ntries fear that competition from the \nsouth will bring pressure on their \nhigher social standards and risk 'so \ncial dumping'. completion of the Internal Market \nwill have substantial beneficial ef \nfects on employment levels in both \nthe medium and long terms. How \never, the immediate impact is more \nuncertain and depends in particular \non the extent to which economic \ngrowth takes up the slack achieved \nfrom the increased productivity re \nsulting from rationalisation. announced in the Internal Market \nWhite Paper would be implemented \nsimultaneously. In practice, im \nplementation is likely to be more \ng r a d u a l, with \nt he e m p l o y m e nt \nchanges spread over time and the \nJ-curve effect therefore much less \npronounced (Graph 55). In both \ncases, the eventual net job creation \nis the same. It has been suggested that the trend \nin employment would take the form \nof a \"J-curve\", with employment \nlosses in the first year being off-set \nby employment gains from the sec \nond year onwards. The net effect \nhas been estimated at 1. 5% of em \np l o y m e nt or at l e a st 2 million \npotential new jobs in the medium-\nterm. This J-curve effect, even in its flat \nter form, is enhanced by the current \nhigh rate of output growth in the \nCommunity, as enterprises react in \nanticipation of the completion of the \nInternal Market. This anticipation \nis taking the form of higher domes \ntic and foreign investment and an \nincrease in the number of mergers \nand concentrations. Estimates by the Commission ser \nt he \nvices h a ve s u g g e s t ed \n\nt h at \n\nThese first estimates of the employ \nment effect were based, however, on \nan assumption that all measures \n\n55 \n\nEffect of the Internal Market on Employment \nAlternative Scenarios \n\nMillions Employed \n\nWhile the exact employment effects \nof the Internal Market will depend \non the outcome of a large number of \ninter-dependent factors, the various \nalternative calculations made so far \nall show positive employment bene \nfits. Some Sectors more \n'Sensitive' than \nOthers \n\nThe overall job creation potential of \nthe Internal Market will be dis \ntributed across a variety of sectors \nof activity. However, while it is estimated that \nall sectors will be affected by 1992, \nthe greatest impact is likely to be \nfelt in those currently characterised \nby low market penetration and high \nnon-tariff barriers. Three broad ca \ntegories are considered: \n\n\u2022 \n\nIndustrial sectors 'sensitive' to \nthe 1992 changes \n\n1988 \n\n1989 \n\n1990 \n\n1991 \n\n1992 \n\n1993 \n\n1994 \n\n1995 \n\n60 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nstrategic effects, principally the \nresult of changes in the beha \nviour of \nthe \nexpansion of European trade or \nglobal trade. linked \n\nfirms \n\nto \n\nThe completion of the Internal Mar \nket essentially involves a process of \nprovoking changes in behaviour. The Internal Market will reveal the \nstrengths and weaknesses of each \nsector in the international competi \ntion environment and accentuate \nthe changes already under way. One of the principal factors deter \nmining the sensitivity of industrial \nsectors is the character of non-tariff \nbarriers. On the basis of a survey of \n11,000 European firms, industrial \nsectors (broken down into 20 areas \nof activity ) were classified according \n\nto the overall impact of non-tariff \nb a r r i e r s. The box indicates how \nthese issues were seen by the firms \nwho were interviewed. The current dispersion of prices in \ndifferent parts of the Community, \nthe scope for economies of scale, the \ndegree of concentration and the pre \nvailing and p o t e n t i al e x t e nt of \ni n t e r n a t i o n a l i s a t i on a re o t h er \ndeterminants of the impact of 1992 \non different sectors. The analysis of sensitive sectors \nwhich follows is exploratory, and is \nintended to give an overall impress \nion. In practice, t he impact on \nindividual sectors may vary be \ntween Member States and may be \ninfluenced by off-setting effects of \nthe strategies of enterprises. \u2022 \n\nIndustrial \n'non-sensitive' \nchanges \n\nsectors \nto \n\nrelatively \n1992 \n\nthe \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe Service sector. 'Sensitive' Industrial \nSectors \n\nSensitive sectors are those in which \nthe completion of the Internal Mar \nket could be significant. Changes will arise as a result of a \nseries of effects which can be classi \nfied into three groups: \n\n\u2022 direct and indirect effects of the \nWhite \nmeasures, \nPaper \nwhether they apply specifically \nto certain sectors or to all sec \ntors \n\ninduced effects \nfrom \nchanges in relative prices, mar \nket shares or overall demand \n\narising \n\nThe Importance of Non-Tariff B a r r i e rs as seen by \nBusiness \n\nThe removal of non-tariff barriers in the Community market will affect \nsectors differently. A Community-wide survey of 11. 000 firms identi \nfied a series of barriers to trade in different sectors: \n\n1 Technical standards and regulations: plastics, non-metal \n\nminerals,chemicals, mechanical engineering,motor vehicles \n\n2 Administrative barriers: textiles, clothing, paper, metals, rubber, \n\nfood \n\n3 Frontier formalities: wood, leather, man-made fibres \n\n4 Freight transport regulations: metals, oil products, paper \n\n5 Value-added tax differences: motor vehicles, clothing, leather \n\n6 Capital market controls: computers, textiles \n\n7 Government procurement restrictions: electrical engineering, \n\ntransport equipment, computers \n\n61 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\n40 sectors, representing 50% of industry by value-added \nthe Community, have been identified as particularly \n\"sensitive\" to the impact of 1992 by the Commissions \nDirectorate-General \nThese sectors have been classified \n\nfor Economic and Financial Affairs. into four broad groups. in \n\nGroup 1 \n\nE c o n o m ic Characteristics: \n\nHigh non-tariff barriers (public procurement and standards) \n\nHigh intra-EC import penetration rates and high degree of \nopenness to third countries \n\nLittle price disparity \n\nStrong growth in demand \n\nHigh technology content \n\nModerate or substantial economies of scale \n\nHigh degree of concentration \n\nRelatively poor productivity of European firms compared with \nAmerican or Japanese competitors \n\nE m p l o y m e nt Indicators: \n\nEmployment \nas % of total \nmanufacturing \nEmployment \n\n1975-83 \n\nAnnual Change wage costs \n1983-86 per person \n(1,000 ECU) \n\nGroup 1 \n\n330 Computers \n\n344 Telecom equipment \n\n372 Medical equipment \n\n1. 3 \n\n4. 2 \n\n0. 5 \n\n-1. 2 \n\n-0. 4 \n\n10. 5 \n\n4. 1 \n\n2. 4 \n\n2. 5 \n\n28. 7 \n\n21. 1 \n\n19. 2 \n\nThe computer, office-equipment and medical equipment industries \nare currently experiencing a rise in employment. Telecommunications equipment suffered falling employment over \nmany years as the introduction of electronic and digital technology \nled to continued increases in productivity. In recent years, these losses \nhave been reversed and employment is expected to remain relatively \nstable in the medium term. Effects of the Internal Market: \n\nRestructuring \n\nCooperation (on Research & Development) \n\nImproved competitiveness at world level \n\nInternal market provides opportunity to become a force at world level. 62 \n\nGroup 1 : Competitively \nWeak Industries \n\nFor the high technology industries \nwith growing demand, such as com \nputers, office equipment, medical \na nd t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o ns equip \nment, the Internal Market offers an \nopportunity to regain ground lost to \nJapanese and American competi \ntors. In these industries, Japanese \nand US firms currently have a large \nproductivity advantage over their \nEuropean counterparts because of \nthe considerable economies of scale \nthey are able to realise. These are \ntruly global markets, in terms of the \nhomogeneity of consumer demand \nt h r o u g h o ut \ni n d u s t r i a l i s ed \nworld, the nature of the players in \nthe market and the universal role of \ntechnology. t he \n\nin \n\nin R&D s i n c e, \n\nThe opening-up of the Community \nmarket could be an opportunity for \nEuropean firms to lower their costs \nby greater exploitation of economies \nof scale, often through merger. This \nwill strengthen their ability to in \nt h e se \nv e st \nindustries, companies need to be of \na certain minimum size in order to \nfinance product development. The \nSingle Market could also improve \nthe industries' performance in pion \ne e r i ng \ni n n o v a t i o n, by m a k i ng \nresearch staff more mobile, increas \ning the speed of take-up of new \ntechnologies, and encouraging co \noperation between firms. Thus, the \nSingle Market is an opportunity for \nthese industries to become world, \nrather than local, players. Group 2 Industries \nFacing Rationalisation \n\nThe potential for restructuring is \nhigh in sectors where trade is pres \nently limited and where there are \nmany European producers relative \nto the size of the market as in rail \nway equipment and boilermakers. t e r m, \n\nFor railway equipment and boiler-\nmaking the impact of the Internal \nMarket could be considerable. In \nthe s h o r t - t o - m e d i um \nthe \nfreeing of restrictions on govern \nment procurement could provide a \nboost to the most competitive Com \nmunity suppliers and lead to an \nincrease in i n t r a - EC t r a de and \nlower prices. The change in public \npurchasing behaviour could set off \nmajor rationalisation in these in \nd u s t r i es as p r o d u c e rs seek \nto \nestablish production facilities of op \ntimum size to serve an integrated \nEC market. In the drinks industry, some further \nconcentrations could occur, conti \nnuing a strategic process which has \nbeen under way for some time. Changes in approval procedures are \nlikely to cause changes in the phar \nmaceutical industry in future years. to \n\nt he \n\nforsee \n\nAlliances between European firms \nare already proliferating. It is diffi \ncult \nexact \nconsequences of this, but the ration \na l i s a t i on \nsee \np r o c e ss \nm e d i u m - s i z e d, n o n - s p e c i a l i s ed \nfirms disappear, leaving fewer but \nlarger integrated groups operating \non a European scale. could \n\nChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nGroup 2 \n\nE c o n o m ic Characteristics: \n\nHigh non-tariff barriers (public procurement for sectors 315 and \n362 and standards for sectors 257, 425 - 8) \nRather low intra-EC import penetration rates and little openness to \nthird countries \nWide price dispersion \nHigh degree of concentration \nSubstantial economies of scale \n\nE m p l o y m e nt Indicators: \n\nEmployment \nas % of total \nmanufacturing \nEmployment \n\n1975-83 \n\nAnnual Change wage costs \n1983-86 per person \n(1,000 ECU) \n\nGroup 2 \n\n257 Pharmaceuticals \n315 Boilermaking \n362 Railway equipment \n425 Drinks \n427 Drinks \n428 Drinks \n\n1. 6 \n1. 1 \n0. 4 \n0. 1 \n0. 6 \n0. 3 \n\n-0. 4 \n-2. 6 \n-2. 4 \n-1. 2 \n-4. 3 \n-2. 34 \n\n-1. 2 \n-2. 3 \n-9. 7 \n-4. 7 \n-8. 2 \n-4. 8 \n\n25. 8 \n20. 7 \n20. 0 \n23. 6 \n24. 9 \n21. 3 \n\nThe pharmaceutical industry has a workforce of approximatively \n300. 000 and overall employment was relatively stable but there has \nbeen a slight drop in recent years. However, if indirect employment \ngenerated upstream and downstream is taken into account, the in \ndustry provides employment for a total of 1. 2 million people \nthroughout the EC. In boilermaking, a significant fall in employment of around 2. 4% per \nyear over the period 1975-86 has accompanied a slight fall in output. The decline is partly caused by a stagnation in investment within the \nCommunity Internal Market and the arrival of more competitive \nimports. Employment levels have also been affected by the appear \nance of new techniques and higher skill requirements. The employment situation in railway equipment has changed greatly \nover the last few years. As in some other sectors, there are close links \nbetween jobs and orders on the one hand and investments to boost \nproductivity on the other. In drinks there is a trend towards concentration with the number of \nproducers decreasing. Effects of the Internal Market: \n\nGrowth in intra-EC trade \nRestructuring (boilermaking and locomotive industries) \nTechnical efficiency gains \nNarrowing of price disparities \n\nImpact of the internal market likely to be most marked in this group, \nbut adjustments will occur at different rates. 63 \n\n\fGroup 3 Industries \nLiable To Some \nRationalisation \n\nIn a rather disparate group of in \ndustries, including shipbuilding, \nelectrical equipment, pasta and cho \ncolate, t h e re is some scope for \nefficiency gains from rationalisa \ntion. In some of the industries (e. g. ship \nbuilding and electrical equipment) \nimports from outside the EC are \ns u b s t a n t i a l, w i th c o m p e t i t i on \nmainly from newly industrialising \ncountries. This overseas competi \ntion explains why price differences \nwithin the Community are low des \np i te \ni n t r a-\nCommunity trade and why the bulk \nof the restructuring has already \ntaken place. level of \n\nlow \n\nt he \n\nWhile technical efficiency gains \ncould certainly still occur, they are \nprobably less than those to be ex \npected in the industries in groups 1 \nand 2. In the agri-food \nindustry, \nhowever, the wave of mergers and \nacquisitions now taking place is al \nmost certainly a strategic response \nto the prospect of 1992. Chapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nGroup 3 \n\nEconomic Characteristics: \n\nIdentical to those of group 2 except that price dispersion is low (less \nthan 10 %) and extra-EC trade plays a greater role than intra-EC \ntrade in the shipbuilding and electrical engineering industries. E m p l o y m e nt Indicators: \n\nEmployment \nas % of total \nmanufacturing \nEmployment \n\n1975-83 \n\nAnnual Change wage costs \n1983-86 per person \n(1,000 ECU) \n\nGroup 3 \n\n341 Cables \n\n342 Electrical machinery \n\n361 Shipbuilding \n\n417 Pasta \n\n421 Chocolate \n\n0. 4 \n\n3. 6 \n\n1. 0 \n\n0. 1 \n\n0. 7 \n\n-0. 6 \n\n1. 7 \n\n4. 7 \n\n0. 2 \n\n3. 4 \n\n0. 7 \n\n-1. 4 \n\n-13. 0 \n\n-1. 0 \n\n-6. 8 \n\n19. 4 \n\n18. 9 \n\n20. 6 \n\n23. 5 \n\n20. 2 \n\nThe production of cable is essentially a capital intensive activity. The \npace of technological development in both the cables themselves and \nthe methods of producing them is such that employment is likely to \nfall rather than rise. Changes in employment will be mainly affected \nby strategic effects which would have occured in any case. The same applies to employment in shipbuilding which has fallen with \nthe decline in activity. Restructuring has gone ahead but continued \nexcess capacity in the Far East has maintained pressures on the \nEuropean industries. Effects of the Internal Market: \n\nRestructuring \nTechnical and economic efficiency gains but less marked than those \nfor group 2 \n\nRelative importance of Community external trade policy. 64 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nGroup 4 Industries \nWhere Distribution \nNetworks May Change \n\nincludes \nThis group of industries \nmany basic consumer goods (radios, \nTV, household electrical appliances, \nclothing, shoes and toys) and a few \nintermediate and investment goods \n(motor vehicles, machinery, glass). Here the structure of production is \nunlikely to alter much but existing \nprice differentials provide scope for \nsignificant changes in distribution \nsystems. If such d e v e l o p m e n ts \noccur, the major beneficiaries are \nlikely to be consumers. Examples of existing administra \ntive barriers are frontier formalities \nimposed by certain Member States \non products imported from \nthird \ncountries but which enter freely \ninto other Member States. This af \nfects major areas of consumer goods \nsuch as radio, television, electrical \nappliances, clothing, shoes and toys. At the production level, there is like \nly to be a move towards increased \ncooperation b e t w e en E u r o p e an \nfirms which may lead to technical \nefficiency gains in some industries. In the motor industry, for example, \nthe establishment of the Single \nMarket could allow economies of \nscale to be reaped through produc \ntion agreements between European \nmotor groups. At the same time, it \ncould intensify competition by en \nding the present segmentation of \nthe EC market due to differences in \ntechnical regulations, tax rates and \nmanufacturers' pricing policies. These production effects, should, \nhowever, be fairly limited. Group 4 \n\nE c o n o m ic Characteristics: \n\nModerate non-tariff barriers (standards and administrative \nbarriers) \nHigh import penetration rates \nPrice dispersion above 10 % or \nSubstantial economies of scale \n\nE m p l o y m e nt Indicators: \n\nEmployment \nas % of total \nmanufacturing \nEmployment \n\n1975-83 \n\nAnnual Change wage costs \n1983-86 per person \n(ECU) \n\nGroup 4 \n\n247 \n248 \n251 \n256 \n321 \n322 \n323 \n324 \n325 \n326 \n327 \n345 \n346 \n347 \n351 \n364 \n431 \n432 \n438 \n451 \n453 \n455 \n481 \n491 \n493 \n494 \n\nGlass \nCeramics \nIndustrial chemicals \nOther chemicals \nAgrie, machinery \nMachine tools \nTextile machinery \nFood machinery \nMining machinery \nTransmissions \nWood machinery \nAudiovisual \nConsumer electricity \nElectric lamps \nMotor vehicles \nAerospace \nWool \nCotton \nCarpets \nFootwear \nClothing \nHousehold textiles \nRubber \nJewellery \nPhotography \nToys \n\n1. 0 \n1. 1 \n3. 0 \n0. 7 \n0. 8 \n1. 4 \n0. 5 \n1. 3 \n1. 9 \n0. 9 \n0. 8 \n1. 8 \n1. 0 \n0. 4 \n6. 3 \n2. 0 \n0. 7 \n1. 0 \n0. 2 \n1. 2 \n3. 5 \n0. 3 \n1. 6 \n0. 2 \n0. 2 \n0. 3 \n\n-2. 8 \n-3. 2 \n-2. 0 \n-0. 7 \n0. 1 \n-4. 3 \n-8. 1 \n-2. 4 \n-2. 2 \n-6. 8 \n-2. 0 \n-3. 2 \n-3. 4 \n-4. 2 \n-1. 5 \n-0. 1 \n-6. 4 \n-5. 7 \n-3. 2 \n-1. 7 \n-4. 1 \n-2. 3 \n-2. 3 \n-2. 6 \n1. 5 \n-4. 8 \n\n-6. 5 \n-2. 6 \n-5. 6 \n-5. 8 \n-10. 3 \n-0. 1 \n0. 2 \n-1. 1 \n-3. 3 \n-2. 6 \n1. 1 \n-2. 5 \n-3. 7 \n3. 1 \n-1. 9 \n-0. 7 \n-5. 4 \n-9. 1 \n-10. 4 \n-6. 6 \n-5. 2 \n-1. 7 \n-5. 7 \n-8. 4 \n-2. 8 \n-5. 1 \n\n20. 9 \n17. 4 \n27. 0 \n24. 0 \n20. 0 \n21. 1 \n20. 9 \n22. 4 \n21. 8 \n20. 5 \n21. 6 \n19. 8 \n17. 5 \n18. 3 \n23. 0 \n25. 1 \n16. 9 \n16. 7 \n18. 3 \n14. 4 \n12. 3 \n13. 3 \n19. 7 \n17. 4 \n16. 9 \n15. 5 \n\nEffects of the Internal Market: \n\nImportance of Community external trade policy \n\nSectors where \"something is likely to happen\", particularly as a result \nof changed distribution networks. 65 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nRelatively \n'Non-Sensitive' \nIndustrial Sectors \n\nSome 70 other industrial sectors are \nconsidered to be relatively \"non-\nsensitive\" to the Internal Market. One group, including cement, build \ning m a t e r i a ls a nd b a k i n g, \nis \nprimarily based on national or even \nlocal markets. Physical or structu \nin \nral factors may inhibit trade \nthese goods rather than non-tariff \nbarriers which tend, in any case, to \nbe weak or non-existent. A number of industries where non-\ntariff barriers are weak are already \nopen to international competition. Some, such as steel and paper, are \nsuffering from strong competition \nfrom \nt he n e w l y - i n d u s t r i a l i s i ng \ncountries which use the same tech \nnology but have lower labour costs. For these industries, it is the Com \nmunity's trade policy as much as the \nInternal Market, which will deter \nmine their ability to face up to this \ncompetition. In industries with moderate non-\ntariff barriers, high import penetra \ntion and low price dispersion the \neffect of the Internal Market is ex \npected to be small. Service Sectors \n\nThe sensitivity of service sectors to \nthe Internal Market depends on a \ndifferent set of criteria from those \napplicable to manufacturing indus \ntry. Some of the factors involved are \nthe degree to which the service is \nalready traded between countries, \nthe extent to which they have been \n\"externalised\", the number of wor \nk e rs and t h e ir skill level, a nd \nproductivity and cost levels. Employment in insurance is around \n1 million, or 0. 8% of total employ \nm e nt \nservice \n1. 3% \nemployment. a nd \n\nof \n\nThe world-wide nature and open \nn e ss of t h e se \ni n d u s t r i es a n d, \nparticularly in non-regulated acti \nvities, t he i n t r o d u c t i on of new \nto \ntechnologies make it difficult \nquantify the effect of the Internal \nMarket, but a number of factors \nlikely to influence the level of em \nployment can be identified. One large group of sectors, repre \nsenting 15% of total value-added \nand over half of market services, \ncould be particularly sensitive to \nthe opening of frontiers insofar as \nexisting regulations, or lack of har \nn a t i o n al \nm o n i s a t i o n, p r o t e ct \nmarkets. These are the \nfinancial \nservices, business services, telecom \nm u n i c a t i o ns \nt r a n s p o rt \nindustries. a nd \n\nThe level of activity and the rate of \nintroduction of new services are im \nportant in this regard: all banks \nwhich foresee increased activity ex \npect their work-forces to grow. The \npotential loss of jobs through the \nproductivity gains made possible by \ncomputerisation is substantial but \nthis could, equally, be compensated \nby an expansion of labour intensive \nspecialised services. Financial Services: \nBanks and Insurance \n\nin \n\nin \n\nb a n k i ng \n\nThere are 2. 3 million people em \nployed \nt he \nCommunity, representing 1. 9% of \ntotal employment and 3. 2% of the \nmarket service sector. The increase \nin employment between 1975 and \n1985 was 420,000, a rise of 22. 5%. Transport \n\nAround 3. 8 million people work in \nthe transport sector, 3% of total em \nployment and 5. 2% of employment \nin services. l i b e r a l i s a t i on \n\nThe employment effects are likely to \nvary between the different modes of \ntransport (road, rail, air, sea, river) \nin line with existing disparities. Freedom to set up in national and \ninternational markets and the har \nm o n i s ed \nof \ninternational road transport could \nhave a significant effect on employ \nment through the restructuring of \nsupply, an intensification of compe \nt i t i on a nd a s t r e n g t h e n i ng of \ninter-firm cooperation. Whether \nemployment will increase or de \ncrease as a result is hard to predict \n\nClose scrutiny of the operation of \nthe market, particularly road trans \nport, may be needed in order to \n\nEC Telecom Services \n\nEmployment in 000's \n\nNetwork operators \n\nSubsidiaries & competitors \n\nNew telematic firms \n\nEC end users \n\nTotal \n\n1980 \n\n919 \n\n490 \n\n1,418 \n\n1987 \n\n1992 \n\n924 \n\n32 \n\n41 \n\n513 \n\n1,510 \n\n921 \n\n45 \n\n63 \n\n527 \n\n1,556 \n\n-66 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nensure that Community regulations \non social and technical issues are \nrespected in the new more competi\u00ad\ntive atmosphere. Telecommunications \n\nTelecommunications play an in\u00ad\ncreasingly m a j or role in t he \ncompetitiveness of the European \neconomy and the sector has enor\u00ad\nmous potential for further growth. Diversification and an enhanced \nrole for the private sector have \nmajor implications for future em\u00ad\nployment, which will be affected in \nparticular, by the growth of tele\u00ad\nc o m m u n i c a t i on traffic, n ew \nservices, increased productivity \nfrom new technology, and regula\u00ad\ntory changes (see box opposite). The implementation of the propo\u00ad\nsals in the Internal Market White \nPaper and in the Telecommunica\u00ad\ntions Green Paper on harmonised \nstandards for telecommunications \nand the opening up of public pur\u00ad\nchases will h a ve an i m p o r t a nt \nimpact. Sectoral Forecasts \n\nTaking into account the existing \ntrends as well as the likely effects of \nthe Internal Market, it is possible to \nmake a tentative forecast of future \noutput growth in certain industrial \nand service sectors. Graph 56 shows that overall growth \nin the Community is expected to \nincrease in the short term and will \nbe based on the stronger perfor\u00ad\nmance of certain sectors, reinforced \nby the completion of the Internal \nMarket. Half the 20 sectors ana\u00ad\nlysed a re e x p e c t ed to a c h i e ve \ngrowth rates equal or superior to \ntheir current performance. The Regional Impact \nof 1992 \n\nRegional disparities in the Com\u00ad\nmunity have increased since 1973, \nreversing the trend towards conver\u00ad\ngence t h at was a p p a r e nt in the \n1950s and 1960s. Measures to complete the Internal \nMarket will have a regional impact. To the extent that 1992 improves \nthe economic climate and stimu\u00ad\nlates growth, it provides one of the \nnecessary conditions to restart the \nprocess of convergence between re\u00ad\ngions. However, e v a l u a t i ng t he \nspecific regional distribution of the \neffects of 1992 is clearly extremely \ndifficult at this stage. The conse\u00ad\nquences for particular regions will \ndepend on the extent to which their \nexisting structure of economic activ\u00ad\nity and employment is sensitive to \n\n56 \n\nSectoral Output Growth 1979 \u00ad1987 and \nForecasts 1987 \u00ad 1993 in t he Community \n\n\u25a0 1 9 8 7 - 93 \n\u03a0 1 9 7 9 - 87 \n\nBusiness Services \n\nS e c t or \n\nThis sector covers a wide range of \nactivities ranging from advertising \nand public relations to cleaning and \nsecurity, travel services and R & D. It h as e x p e r i e n c ed very r a p id \ngrowth due both to the contracting \nout of previously in\u00adhouse activities \nfrom the manufacturing sector and \na growth in demand. It now employs \nover 4 million people. The abolition \nof non\u00adtariff barriers (recognition of \nqualifications, technical standards, \nand opening\u00adup of public markets) \noffers scope for expansion in all of \nthese activities, particularly for me\u00ad\ndium\u00adsized enterprises. Coal \n\nOil & Gas \n\nHousing \n\nSteel \n\nTextiles \n\nCars \n\nFood \n\nTrans Ser \n\nMen Too s \n\nElectr'y \n\nPlastics \n\nCons Elee \n\nPharm'ls \n\nTel Equip \n\nAerospace \n\nTel. Serv \n\nAudio-Vis \n\nSemicond \n\nOP Fquip \n\nDP. Serv \n\n10 \n% G r o w th \n\n15 \n\n20 \n\n2 \u0393) \n\n67-\n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nFactors Influencing the Location of Firms \n\nMarket potential \n\u00b0 \n\u00b0 potential for economies of scale ; \n\nlocal market demand, growth potential ; \n\nMacro-economic context / economic policy \n\u2022 growth rate of the economy, its capacity to absorb shocks; \n\u2022 exchange rates, credit rates, taxation (income/company taxes); \n\u00b0 \no commercial policy: import constraints, non-tariff barriers. industrial policy: R & D, subsidies, energy policy; \n\nLabour market \n\u2022 \nlabour costs; \n\u2022 qualification of the Work-Force; \n\u00b0 \n\" \n\nlabour market legislation: working-time, redundancy legislation; \nsocial climate: industrial relations, flexibility, trade union activity. Geographical situation \n\u2022 proximity of clients, suppliers; \n\u2022 \n\ntransport costs (and communications). Infrastructure \n\u2022 energy costs (electricity, gas, water); \n\u2022 \n\u00bb services (banks, insurance,. ); \n0 educational institutions (universities, research institutions, etc. ). industrial sites (costs and expansion potential); \n\nType of activity \n\u00b0 product life-cycle; \nlabour intensity. \u00bb \n\nO t h er factors \n\u2022 \n0 quality of living environment \n\nsocial, cultural and language factors \n\n1992, and the capacity of both the \nprivate and public sectors to react to \nthe changes that occur. These effects are both complex and \nuncertain. In certain sectors, acti \nvities may be displaced to other \nt h e se effects \nregions, a l t h o u gh \ncould be counter-balanced by other \nmovements. In general, the Inter \nnal Market can be expected to lead \nto greater specialisation and con \ncentration of export-based activities \n\nin areas of \"greater economic ad \nvantage\" because it may be easier \nand more cost-effective to serve the \nSingle Market from fewer sites. However, companies' location deci \nsions will be based on a complex of \nfactors (see Box) which will include \ninfrastructure, geographical loca \ntion and product market potential \nas well as labour market factors \nsuch as training facilities and skill \nlevels. - 68 \n\nAssessing the regional impact is ex \ntremely difficult, therefore. Hence \nthe Commission is undertaking ex \ntensive research into these issues \nincluding the potential effects of \nCommunity support from the Struc \nt u r al F u n ds a nd \nt he \nCommunity's borrowing and lend \ning i n s t r u m e n ts (see Box: 1992 \nmonitoring). t h r o u gh \n\n\"Social Dumping\" in \nthe Internal Market -\nFact or Fiction ? \n\nSince the creation of the Internal \nMarket will accentuate competition \nacross the Community, any signifi \nc a nt differences \nin w o r k i ng \nconditions - wages, levels of social \nprotection, social benefits, etc. - be \ntween the Member States raises the \npossibility t h at such differences \ncould distort competition and give \nrise to concerns of \"social dumping\". \"Social dumping\", in these terms, \ncan be defined as the use of low \nlevels of working conditions and so \ncial standards - below that which \nthe productivity of the economy \nwould normally justify - to improve \nm a r k et shares and competitive \nness. It can work in two ways. C o m p a n i es \nin M e m b er S t a t es \nwhere working conditions are signi \nficantly lower than elsewhere may \nattempt to increase their market \nshare and attract investment, dis \nplacing employment from regions \nwith higher standards of working \nconditions. At the same time, Mem \nber S t a t es with b e t t er working \nconditions could come under press \nure to reduce them or, at least, not \nto continue to make improvements. to a s s e ss \n\nWhile there is not sufficient evi \nd e n ce \nt he p o t e n t i al \nseriousness of the problem, the fac \ntors which might give rise to social \n\n\fdumping can be considered under \nthree broad headings; \n\n\u2022 direct labour costs \n\n\u2022 health and safety \n\n\u2022 other aspects of working condi\u00ad\n\ntions. Social Dumping a nd \nLabour Costs \n\nWhile the lower wage costs and \ncheaper social security systems of \nless\u00addeveloped regions reflect a so\u00ad\ncial disadvantage, they may also \noffer a comparative economic ad\u00ad\nvantage. Differences in labour costs can be \nimportant in sectors where wages \nrepresent a significant proportion of \ntotal costs and in sectors which have \npreviously been well protected and \nare suddenly exposed to competi\u00ad\ntion by the Internal Market. However, the differences in wage \ncosts per head between Member \nStates also reflect different produc\u00ad\ntivity levels, which, in general, \noffset part of the comparative ad\u00ad\nvantage of low w a ge a r e a s. Graph 57 gives an indication of the \ndifference between labour costs and \nunit labour costs in Community \ncountries. Comparisons between \ncosts in Member States are made \ndifficult by variations in tax regimes \nand, on occasions, by exchange rate \nmovements as well as by wider \nproblems of measurement. Chapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nMoreover, international competi\u00ad\ntiveness does not depend only on \nwage costs. Other factors, such as \nproduct quality, reliable delivery \nand after\u00adsales service are also im\u00ad\np o r t a n t. E q u a l l y, c o m p a ny \ndecisions regarding the location of \ntheir production units depends on a \nvariety of factors ranging from the \navailability of sub\u00adcontractors to the \nquality of financial and administra\u00ad\ntive services. Social Dumping a nd \nHealth a nd Safety at \nWork \n\nHealth and safety conditions in the \nwork place are factors which affect \nlabour costs, albeit indirectly. Exist\u00ad\ni ng wide d i s p a r i t i es could \nencourage social d u m p i n g. The \n\nCommission proposes to reinforce \nits activities in the field of supervi\u00ad\nsion over health and safety at work \non the basis of Article 118A of the \nEEC Treaty. Social Dumping a nd \nWorking Conditions \n\nThe completion of the Internal Mar\u00ad\nket, which includes the eventual \ndevelopment of a European wide la\u00ad\nbour market, should lead to the \nimprovements in the living and \nworking conditions of workers as \nlaid down in Article 117 of the EEC \nTreaty. If differences in working \nconditions between Member States \nare not to lead to distortions of com\u00ad\npetition, then standards may need \nto be brought closer into line across \nthe Community. 57 Labour Costs a nd Unit Labour Costs in the \n\nMember States 1987 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n-20 \n\n-40 \n\n-60 \n\n-80 \n\nD\u00e9viation from EC Average (%) \n\nLabour Costs \n\nUnit Labour Costs \n\nGR \n\nF NL D IRL UK \u0392 DK L. 69 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n-20 \n\n-40 \n\n-60 \n\n-80 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\nThe Impact of 1992 on Men and Women \n\nThough women account for some 38% of the Community labour force, \nthe proportion of employees in sensitive sectors who are women varies \nfrom less than 10% in heavy industries like shipbuilding to 75% in \ntextiles (see graph 58). Whether the Internal Market will have any differential impact on the \nemployment of women depends on a number of factors, notably \nwhether current trends continue with regard to the following: \n\n\u2022 a high proportion (73%) of female employment is concentrated in \nthe service sector. The expected growth in this sector is therefore \nlikely to be beneficial to women. Indeed, 75% of newly created jobs \nin recent years have been for women; \n\n\u2022 temporary and part\u00adtime jobs are principally undertaken by \n\nwomen and increases in this type of employment should maintain \npresent growth rates of female employment or even increase them; \n\n\u2022 on the other hand, female employment is concentrated in jobs \n\nrequiring few qualifications. The Internal Market will stimulate \ncompetition and productivity,perhaps resulting in the substitution \nof capital for less qualified workers. At the same time, demand for \nless qualified female workers is likely to remain constant, or even \nincrease, in services linked to social development (for example, \ndomestic work and child care). 58 Share of Female Employment in Sensitive \n\nSectors 1986 \n\nG r O Up 1 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a01 Hi-Tech Eqiipmont \n\n| BoiorYRailwey Engr\u00edes \n\nG r O Up 2 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0I Drinks \n\n= \n\nG r O Up 3 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0! Pasta \n\n= \n\n\u25a0I Electrical Eqiicment \n\nCurs \n\nPlant\u00bb \n\nMaclthfl'y Manulactire \n\u25a0 \u25a0I ChcmicelG \n\u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0I Gloss \n\u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0H Rubber \n\u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0i Capots \n\nG r O Up 4 \u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\n\n\u25a0\u25a0 Ceramica \n\n\u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u00a1 \u25a0 HH ElftCtrical Goods/ E tictro nies \n\n\u25a0 Woolen & Canon \n\nI Jew Bile ry \n\u25a0 Pruno \n\n\u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0H Tens \n\u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 \u25a0 Mi Shoes \n\n20 40 60 80 \n\nFemale Employment (%) \n\n70 \n\n\fChapter 5 Sectoral Employment Impact of 1992 \n\n1992 Monitoring \n\nThe Commission and other Community bodies, particularly the Eu \nropean Parliament, have underlined the importance of observing \nemployment trends and changes in order to ensure the successful \ncompletion of the Internal Market. The task of observation is complex, but a range of activities have \nbegun or are planned. The Commission's initiatives consist of: \n\n\u2022 Programmes of analysis and research \n\n\u2022 A European employment documentation system \n\nStudy programmes \n\nFollowing on the study on the \"Cost of Non-Europe\" (Cecchini Report), \nmore than sixty studies dealing directly or indirectly with the social \ndimension have been launched in various Commission departments. Many of these studies will be completed by the end of 1989. The results \nwill afford a clearer understanding of the mechanisms and impacts of \nthe completion of the internal market in the social and regional field. For example, one of these studies will provide information on the \nposition and strategy of the industrial sectors sensitive to 1992 in each \ncountry. These studies fall into three categories: \n\n\u2022 Studies dealing with regions. These studies examine the problems of various l'egions of the \nCommunity ranging from the traditional industrial regions to the \nregions of the south and islands. \u2022 Studies dealing with sectors. These studies examine the problems of particular sectors such as \ntelecommunications, transport or financial services. They also \nanalyse groups of sectors in relation to a common theme, such as \nthose sectors dependent on public markets, or the position and \nstrategy of sectors which are 'sensitive' to the completion of the \nInternal Market. \u2022 Studies on a particular issue. These studies look at such issues as mergers and concentrations of \nenterprises; regulations governing working conditions; women's \nemployment; or employment in small and medium sized \nenterprises. Many of these studies also have a sectoral and/or \nregional dimension. European employment documentation system \n\nBefore the end of 1989, the Commission will have set up a European \nemployment documentation system. This system will be responsible \nfor assembling, processing ( analysis and synthesis ) and disseminating \nthe data available in the Commission and in the Member States on \nemployment trends. Sources will include public authorities, private \nbodies, universities, etc. 71 \n\n\f-72 \n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality \u00ad For Better or Worse? \n\nChapter 6 Job Quality - For Better or Worse? \n\nThe issue of job quality is a growing debate. Has the shift \nfrom industry to services brought an improvement or a \ndeterioration in job quality? Is the increased importance of \nsmall and medium-sized firms in creating new jobs, and the \nincrease in part-time jobs, leading to a better or worse \nworking environment? \n\nIntroduction \n\nThe current structural transforma\u00ad\ntion of the European economy and \nlabour market, which will be accen\u00ad\ntuated after 1992, is causing major \nchanges in the content and quality \nof jobs as well as their quantity and \ndistribution. There has been consid\u00ad\nerable debate in the United States, \nand to a lesser extent in Europe, on \nthe relationship between changes in \nthe number and type of jobs and in \ntheir quality. A key question has \nbeen whether the new jobs being \ncreated are better or worse than the \nones they replaced. The increase in total employment, \nand the shift from manufacturing to \nservices, may be seen as generally \npositive factors which have created \nnew working conditions and in\u00ad\ncreased flexibility. On the other \nhand, these changes may also be \nseen as h a v i ng b e en a c h i e v ed \nthrough the extension of part\u00adtime \nworking and the development of \nlow\u00adskilled and low\u00adpaid jobs. The issues are not easy to handle. There is no unambiguous, quantifi\u00ad\n\nable, concept of job quality and \nhence no overall measure. Thus \nthe debate tends to t u rn around a \nseries of measurable indicators of \nquality such as the contractual rela\u00ad\nt i o n s h i p, t he skill c o n t e n t, t he \n\nw o r k i ng e n v i r o n m e n t, t he re\u00ad\nmuneration and the age and sex \nstructure of the changing labour \nforce. Balanced judgements are dif\u00ad\nficult to make. Indeed, because the \nfactors on which emphasis is now \n\n60 Full Time a nd Part-Time Work in the Member \n\nStates 1987 \n\n% Total Employment \n\n100 \n\nFull-Time \u25a1 Parl-Time \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nNL DK UK \n\nIRI \n\nGR \n\n73 \n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality - For Better or Worse? \n\nplaced concern characteristics of \nthe contemporary labour market, \nthey may well overlook other fac \ntors, for example, the extent to \nwhich the physical and environ \nm e n t al a s p e c ts of j o bs h a ve \nimproved over time. The Growth of \nAlternative \nContractual Forms \n\nto \n\nMuch of the debate on new forms of \nemployment and increased mobility \nhas been concerned with the need \nfor more flexible labour market re \ns p o n s i v e n e ss \ni n c r e a s ed \ninternational competition, in the \ncontext of economic crisis and of \nnew opportunities for organisa \ntional and technological change. In \nparticular, debate has focused on \nthe growth of new contractual forms \nof employment and their implica \n\ntions for labour market behaviour \nand policy. The most common forms of employ \nm e nt c o n t r a c t, o t h er t h an \nfor \ntraditional full-time and permanent \njobs, are for part-time or temporary \nwork. Graph 60 shows the distribu \ntion of full-time and part-time work \nin the Member States. Part-time \nemployment is very much concen \ntrated among women in the middle \nand older age-groups (see Graphs \n62 and 63). With the exception of the \nyoung in Denmark and the Nether \nl a n d s, levels of p a r t - t i me work \namong men are still very low and \nshow no signs of increasing. This pattern is the outcome of indi \nvidual decisions to enter the labour \nm a r k e t, mostly on t he p a rt of \nwomen, and reflects the job options \nopen to them. While women, espe \ncially married women returning to \nwork after having children, have \n\n61 \n\nDistribution of Temporary Employment in the \nMember States \n\n1987 \n\n% Employees \n\n20 \n\nFull-Time \n\nD Part-Time \n\n1b \n\n10 -\n\nGR \n\nD \n\nDK \n\nNL \n\nIRL \n\nUK \n\n74 \n\nperhaps the greatest choice about \nhow much they work, they are not \nusually the only breadwinner and \noften have the least choice about the \nform of contract to accept. The search for flexibility by firms \nhas led to the creation of many new \npart-time and temporary jobs which \nrequire little skill or work experi \nence. This has led to the emergence \nof a secondary labour market along \nside the primary one, but without \nthe same restrictions on employers \nor forms of protection for workers. The number of jobs in manufactur \ning traditionally performed by men \nworking full-time has declined sig \nn i f i c a n t ly \nr e c e nt y e a rs as \ndemand for the goods they produced \nhas slumped. As a result, those who \nwere previously employed in the \nprimary market have become un \nemployed or have been forced to \nseek work in the secondary market, \nin jobs which do not demand the \nsame level of skills. in \n\nPart-time work and temporary con \nt r a c ts offer firms \ntwo ways of \nincreasing the flexibility of their la \nbour force. The former enables them \nto vary the hours worked, the latter \nthe number of people they employ. w i t h o ut \n\nTrade unions in Europe are con \nc e r n ed at \nin which \nt he w ay \nmanagement use these new con \ntractual forms to increase flexibility \nfor their convenience and profita \nb i l i t y, \nn e c e s s a r i ly \nconsidering the effects on the work \nforce. This is less the case with \npart-time jobs as such, than with \nshort-term contracts and forms of \nquasi-self employment which may \nallow the employers to avoid taking \non the usual obligations to em \nployees. The growth of part-time and tem \nporary jobs could potentially reflect \ne i t h er t he operation of m a r k et \n\n\fforces or workers increasingly exer\u00ad\ncising their choice to work fewer \nhours or for a smaller part of the \nyear. In other words, the key ques\u00ad\ntion is whether it is the workers who \nare pushing for these new forms of \nemployment, whether it is the em\u00ad\nployers, or w h e t h er it is an \narrangement which suits both of \nthem. Research indicates that while many \npeople have part\u00adtime jobs from \nchoice, a significant proportion (see \nGraph 76 in Chapter 7 ) do so be\u00ad\ncause they cannot find suitable \nfull\u00adtime work. The position varies \nconsiderably b e t w e en M e m b er \nS t a t es a nd b e t w e en m en a nd \nwomen. Across the Community, be\u00ad\ntween 5% and 50% of men are doing \npart\u00adtime jobs because they cannot \nfind a full\u00adtime one, while the range \nfor women is from 5% to 30%. The \naverages are 24% for men and 11% \nfor women. More striking is the evidence on the \nproportion of workers on short\u00adterm \ncontracts who would rather be in \npermanent jobs. The importance of \ntemporary working across the Com\u00ad\nmunity is shown in G r a ph 6 1. Graph 77 in Chapter 7 shows how \n50% of women and 70% of men doing \ntemporary jobs are doing so because \nthey could not find a permanent job. The trend towards part\u00adtime and \ntemporary work has been furthered \nby more women looking for jobs and \nby pressure from the large number \nof unemployed. It is important to \nassess whether these forms of work \nare replacing permanent full\u00adtime \njobs or are additional to them. Chapter 6 Job Quality \u00ad For Better or Worse? \n\n62 Part\u00adTime Employment of Young Women and \nall Women in the Member States 1987 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n% Working Part-time \n\nD All Ages \u25a0 Young \n\nEC All Ages EC Young \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nDK D GR E F IRL I L \n\nNL \u03a1 UK \n\n63 Part\u00adTime Employment of Young Men a nd all \n\nMen in the Member States 1987 \n\n% Working Part-time \n\n60 ,-\n\n\u25a1 All Ages \u25a0 Young \n\nEC All Ages EC Young \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n\u0393\u03b2 l i l i l\u00ed \n\n\u0392 DK D GR E F IRL \n\nL NL \u03a1 UK. J \n\n75-\n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality \u00ad For Better or Worse? \n\nAlready the pressure from com\u00ad\np a n i es s e e k i ng t h is t y pe of \nflexibility h as had an impact on \nlegislation restricting or promoting \nsuch forms of work. In several Mem\u00ad\nber States, institutional provisions \nrestricting part\u00adtime work have \nbeen modified or legislation govern\u00ad\ni ng s h o r t \u00ad t e rm c o n t r a c ts a nd \ntemporary work agencies has been \nrelaxed. Skill Content and Job \nQuality \n\nPeople's perceptions of the quality \nof their job are determined by a var\u00ad\niety of factors including the skills \nrequired, payment, tenure, hours \nand the physical working environ\u00ad\nment. These factors, taken together, \nwill lead people to describe their job \nas \"good\" or \"bad\". In practice, positive characteristics \ntend to go together. High\u00adskilled \njobs with good pay tend to be accom\u00ad\np a n i ed by good e m p l o y m e nt \nconditions and a pleasant working \nenvironment. Changes in job quality which have \nresulted from recent structural de\u00ad\nvelopments in the labour market \nare principally associated with two \nphenomena: the shift to services \nand the introduction of new techno\u00ad\nlogies. The nature of work changes \nmost as a result of organisational \nand technological innovation. New \ntasks emerge as technology advan\u00ad\nces and old tasks are taken over by \nmachines or disappear as innova\u00ad\ntion occurs and new products are \ndeveloped. Both these factors alter \nthe skill\u00adstructure of employment \nwhich can be used as an indicator of \nthe changing content of jobs. 64 \n\nTemporary Employment by Full\u00adTime a nd \nPart\u00adTime Status in t he Member States \n\n% Full-Time / Part-Time Employment \n\n\u25a0 Full-Time \n\u03a0 Part-Time \n\nEC Full-Time \nEC Part-Time \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\n1987 \n\n- 40 \n\nr \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n\u038c \n\n\u03a1 GR \n\nD \n\nDK NL \n\nIRL \n\n\u0392 \n\nUK \n\nI \n\nII \n\n-76 \n\nAs tasks become increasingly com\u00ad\nplex, more skills are required to \nperform them. When machines are \nintroduced to perform low grade \ntasks, unskilled workers can be re\u00ad\nplaced or down-graded. This may \nlead to a polarisation of excess la\u00ad\nbour and over-qualification in some \noccupations and skill shortages and \nunder-qualification in others. At a time of persistent high unem\u00ad\nployment, firms may use \nt h e ir \npower in the labour market to raise \njob requirements and increase com\u00ad\npetition among workers. Formal \neducation and training is used as a \nrequirement not only in relation to \nthe tasks to be performed, but also \nas an indicator of behaviour, loyalty \nto the firm, adaptability and capac\u00ad\nity to learn - a screening device for \npotential workers. Evidence from a number of Member \nStates suggests that differences in \njob content between occupational \ngroups is related to differences in \nformal qualifications. The use of for\u00ad\nmal qualifications as a means of \nselecting workers is a function of \neconomic conditions and h as in\u00ad\nc r e a s ed w i th \nfrom \nover-employment to under-employ-\nment in the mid-1970s. t he s w i t ch \n\nw i th \n\nc o m p a r ed \n\nThe evidence is often surprising. A \nDutch survey of occupations and \nqualifications shows that managers \nhave a relatively low level of educa\u00ad\nt i on \nt he \nrequirements of their job and lack \nspecialised education, a charac\u00ad\nteristic they share with unskilled \nand semi-skilled production wor\u00ad\nkers. Bookkeepers and cooks also \nseem to lack \"appropriate\" formal \ntraining. Professional and scientific \nworkers, however, show the ex\u00ad\npected relationship between job \ncontent and the level, and length \nand type of education. The link be\u00ad\ntween complexity of tasks and type \n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality - For Better or Worse? \n\nof education also seems to be par \nin public \nticularly p r o n o u n c ed \nservice occupations such as health \nand education. In some countries, it is suggested \nthat the polarisation of skills is pri \nmarily due to supply-side factors. The rise in the number of highly-\nskilled workers is associated with \ntwo trends: the number of qualified \npeople is rising faster than the jobs \nneeding t h e m, while t he more \nskilled jobs have tended to require \neven higher levels of qualification. As a result, competition crowds out \nless qualified workers who are re \nplaced by skilled workers who, in \nterms of their qualifications, are \nunder-employed. In other countries, the explanation \nis to be found primarily on the de \nmand-side. High levels of demand \nfor higher qualifications is induced \nby technical and organisational \nchange and efforts to improve pro \nductivity. When unemployment is \nhigh, better qualified workers can \nexploit their labour market advant \nages. for \n\nDifferent policy responses are re \nquired \nc o n t r a s t i ng \nt h e se \nsituations. If supply-side factors are \nthe main cause, the solution lies in \nthe creation of additional employ \nment to absorb the excess labour: \nthe provision of vocational training \nto the lower skilled will simply \nmake the problem worse. If demand-side factors are respon \nt r a i n i ng \nsible, t h en vocational \ntargeted on specific occupations and \nlabour market groups will have the \ngreatest impact. In practice it is likely that both de \nmand and supply-side factors are \npresent, necessitating a strategy of \nemployment-intensive growth ac \n\ncompanied by specific employment \nand training policies. precariousness of a growing number \nof jobs. The polarisation of skills in the \nstructure of employment has been \naccompanied by a deepening of the \ndivision between internal and ex \nternal labour markets. Both the \nform of the internal organisation \nchosen by a firm and the nature of \nits relationship to the external envi \nronment are compromises between \nthe need for flexibility and the need \nto keep a core of experienced wor \nkers. The failure, so far, to meet these \nobjectives is shown by the relation \nship between qualifications and \nunemployment. The incidence of \nunemployment is related directly to \nthe level of qualification and to sex. In Spain and Holland, 70% of the \nunemployed have only primary or \nlower education. In the U n i t ed \nKingdom, unemployment rates for \nmales with no qualifications are al \nmost twice as high as the average. Internal flexibility \nis achieved by \nvarying the tasks of the regular \nworkforce to meet the changing pro \nduct demand. This involves \nthe \nintegration of tasks into a smaller \nnumber of jobs and fewer produc \ntion units which are less rigidly and \nhierarchically organised. Added \nflexibility is gained by recourse to \nsubcontractors and employment \nagencies in the external labour mar \nket. In this way, the complex relation \nship between the need for skilled \nworkers and the search for flexi \nbility tends to intensify the division \nof the labour market into two seg \nments. But this is a result and not a \ncause, of the changes in the content \nand quality of jobs. The policy message is again am \nbiguous. Increased flexibility \nin \nlabour markets is considered a posi \ntive result of the changes in job \ncontent. Segmentation of the labour \nmarket, with a greater proportion of \nthe labour force in precarious mar \nginal jobs, often at low rates of pay, \nis not. E m p l o y m e nt policy will \ntherefore need to recognise two ob \njectives: the need for flexibility in \nthe interests of productivity and \ncompetitiveness, and the introduc \nt he \ntion of m e a s u r es to reduce \n\nIncome a nd \nEmployment \n\nIncome is a crucial factor in people's \nassessment of job quality. Higher \nincome jobs are normally regarded \nas \"good\" jobs, involving the use of \nmost skills and offering the best \ncareer prospects. German evidence, relating to em \nployment and income trends in a \nnumber of sectors, provides a tenta \njob \ntive i n d i c a t i on of w h e t h er \nquality is increasing or decreasing. Income levels in manufacturing \nwere 10% higher than in services, \nalthough some service sectors such \nas financial and business services \nwere at the top of the earnings scale. Service occupations, such as per \na nd \ns e r v i c e s, c l e a n i ng \ns o n al \nsecurity guards, were also at the \nbottom end of the earnings scale. Low paid sectors did not necessarily \ngenerate the most new jobs, al \nthough employment increased in \nproduction-related services such as \ncleaning and manpower services \nwhich have a high proportion of \npart-time working and low skilled \nworkers. Falls in employment oc \ncurred in low income sectors such as \nhousehold related services. 77-\n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality \u00ad For Better or Worse? \n\nOn the other hand, employment in\u00ad\nc r e a s ed in p r o d u c t i o n \u00ad r e l a t ed \nservices where income levels were \nhigher than average, such as busi\u00ad\nness advisory services, which tend \nto be occupations with high skill \nlevels. Nor did there seem to be \nmuch relation between the level of \npay rises in a sector and employ\u00ad\nment growth. These findings indicate that the \nmain determinant of the growth of \nemployment in both high income \nand low income service occupations \nis demand for the product. The \ntrend to service employment has \ntherefore caused an increase in both \n\"good\" jobs and \"bad\" jobs if income \nis used as the indicator. But on bal\u00ad\nance, employment h as increased \nmore in occupations where income \ngrowth had been below average. Job Content and the \nService Sector \n\nChanges in job content and the \ngrowth of new forms of employment \nare both closely related to trends in \nthe service sector where new types \nof job are most widespread \u00ad from \ninformation technology based office \njobs to fast\u00adfood outlets. Two developments in particular \nhave contributed to the massive ex\u00ad\npansion of the service sector in \nrecent years. The first is the shift of \nexisting jobs from the manufactur\u00ad\ning sector to services t h r o u gh \ncompanies contracting out their ser\u00ad\nvice activities. The second is the \ncreation of completely new types of \nservice activity. Clearly to the ex\u00ad\ntent t h at the first development has \nbeen a major factor, the emergence \nof the so\u00adcalled service economy \nmight in some degree be regarded \n\n65 \n\nSectoral Distribution of Part\u00adTime \nEmployment in the Member States 1987 \n\n% Total Employment \n\n30 \n\nEH Agriculture \u25a0 Industry Services \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\n11 \n\nNL DK UK \n\nIRL \n\nGR \n\n\u00ad 7 8\u00ad\n\nas a statistical mirage, though it \nmight nevertheless be associated \nwith fundamental changes in the \nway that labour markets operate. It also carries important policy im\u00ad\nplications. In the first place, if the \ngrowth of services is merely a reflec\u00ad\ntion of relocation of employment \nfrom one sector to another, it may \noffer little hope of solving the unem\u00ad\nployment problem. In the second \nplace, if such shifts in employment \ninvolve no change in where an em\u00ad\nployee is actually working but only \na change in who is employing him or \nher \u00ad e. g. office workers or cleaners \ncontinuing to work in the same \nbuilding but for a contractor rather \nthan the company for which work is \nbeing done \u00ad then there may be im\u00ad\nportant implications for industrial \nrelations. This is particularly the \ncase if such employees are working \nside by side with the client com\u00ad\npany's staff. The effect that this kind of shift has \non job quality may well be part of \nthe motivation behind the move, as \nthe firm seeks to increase flexibility. For example, a manufacturing firm \nmay contract out its catering to an \noutside contractor, so causing the \nactivity to shift from manufacturing \nto services and a corresponding \nchange in the form of contractual \nrelationship. In order to remain \ncompetitive, the specialist contrac\u00ad\ntor may have to employ the workers \non a weaker, more tenuous contrac\u00ad\ntual basis. The shift in job between \nsectors may therefore lead to a re\u00ad\nduction in quality. Indeed, firms may pursue a strate\u00ad\ngy of contracting out less essential \nwork and confining the workforce \nthey employ to the most central ac\u00ad\ntivities. Low quality jobs might, \ntherefore, be externalised while the \ngood jobs involving high levels of \nhuman capital will be retained. This \n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality - For Better or Worse? \n\nthese new types of job with possible \nimplications for job quality and la \nbour market segmentation are well \nestablished. These trends could be \na c c e n t u a t ed \n1992. For \na f t er \nexample, a firm's decision to re \ns t r u c t u re \nto \nexternalise or to relocate an activity \nwithin another enterprise within \none Member State may possibly be \nthe first step towards deciding to \nrelocate in another Member State \n(see Chapter 5). its operations a nd \n\nThis raises the issue of the need for \ngeneral protection of these different \nforms of work. If the threat of social \ndumping were to become a reality, \nthen competitive forces could bring \np r e s s u re across the Community \nleading to the more widespread use \nof more precarious forms of con \ntract. tendency will be reinforced if many \nof the skills are specific to the firm \nand are continuously being de \nveloped \non-the-job \ntraining. t h r o u gh \n\nof \n\nIn the longer-term, as the externali-\nsation \na c t i v i t i es \nc e r t a in \nincreases, the market for them will \nexpand, providing opportunities for \nspecialisation and economies of \nscale. On the other hand, techno \nlogical c h a n ge m ay h a ve \nt he \nopposite effect, making the inter-\nn a l i s a t i on of an a c t i v i ty b o th \nfeasible and attractive - such as, for \nexample, the emergence of desk-top \npublishing and the possibility it \nopens up for firms to produce their \nown presentational material. l a r ge \n\nAs well as sub-contracting, another \nfeature has been the development of \n\"paternalistic\" or \"foster\" relation \nships w h e r e by \nfirms \nencourage small firms to be set up \nunder t h e ir p a t r o n a g e. By t h is \nmeans they are able to exercise con \ntrol over w h at \nt h ey do, while \ntransferring some of the risks at \ntached to the venture concerned and \navoiding upsetting their internal or \nganisation. The results of a recent survey of \nservices provided to French busi \nnesses show that there seems to be \na threshold effect in operation, de \nmand initially increases with size, \nthen levels off, and finally, for large \nbusinesses, decreases (see Box). Job Quality and \nLegislation \n\nBoth supply-side and demand-side \nfactors are affecting the changes in \njob content and job quality. Supply-\nside changes are contributing to \ngreater flexibility in the labour mar \nin \nk e t, \nparticipation rates, particularly of \nwomen, and in more flexible use of \ntime. c h a n g es \n\nt h r o u gh \n\nDemand-side factors, which tend to \ndown-grade the value of work asso \nciated with c e r t a in c o n t r a c t u al \nforms, are contributing to an inten \nl a b o ur m a r k et \nsification \nsegmentation as more and more \njobs with precarious contractual ar \nrangements, which often demand \nlittle in the way of skills, are pushed \ninto the secondary labour market. of \n\nAn important factor affecting \nthe \npattern of employment contracts \nhas been the degree of legislative \nintervention by governments. While \ncontractual forms are frequently \nthe subject of collective negotiation, \ngovernments generally have \nthe \nmeans to promote or prevent the \ngrowth of new contractual forms, or \nto influence the conditions in which \nthey occur. Government action in \nthis area is commonly judged ac \ncording to how far it promotes or \nrestrains the creation of skilled jobs \nwith terms which are flexible but \nwhich do not exploit the worker. It also shows that externalisation \nand polarisation go together. Most \nof the functions which are con \ntracted out are those which are \neither low income, low-skill occupa \ntions such as cleaning and security \nor high-skill, high-income activities \nsuch as advertising and computing. There are wide divergences be \ntween Member States in terms of \nthe growth of new forms of employ \nment, changes in job content and \nflexibility. The preoccupations of \ngovernments and of employers and \ntrade unions often differ, but the \ntrends towards the wider use of \n\n79 \n\n\fChapter 6 Job Quality - For Better or Worse? \n\nRecourse to External Services - A Survey of F r e n ch Businesses \n\nThe main determinants of intermediate demand for services are the nature of the function contracted outside \nand the size of the business. Effect of Size \non Externalisation \n\nPercentage of Compan es Using External \nServices for the Functions Indicated \nbelow 15% \n\n25 to 50% \n\nNo Relation \n\nFrequency of Use \nIncreases with \nSize \n\nFrequency of Use \nDecreases with \nSize \n\nFrequency of Use \nIncreases to \nThreshold \nThen Decreases \n\nMaintenance \nManagement \nControl \n\nSupervisory \nRecruitment \nSecurity \nCatering \n\nGeneral \nAccounting \nTranslation \n\nComputer \nMaintenance \nStudies \nMarketing \nSpecialised \nEquipment \nTesting \n\nPayments \nAnalytical \nAccounting \n\nSecurity \nWarehouses \nTransport of \nPersonnel \nNon-supervisory \nRecruitment \nRepresentation \nComputerised \nManagement \n\nLeasing \nComputer Studies \nHandling \nPrototypes & \nModels \nSoftware \nOrganisation \nof Work \nResearch \nInfrastructures \nFinancial \nManagement \nMethods \n\nover 50% \n\nTransport of \nMerchandise \nForeign Trade \n\nCleaning \n\n\u2014 \n\nLegal Problems \nCadre Training \nTaxes \nAdvertising \nNon- Supervisory \nTraining \nLitigation \nPatents & Trademarks \n\n-80 \n\n\fSMEs and the Self-Employed \n\nSMEs and the Self-Employed \n\nJob Creation in Small \nand Medium-Sized \nEnterprises \n\nSmall and medium-sized enter\u00ad\nprises (those with fewer than 100 \nemployees) are increasing \nt h e ir \nshare of employment in most Com\u00ad\nmunity countries and creating jobs \nat a more rapid rate t h an \nlarge \nfirms. The relative importance of small \nand medium-sized firms in \nt he \nMember States is shown in Graph \n66. There are wide variations in the \ncontribution of SMEs to total em\u00ad\nployment. They provide around 20% \nof the manufacturingjobs in the UK \nand Luxembourg, 30-45% in France \nthe Netherlands, Belgium, Spain, \nPortugal, Ireland and Denmark and \nover half the manufacturingjobs in \nGreece and Italy. The evidence also suggests that the \nshare of employment accounted for \nby SMEs is increasing, although \nthis needs to be interpreted with \ncare since it may simply mean that \nthey are losing employment less \nrapidly than other firms. This, in\u00ad\ndeed, was often the case in the \n1970s and early 1980s (see Graph \n67). SMEs are more important in the \nservice sector where they provide \nover half of all jobs in that sector. SMEs are becoming more import\u00ad\nant employers of the workforce in \nmost Member States, except in the \n\nNetherlands where their share has \nremained relatively constant and in \nGreece where it has declined slight\u00ad\nly, although remaining amongst the \nhighest. Only in the United King\u00ad\ndom has there been a substantial \nincrease in the share of SMEs in \nmanufacturing employment. time when large enterprises have \nbeen reducing employment. This is \nparticularly true of firms with less \nt h an 20 employees. In t he UK, \nFrance and the Federal Republic of \nGermany, the extent of job creation \nis small for firms with more than 20 \nemployees. Small and medium-sized enter\u00ad\nprises have been creating jobs at a \n\nHowever, the creation of jobs in \nSMEs occurs in a relatively small \n\n66 \n\nDistribution of Employment in Manufacturing \nby Size of F i rm in t he Member States \n\n% Employment \n\n100 \n\ncirca 1980/83 \n\n< 100 Employees \u03a0 > 100 Employees \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n4 0 \n\n20 \n\nD \n\nL \n\nUK \n\n\u0392 \n\nNL \n\nDK \n\nE \n\n\u03a1 \n\nF \n\nIRL \n\nGR \n\nI \n\n- 8 1-\n\n\fSMEs and the Self\u00adEmployed \n\n67 Employment Growth in Small a nd Medium \n\nSized Enterprises in some Member States \n\nAnnual % Change \n\nSmall Enterprises [. ] Large Enterprises \n\n1973-80 \n\n1978-83 \n\n1971-85 1980-84 \n\n1960-80 1971-82 \n\n\u0392 DK D F IRL I NL UK \n\n68 Change in the Distribution of \n\nSelf\u00adEmployment by Sector in t he \nCommunity (EUR9) 1979\u00ad1987 \n\n% Total Employment in Sector \n\nD 1979 \u25a0 1987 \n\n50 % \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 -\n\n13 % \n\nAgriculture \n\nIndustry \n\nrev 4. 1\u00ad 12. 07 \n\n82 \n\nnumber of firms. Not all small firms \nare creating jobs and not all large \nfirms are losing jobs. Only some \n10% of firms grow out of the smal\u00ad\nlest size category, and only 1% \nmanage to become large firms, even \nover a period as long as twelve \nyears. Similar differences can be noted \nwith regard to the life of new firms, \nA majority fail within ten years oi \nopening, most of the rest remain \nsmall, and few grow big enough to \nmake a noticeable contribution to \nemployment. The jobs created by small firms are \noften different from those in larger \nenterprises. They tend to have a \nhigher concentration of \"new\" jobs \nand reflect the trends in job content \nand job quality more closely than do \nlarge firms. SMEs tend to employ a greater pro\u00ad\np o r t i on of f e m a le w o r k e r s, \np a r t i c u l a r ly p a r t \u00ad t i me females \nthan their larger counterparts. In \nthe Netherlands, 37% of employees \nin small firms are women compared \nwith 26% in large firms. In the \nFederal Republic of Germany, firms \nwith less than 20 workers employee \n40% of all female part\u00adtime wor\u00ad\nkers. Employment in small firms tends tc \nbe more unstable t h an in large \nfirms. Small firms experience mud\" \nhigher levels of turnover than large \nfirms which have a hard core o: \n\"permanent\" workers who tend te \nbe better paid than their counter \nparts in small firms. In France, foi \nexample, wages in large firms are \nup to 60% higher t h an in smal \nfirms. This suggests t h at jobs in smal \nfirms maybe of a lower quality thar \njobs in larger firms, although thii \nmay be linked to the structure anc \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n\forganisation of the industry. Lower \njob quality is associated with high \nrates of sub\u00adcontracting and the use \nof various forms of'flexible' employ\u00ad\nment contracts. On the other hand, the skill level of \nemployees, particularly in manu\u00ad\nfacturing, tends to be higher in \nsmall than in large firms. In the \nFederal Republic of Germany, 76% \nof male manual workers in small \nfirms are categorised as skilled, \ncompared with 60% in large firms. S e l f \u00ad E m p l o y m e nt \n\nThe expansion of self\u00ademployment \nis often cited as an example of the \npositive employment effects result\u00ad\ning from the encouragement of new \ncontractual forms. There are considerable differences \nin the incidence of self\u00ademployment \nas between sectors, and partly re\u00ad\nflecting this, as between countries. The number of self\u00ademployed is hig\u00ad\nhest in the service sector, the figure \nexceeding 8 m i l l i on in 1987 \nthroughout the Community as a \nwhole (Graph 69). Moreover growth \nof self\u00ademployment has been much \nmore marked in services over the \n1980s than in other parts of the \neconomy, the number increasing by \nalmost a million. However both fea\u00ad\ntures reflect the growing overall \nimportance of service activities in \nthe EC economy rather than any \ntendency for the self\u00ademployed to \ngravitate towards this sector. On the other hand, although only \nsome 20% of the self\u00ademployed work \nin agriculture, these account for \nnearly 50% of the total number \nworking in this sector (Graph68). This compares with a figure of \naround 14% in services. While the \nnumbers of self\u00ademployed in agri\u00ad\n\nSMEs and the Self\u00adEmployed \n\n69 Changes in Self\u00adEmployment by Sector in t he \n\nCommunity 1979 \u00ad 1987 \n\nMillions \n\n10 \n\n\u03b1 1979 \u25a0 1987 \n\n10 \n\nAgriculture \n\nIndustry \n\nServices \n\n70 Changes in Self\u00adEmployment in t he Member \n\nStates 1979 \u00ad1987 \n\n% Total Employment \n\n40 \n\nD 1979 \u25a0 1987 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\nDK L D NL UK F \u0392 IRL E I \u03a1 GR \n\n\u00ad 83 \n\nrev 4. 1\u00ad 12. 07 \n\n\fSMEs and the Self-Employed \n\nculture have tended to decline dur \ning the 1980s, the fall has been less \nthan the decline in overall employ \nm e nt a nd \nt he p r o p o r t i on h as \ntherefore gone up. In view of the importance of self-em \nployment in agriculture, it is not too \nsurprising to find that their relative \nnumbers are greatest in the less \nindustrialised parts of the Com \nmunity. In Greece, self-employed \nworkers represented over 35% of \nthe number of people in employ \nment in 1987, by some way the \nhighest figure in the Community \n( G r a ph 70). In P o r t u g a l, Italy, \nSpain and Ireland, all countries \nwith large agricultural sectors, the \nproportion was over 20%. By con \ntrast in the northern Community \ncountries, with the exception of Bel \ng i u m, \nself-employed \nrepresented only around 10% or less \nof total employment. t he \n\nThe trend towards self-employment \nwhich is evident at a Community \nlevel is by no means uniform as be \ntween countries. In three of the nine \ncountries for which historical data \nare available, Denmark, Luxem \nbourg and Ireland, there was a fall \nin the proportion of self-employed, \nwhile in two others, France and the \n\nFederal Republic of Germany, the \ngrowth in the proportion has been \nminimal. In part, this is explained by the con \ntinued shrinking of the agricultural \nsector in these countries, and it is \nnotable that only the UK, where \nagriculture was already very small, \nhas shown any significant increase \nin the importance of self-employ \nment. Here the large rise which \noccurred during the 1980s might re \nflect a process of coming into line \nwith the position in other parts of \nthe Community (in 1979 the UK \nproportion was, by some way, the \nlowest of all Member States) as well \nas a response to unemployment. a l l o w a n ce \n\nThough m e a s u r i ng self-employ \nment accurately is difficult because \nof the statistical problems involved \n- the changes described here are \nbased on only a small sample survey \nand do not necessarily make adequ \na te \nt h o se \nself-employed in the less formal sec \nt o rs of t he economy - it would \nappear from the evidence available \nthat the trend towards self-employ \nm e n t, \nis n ot a \ntransitory phenomenon and is like \nly to continue. t h o u gh s m a l l, \n\nfor \n\n84 \n\n\fChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nThe place of women in the Community \nchanged dramatically. A pronounced \nand prospectively \nfor the 1990s, is the \ngrowth in jobs for women. Have attitudes, social security \nsystems, protective legislation and child care provisions kept \npace? \n\nlabour market has \nfeature of the 1980s, \ndisproportionate \n\nIntroduction \n\nBy 1990, a decade and a half will \nhave passed since the adoption of \nthe first Community Directive to \nprovide equality of t r e a t m e nt of \nmen and women in the labour mar \nket, and the second Community \nAction Programme for Equal Op \nportunities for women will have \ncome to an end. Despite these legal and social initia \ntives, progress in achieving equality \nhas been slow and women still re \nmain largely confined to traditional \nlow \noccupations with relatively \nlevel jobs. This segregation persists \ndespite \ne x t e n s i ve \nr e c e nt \nchanges in the structure of the la \nbour m a r k et and the sustained \nincrease in the labour force partici \npation of women. t he \n\nBoth supply and demand factors \nhave contributed to increased par \nticipation. Smaller families, \nthe \nnarrowing gap between the ages of \nchildren, and a readiness to work \npart-time are some of the domestic \nand social factors which have en \ncouraged t he e n t ry of m a r r i ed \nwomen into the labour market. In \ndeed, in some countries there has \n\nbeen a definite shift in the cycle of Most women in employment work in \nthe service sector - 73% of the total \nwomen's working lives, with women \nin the Community as a whole -\nestablishing themselves in employ \nwhere their numbers are now al \na m a n n er w h i ch \nm e nt \nmost as high as men (Graph 71). By \ni n c r e a s i n g ly \nr e s e m b l es m e n 's \ncontrast, only 20% of women work \ncareer patterns. in \n\n71 \n\nDistribution of Male a nd F e m a le E m p l o y m e nt \nacross Sectors in t he C o m m u n i ty \n\n1987 \n\nMillions \n\n50 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\nD Men \n\nWomen \n\n50 % \n\n42 % \n\n50 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n- 20 \n\n10 \n\nAgriculture \n\nIndustry \n\nServices \n\n85 \n\n\fChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\n72 Growth of Female Employment in the Member \n\nStates 1977\u00ad1982 \n\nAverage Annual % Change \n\n: I Men \n\nEC Men \n\nTotal \nEC Total \n\n\u25a1 Women \n\nEC Women \n\nI \n\n-1 \n\n\u03c5 \n\n; \u03b9 \n\n- 2 \n\n1 \n\nr \n\n-2 \n\n\u0392 DK D GR E F IRL I L NL \u03a1 UK \n\n1 \n\nI \n\nL \n\nJ_ \n\n\u00b1 \n\n73 Growth of Female Employment in the Member \n\nStates 1982\u00ad1987 \n\nAverage Annual % Change \n\n\u0392 DK D GR E F IRL I L NL \u03a1 UK \n\n\u00ad 8 6\u00ad\n\nin industry, less than half the pro\u00ad\nportion of men employed in this \nsector. The overall rise in the labour force \nparticipation of women embraces \ndifferent categories of women in the \nM e m b er S t a t e s, from m a r r i ed \nwomen over 25 years old in the \nNetherlands to women under 25 \nyears old in Spain. This surge of \nwomen onto the labour market has \nbeen reflected in a relative growth \nof employment of women. Graph 72 \nshows that from 1977\u00ad82, annual \nemployment growth for women was \nhigher than overall rates of growth \nin virtually all Member States. Even in the period 1982 to 1987, \nwhen employment growth slowed or \nwas negative, women continued to \ndo better (Graph 73). There are, however, limits to the \nincreased labour force participation \nof women in different age groups. Employment rates of women are \nheavily influenced by child care. In \na majority of countries, the propor\u00ad\ntion of women in the labour force is \nhigher for those without children \nthan for those with \u00ad the exceptions \nare: Belgium, Denmark, Greece, \nFrance and Portugal (Graph 74). With the exception of Denmark, ac\u00ad\ntivity rates decrease as the number \nof children under 10 years old rises. Part\u00adtime activity rates, however, \nare less affected than full\u00adtime ac\u00ad\ntivity rates. Thus the employment \nrate of women with three children \nworking part\u00adtime can be higher \nthan that of full\u00adtime women wor\u00ad\nkers with two children under ten. In most countries, having a third \nchild causes the chances of being \nemployed to fall by about the same \nextent as having a second child. In \nFrance, Belgium and Denmark, \nhowever, a third child has a much \ngreater impact on the mother's em\u00ad\nployment rate than a second child. In France, for example, a woman \nwith two children has an employ\u00ad\nment rate 78% of that of a woman \nwith one child, while a woman with \nthree children has an employment \nrate of only 34% ofthat of a woman \nwith one child. Women have fared better in the re\u00ad\ncession than men, in part because of \nthe concentration of their employ\u00ad\nment in the expanding services \nsector which has been less hit by \ncutbacks and closures than big male \nemploying industries such as ship\u00ad\nbuilding, steel and car. In France, \nfor example, redundancies have af\u00ad\nfected large employers more than \nsmall businesses, in which women \nare disproportionately represented. Women have also benefitted dispro\u00ad\nportionately from the expansion of \npublic sector employment in some \nMember States. The P e r s i s t e n ce of \nSex S e g r e g a t i on \n\nSex segregation persists both across \nbroad sectors of economic activity \nand between occupations within in\u00ad\ndustries. Nearly three quarters of \nEuropean women in employment \nare in the services sector rather \nthan agriculture or industry (see \nGraph 71). Women are also concen\u00ad\ntrated in a restricted number of \nlower-paying, less prestigious occu\u00ad\npations. In the Federal Republic of \nGermany, for e x a m p l e, 90% of \nwomen are employed in just twelve \noccupational g r o u p s, g e n e r a l ly \nthose with lower skills, despite the \ngreater success of girls at school. Research on the implementation of \nincluding \nthe equality directives \nstudies on women's attitudes to jobs \nas well as data on education and \ntraining d e m o n s t r a t es how men \nand women are prepared for differ\u00ad\nent occupations from an early stage. Chapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nMore evidence is needed on the em\u00ad\nployment of women as compared \nwith men in newly emerging occu\u00ad\npations in the service sector. As yet, \ne v i d e n ce \nto \nwhether segregation will decrease \nwith the changing structure of job \ncontent. is i n c o n c l u s i ve as \n\nN ew or Not-So-New \nF o r ms of E m p l o y m e nt \n\nA recurring theme of debate on the \ncontemporary labour market is the \nchanging quality of jobs - an issue \naddressed in Chapter 6. One strand \nof this debate suggests t h at the in\u00ad\ncreased flexibility of employment \ncontracts has had a greater nega\u00ad\ntive \nw o m e n 's \nemployment. The proliferation of \ncasual, marginal or atypical forms \nof employment is often linked with \nthe decline in the traditional model \n\ni m p a ct \n\non \n\ni m p e t us \n\nIndustries which have expanded -\nlike food processing, electronics, \nprinting and publishing - have pro\u00ad\nv i d ed an \nto w o m e n 's \nrecruitment. Another possible rea\u00ad\nson for persistent sex segregation \narises from attempts to raise pro\u00ad\nductivity and competitiveness \nin \nthese industries by lowering labour \ncosts r a t h er t h an by increasing \ncapital investment. This involves \nusing more flexible labour practices \nby the recruitment of a mainly fe\u00ad\nmale workforce in unskilled jobs. It would be misleading, however, to \nconcentrate solely on the growth of \nu n s k i l l ed jobs as t he source of \nwomen's employment. Many tasks \nof a repetitive nature traditionally \nperformed by women, like office-\nbased data-processing or industrial \ncircuit-board assembly in electro\u00ad\nn i c s, \nby \nelectronic or automated processes. a re b e i ng \n\nr e p l a c ed \n\n74 Activity Rates for Women over 40 Years with \nand without Children of any Age in the \nMember States \n\n1987 \n\n100 % \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nWithout Children \n\nWith Children \n\n100 \n\n30 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n\u0392 DK D GR \n\nUK \n\n87 \n\n\fChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nof full\u00adtime, guaranteed, single\u00adem\u00ad\nployer jobs. When these forms of \nemployment first appeared they \nwere explained away as supply\u00adside \nfactors such as women's preferences \nfor working part\u00adtime. It was not \nuntil such atypical employment pat\u00ad\nt e r ns \u00ad s u ch as t e m p o r a ry or \npart\u00adtime work \u00ad began to affect sig\u00ad\nnificant numbers of men, that the \nissue surfaced as a problem to be \ntaken seriously. Jobs which are part\u00adtime or tempor\u00ad\nary or both are not the only forms of \nnon traditional patterns of working \nof interest to women. Putting\u00adout \nsystems of work \u00ad homeworking, \nselling to friends and neighbours, \nand sub\u00adcontracting \u00ad all generate \ncorrespondingly atypical employ\u00ad\nment relationships. Family helpers \nare a prominent category for women \nin Italy, Spain and Greece. There is \nnothing new about homeworkers or \nfamily helpers as labour market \n\nmembers but with the growth of the \nnewer forms of temporary working \nand part\u00adtime work (such as job\u00ad\ns h a r i n g ), t h ey c o n t r i b u te to a \ncomplex picture. Part\u00adtime work has clearly played a \nrole in the mobilisation of women on \nto the labour market as demon\u00ad\nstrated by the fact that countries \nsuch as Denmark, the United King\u00ad\ndom and France which have the \nhighest rates of female labour force \nparticipation are also those where \npart\u00adtime employment is high. By \ncontrast, in the less industrialised \nMember States \u00ad Italy, Ireland and \nGreece \u00ad t he p r o p o r t i on of t he \nwomen's labour force accounted for \nby part\u00adtime work actually fell be\u00ad\ntween 1975 and 1985. This is partly \ndue to the fall in part\u00adtime agricul\u00ad\nture\u00adrelated jobs for women and to \nthe growth of other forms of atypical \nemployment, such as temporary, \n\n75 Distribution of Male a nd Female Employment \n\nby B r a n ch in t he Community 1987 \n\nio \n\n20 \n\n30 \n\n40 \n\nD Men \n\u25a0 Women \n\nl-r-Energy and Water \n\nMineral Extraction. Chemicals \n\n] Metal Manufacture. Engineering \n\nI Other Manufacturing Industnes \n\nZI Building and Civil Engineering \n\nI Distributive Trades. Hotels \n\nI Transport and Communication \n\nBanking, Finance. Insurance \n\nPublic Administration \n\nInd. S e r v. but full time, employment in tour\u00ad\nism or homeworking. Part\u00adtime working is predominant\u00ad\nly, but by no means exclusively, a \nfemale phenomenon. In the Federal \nRepublic of Germany, part\u00adtime \nworking rose from being 86% to 90% \nfemale over the decade up to 1985 \nbut, interestingly, in Belgium, the \nfigures for this period were exactly \nreversed \u00ad going down from 90% to \n86%. Like other forms of atypical employ\u00ad\nm e n t, p a r t \u00ad t i me w o r k i ng is \nconcentrated in specific sectors \u00ad ag\u00ad\nr i c u l t u re for women in I t a l y, \nGreece, Portugal and Ireland and \ncommerce and other services else\u00ad\nw h e re in t he Community. This \nconcentration heightens sex segre\u00ad\ngation since part\u00adtime work has \nattracted women into a restricted \nrange of non\u00adindustrial sectors of \neconomic activity (Graph 75). This \nis all the more noteworthy as part\u00ad\ntime work constitutes over 20% of \nwomen's employment in six Mem\u00ad\nber States \u00ad Belgium, France, F. R. Germany, Denmark (42%), United \nKingdom (44%) and the Nether\u00ad\nlands (57%) (Graph 62). In four Member States, the public \nsector has played a strategic role in \nthe expansion of part\u00adtime working \n\u00ad France, Belgium, the United King\u00ad\ndom and, to a lesser extent, Italy. Thus the movement to regularise \nand provide greater social protec\u00ad\ntion for part\u00adtime workers has had \nto face the apparent legitimisation \nof atypical kinds of working. Temporary Work a nd \nWomen \n\nI Other Services \n\nT e m p o r a ry w o r k i ng t a k es four \nmain forms: \n\n10 \n\n20 \n% Total Employed \n\n30 \n\n40 \n\n8 8\u00ad\n\n\fFixed-term \nment \n\ncontract \n\nemploy-\n\n\u2022 \n\nInterim or agency-based em\u00ad\nployment \n\nployed. Job insecurity as a 'cause' of \nunemployment has risen for both \nwomen and men between 1983 and \n1987. \u2022 Seasonal and casual employ\u00ad\n\nChoice or Necessity \n\nment. Chapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nLeave entitlements that are unpaid \nor attract only low benefit payments \nwill be irrelevant to many families. Part-time work may only be on offer \nif a parent is prepared to look for \nand accept a poorer job\". If acceptance of part-time work is \nnecessitated by factors largely out \nof women's control, such as the lack \nof suitable child-care or the school \nschedule, then the issue of choice is \nspurious. This point can be exam\u00ad\nined by looking at the reasons for \nmen and women being in part-time \nor temporary jobs. Graph 76 shows the proportion of \nmen and women working part-time \ninvoluntarily - averaging 30% and \n10% respectively - according to the \n1987 Community Labour Force Sur\u00ad\nvey. Graph 77 shows the proportion of \nt e m p o r a ry \nemployees occupying \n\nThe concept of \"choice\" is frequently \nintroduced into discussions of atypi\u00ad\ncal employment and of women's \nposition on the labour market. This \nimplies that women voluntarily opt \nto take less well paid part-time or \ncasual jobs to maintain their role at \nhome as mothers or caring for de\u00ad\npendent relatives. Commission research on child-care, \ncompleted in 1988, concluded that: \n\n\"At present, most parents have little \nfreedom of choice with respect to \nhow they organise child-care and \nthe relationship in their lives be\u00ad\nt w e en family a nd e m p l o y m e n t. 76 \n\nPart-Time Workers in the Member States who \ncould not find a Full-Time J ob \n\n1987 \n\n% Part-time Workers \n\n60 \n\nMen \n\nD Women \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nEC Women \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n\u2022 Other temporary work in \n\nthe \n\nwidest sense \n\nThe European Labour Force Sur\u00ad\nveys sheds some light on the num\u00ad\nber of temporary women workers. In 1987, a majority of the Member \nStates had more than 10% of women \nemployees in temporary jobs, the \nexceptions being Belgium, France, \nItaly, Luxembourg and the UK. As with part-time work, the com\u00ad\nmerce and other services sectors \nwere the principal employers of \nwomen on a temporary basis, whilst \nagriculture, the building industry \nand manufacturing were the main \nsources of temporary employment \nfor men. Part-time and temporary work for \nwomen overlap a great deal. Given \nthe concentration of women among \npart-time workers, it can be as\u00ad\nt h ey a re e q u a l ly \nt h at \nsumed \npredominant a m o ng \nt e m p o r a ry \npart-timers. In three countries - Ire\u00ad\nland, I t a ly a nd L u x e m b o u rg -\nof \nbetween \npart-timers also work on a tempor\u00ad\nary basis. Reforms to reduce the \nvulnerability of women part-time \nworkers may also have to encom\u00ad\npass measures to protect them from \nthe vulnerability of the temporary \nnature of their employment where \nthese aspects coincide. 4 3% \n\n47% \n\na nd \n\nThis vulnerability is illustrated by \nthe extent to which the termination \nof short term contracts is given in\u00ad\ncreasingly as the explanation for \nloss of job by people becoming unem\u00ad\n\nL \n\nDK \n\nD \n\nNL \n\n\u03a1 \n\nUK \n\nE \n\nGR \n\n\u0392 \n\nI \n\nIRL \n\n89 \n\n\fChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\n77 \n\nEmployees with Temporary J o bs in the \nMember States because they could not find \na P e r m a n e nt J ob 1987 \n\n% Workers with Temporary Jobs \n\n100 \n\nMen \n\n\u25a1 Women \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n0 -\n\nGR \n\nIRI \n\nUK NL \u0392 DK L \n\n100 \n\n80 \n\nEC Men \n\n- 60 \n\nPC Women \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n0 \n\njobs in the Member States because \nthey could not find a permanent job. No data is available for the Federal \nRepublic and France, but, for the \nremaining 10 countries, the propor\u00ad\ntions averaged nearly 70% for men \n\nand 50% for women. For Spain and \nGreece, around 85% of employees \nwith a temporary job would have \npreferred a permanent one while, \nfor Portugal, Ireland and Italy, the \n\nMinimum Estimates of Homeworkers \nMember States \n\nin Selected \n\nCountry \n\nYear \n\nNumber \n\nItaly \n\nFrance \n\nPortugal \n\nSpain \n\nU. K. Greece \n\n1985 \n\n1985 \n\n1983 \n\n1986 \n\n1981 \n\n1986 \n\n700,000 \n\n59,600 \n\n50,000 \n\n490,000 \n\n229,000 \n\n225,000 \n\nProportion \nof women % \n\nover 90 \n\n82 \n\nover 90 \n\n75 \n\n70 \n\nover 90 \n\n90 \n\nproportions were between 60% and \n70%. Outwork a nd \nHomework \n\nIn contrast to the more visible char\u00ad\nacter of temporary and part\u00adtime \nworking, outworking, including \nhomework, has a lower profile in the \nlabour market. Despite the increase \nin salaried employment in Europe, \nvarious forms of outwork have per\u00ad\nsisted, or, in Greece and Portugal, \neven increased. Outworking encompasses work at \nhome or outside the employer's or \norganiser's premises. It can take the \nform of piecework or the combina\u00ad\nt i on of p i e c e w o rk a nd fixed \npayments, frequently found in Italy. Intrinsic to outwork, however, is the \ndependent, subordinate and iso\u00ad\nlated economic position of the \u00ad\nalmost always female \u00ad worker, sep\u00ad\narated from the sale or marketing of \nher output, be it pottery for tourists \nor shoes for the fashion market. The \ntable shows estimated numbers of \nh o m e w o r k e rs in some M e m b er \nStates. Homeworking is highly concen\u00ad\ntrated in clothing, textiles, leather \ngoods, shoes, fur, toys and novelty \ngoods. In the United Kingdom and \nthe Federal Republic of Germany, \nbranches of manufacturing in metal \nand electrical goods use homewor\u00ad\nk e r s. T he h i gh p r o p o r t i o ns of \nwomen in homeworking, combined \nwith its suitability for labour in\u00ad\ntensive industry, serves to reinforce \nt he sex s e g r e g a t i on of women. Homeworking is regionally concen\u00ad\nt r a t e d, notably in u r b an a r e as \nassociated with the textile industry \nand in peripheral and less indus\u00ad\ntrialised regions of the Community. It is also found in north west Ire\u00ad\nland, the Madeira Islands, southern \n\n\fChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\nas well as northern Italy, and north \nern Portugal. The existence of homeworking - be \nit legal or in the black economy - has \nthe advantage of offering women \nthe opportunity to become economi \ncally active in regions devoid of \nwaged work or where service em \nployment is as yet undeveloped. However, homeworking is one of the \nleast protected types of employ \nment. This is sometimes because \nthere is an absence of legal protec \ntion for homeworkers compared \nwith s a l a r i ed employees (as \nin \nGreek villages) or because the exist \n\ning laws and regulations are infre \nquently enforced (Ireland, Belgium, \nNetherlands). In other \ninstances \n(Italy and France) social and labour \nlaw protection exist but, for a com \nplex of reasons, homeworking and \nhomeworkers tend to disappear into \nthe black economy or \"instant self-\nemployment\" at the first sign of \nregulatory enforcement. Homeworking is an example of one \nof the more unchanging features of \nthe position of women in the labour \nmarket. Interestingly it has proved \nextremely adaptable to contempor \nary conditions of production. The \n\nrecruitment of women into home-\nworking serves as a substitute for \ncapital investment, with the domes \ntic premises of the homeworkers \nsubstituting for the costs of factory \npremises, and reduces the social \ncosts of employing labour. Family Helpers or \nUnpaid Workers ? \n\nFamily helpers share with home-\nworkers many similarities in their \nposition on the labour market, des \npite their concentration in different \nsectors. The term \"family helper\" is \n\n78 Activity Rates of Women across t he Community \n\n1987 \n\n\u00db \n\n< 30 % \n\n30 - 40 % \n\n40 - 50 % \n\n> 50 % \n\n- 91 \n\n\fChapter 7 Women's Employment \n\ngenerally used to cover three ca \ntegories of economically active \npeople: \n\n\u2022 wives working \n\nin \n\ntheir hus \n\nbands' enterprise; \n\n\u2022 \n\nrelatives working in family en \nterprises; \n\n\u2022 assistants who work with \n\nthe \nself-employed without a con \ntract of employment. form \n\ns m a ll \n\ns h a re \n\nThese forms of non-waged employ \nm e nt \n(and \na \ndiminishing) percentage of total \nemployment in the Community, ex \ncept in three countries: Italy, Spain \nand Greece where they are an im \np o r t a nt \nof w o m e n 's \nemployment - 35% in Greece. Not all \nfamily helpers are women and the \nMember States can be divided into \ntwo broad groups: the Federal Re \np u b l ic of G e r m a n y, B e l g i u m, \nD e n m a rk a nd t he N e t h e r l a n ds \nwhere over 83% of family helpers \nare women; and Greece, Spain, Por \ntugal, Ireland and Italy where the \nproportion of women among family \nhelpers is less high, ranging from \n52% to 78%. The strength of small \nbusinesses and a r t i s a n al enter \nprises as well as small agricultural \nenterprises managed by couples ac \ncounts for the greater number of \nmale family helpers in this second \ngroup. l a w s, u n l e ss \n\nLike homeworkers, family helpers \nare poorly protected by social or la \nt h ey claim \nb o ur \nself-employed status (as allowed in \nPortugal) or unless they acquire so \nt h e ir \ncial s e c u r i ty r i g h ts from \nin \nh u s b a n d 's e m p l o y m e nt \nGreece). (as \n\na m o ng \n\nw o m e n. pay. They constitute, in some re \ngions, a buffer against emigration \nand against large scale unemploy \nm e nt \nAs \nhome-based types of employment, \nhowever, they reinforce traditional \nstereotypes of women as occasional \nand marginal visitors to the world \nof work. The demand for part-time \nand temporary workers attracts \nwomen into sectors like clothing, \nwhere women are already well rep \nresented, thus reinforcing the sex \nsegregation of women on the labour \nmarket. The structural sexual segregation \noutlined above has implications for \nthe vocational training orientation \nand education for women. These are \nthe means that will enable women \nto enter occupations outside their \ntraditional areas. Given this segre \ngation, however, it has often proved \neasier for women to improve their \nopportunities by progressing to non-\ntraditional occupations within al \nready female-dominated sectors, \nrather than attempt to move to sec \ntors where they are under-repre \nsented. The confinement of women to a \nlimited range of sectors and occupa \ntions, often in atypical forms of \nemployment, also has implications \nfor wage segregation and wage le \nvels. I m p r o v ed social p r o t e c t i on for \neveryone in atypical employment \nwould particularly benefit women. Stronger regulation of precarious \ntypes of employment might equally \nplay a part in combatting tenden \ncies to still consider women as a \ncasually employable section of the \nlabour force. Helping out a husband or a relative \nin a family business, like accepting \nirregular homework or seasonal \nemployment in tourism, is a survi \nt he \nval s t r a t e gy for women in \nfragmented labour markets of the \nless developed regions. It has little \nin common with the situation of full-\ntime family helpers in enterprises of \nN o r th E u r o p e an c i t i es or, for \nexample, the full-time skilled home-\nworkers in the silk i n d u s t ry of \nnorthern Italy. And with the conti \nnuing fall in the numbers engaged \nin agriculture, family helpers will \ncorrespondingly decline. Future Concerns \n\nFor the immediate future, women \nare likely to provide the major pro \nportion of any i n c r e a se in \nt he \nCommunity's economically active \npopulation. The decentralisation of \nproduction, the smaller scale of \nbusinesses, the growth of service ac \ntivities have all contributed \nto \nemployers' changing requirements \nfor labour. Shorter lead times in \nproduction processes have created a \nneed for adaptable, flexible work \nforces. Various forms of atypical \ne m p l o y m e nt a re called f\u00f3r and \nwomen's labour is often the answer. Map 78 illustrates that female ac \ntivity rates vary significantly across \nthe Community and there is thus \nscope for substantial increases in \ncertain areas. More traditional forms of marginal \nemployment such as the family hel \np e r, t he s e a s o n al a g r i c u l t u r al \nworker or the homeworker play a \nsomewhat different role in the la \nbour market. They permit women to \nbe economically active at no or low \n\n92 \n\n\fChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\nC h a p t er 8 T he D e m o g r a p h ic T i me B o mb \n\nFewer young people to enter the labour market and an \nageing population \nto \nunemployment and an era of labour scarcity? How will \ncompanies cope with a very different labour force structure? \n\n- does this mean an early solution \n\nIntroduction \n\nMost of the European Community \nfaces a medium term demographic \nproblem of a declining but ageing \npopulation. The problems of financing pensions, \nhealth care, and social services has \nbeen the subject of much debate. There has been much less discus \nsion of the short term problem of \nlabour shortages. Because of a re \nduction in the birth rate in the \n1970s, Europe faces a sharp reduc \ntion in the number of young people \nentering the labour force over the \nnext few years. Shortages of labour, \nespecially skilled labour, are al \nready beginning to affect some \nareas and sectors but there has been \nlittle in the way of policy response. One benefit of demographic changes \nwill be a fall in youth unemploy \nment. It is possible too that labour \nshortages could bring about the re \nentry into the labour market of \nmany \nu n e m p l o y ed \nadults. However, one worry is that \nmany of these long-term unem \nployed a nd m a ny of t he young \nentering the labour market for the \nfirst time lack suitable skills and \ntraining. l o n g - t e rm \n\nThe way in which these short-term \nproblems of labour shortages are \ntackled will have implications for \nthe longer term problem and its sol \nution. There are several possible \nstrategies which companies and \ngovernments can adopt. Companies \nmay invest in new technology to in \ncrease productivity and reduce the \nneed for labour but the scope for this \nwill vary considerably between sec \ntors. Companies and governments \nmay attempt to increase the labour \nforce participation rates of women \nby providing more creche facilities \nand parental leave, paid for either \nby the companies or the govern \nm e n t. There may be policies to \nincrease the labour force participa \ntion of older workers, for example, \nby moving or raising the statutory \nretirement age and by encouraging \nflexible retirement systems. The d e m a nd for education a nd \ntraining facilities on the part of both \ncompanies and individuals is likely \nto increase. Demographic \nDevelopments \n\nAt the beginning of 1987, the popu \nlation of the European Community \nwas 323 million, 34% more than in \nthe USA and 15% more than in the \nUSSR. After peaking in 2005, by \n2010 the population of Europe will \nbe only 2% more than now - com \npared with an expected increase in \nt h at period of 19% in the USA, 7% \nin Japan, 20% in the USSR and a \nmassive 39% globally. The Com \nt he w o r l d 's \nm u n i ty \npopulation is expected to fall from \n6. 4% to 4. 7% by 2010. s h a re of \n\nBy 2025, there will probably be \nabout 2% fewer people in Europe \nthan at present. The cause of this \ndecline is the fall in the fertility rate \nin all countries (except Ireland) to \nwell below 2. 1 children per woman, \nthe rate needed to sustain the exist \ning population level. However, since the rate of decline in \nfertility rates has varied across the \nCommunity, the consequent popu \nl a t i on c h a n g es will also be of \ndiffering magnitude and occur at \ndifferent times. Conventional wis-\n\n- 93 \n\n\fChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\n79 \n\nPopulation S t r u c t u re Trends in the \nCommunity \n\n1961-2025 \n\nMillions \n\n400 \n\nD < 14 Years \n\n14 - 64 Years \u038f > 64 Years \n\n300 \n\n200 \n\n100 \n\n1965 \n\n1975 \n\n1985 \n\n1995 \n\n2005 \n\n2015 \n\n2025 \n\n80 \n\nLife Expectancy at Birth in the Community \n\n80 \n\nYears \n\n\u25a1 1950 \n\n1980/85 \n\n1950-1980/85 \n\n- 80 \n\ndorn suggests t h at the Mediter\u00ad\nranean countries \u00ad Spain, Greece \nand Portugal \u00ad together with Ire\u00ad\nl a n d, a re e x p e c t ed to h a ve \nexpanding populations while the \ncountries of the north will have de\u00ad\nclining populations. This is an \nover\u00adsimplification. While the Mediterranean countries \nand Ireland did have relatively high \nrates of population growth between \n1965 and 1985, the Netherlands, \nFrance and Luxembourg experi\u00ad\nenced higher growth rates than \neither Portugal or Italy during that \nperiod. Much attention has been paid to the \ne x p e c t ed d r a m a t ic decline in \nGermany's population \u00ad which is \nexpected to fall by over 15% from its \n1975 peak of 62 million to 52. 5 \nmillion by 2025. However, it is less \nwell known that Italy \u00ad which in the \nn o r th h as some of t he lowest \nf e r t i l i ty r a t es in E u r o pe \u00ad is \nexpected to experience a drop in its \npopulation of 9% between 1995 and \n2 0 2 5. F u r t h e r m o r e, by 2 0 2 5, \nBelgium will probably have almost \n6% l e ss people t h an now a nd \nD e n m a r k, whose p o p u l a t i on is \nalready shrinking, 7% less. The only \nc o u n t r i es w h o se p o p u l a t i on is \nexpected to be still growing by 2025 \n\n7b \n\n70 \n\n65 \n\n60 \n\nMen \n\nWomen \n\n\u00ad 94 \n\n\fare t he U n i t ed K i n g d om a nd \nGreece. Better diet, housing, and medical \ncare have reduced infant mortality \nthroughout this century. This, com\u00ad\nbined with increased longevity in \nrecent years, means that the num\u00ad\nber of o l d er p e o p le h as b e en \nincreasing. As life expectancy for \nwomen has increased faster than for \nmen, there is a growing proportion \nof women in this older group. Increased life expectancy, coupled \nwith declining b i r th r a t e s, h as \nmeant that populations are \"ageing\" \nsince there is a greater proportion of \nthe population over 65 years old and \nmany more of these are expected to \nsurvive beyond t he age of 7 5. Graphs 81 and 82 illustrate the \nchanging age structure of the popu\u00ad\nlation over the next 35 years or so. For all countries there is an ex\u00ad\npected o v e r a ll d e c l i ne in t he \nproportion of young people in the \npopulation and an increase in the \nproportion of elderly people. By 2025, over 20% of the population \nof the European Community will be \nover 65 years old. However, the po\u00ad\nsition will vary widely from country \nto country, ranging from 24% in \nGermany to 17% in Ireland. Chapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\n81 Predicted Population Changes by Age\u00adGroups \n\nin the Member States 1990\u00ad2025 \n\nMillions \n\na < 14 Years \u25a0 14 - 64 Years I. > 64 Years \n\nn j^ \n\n\u0392 DK D GR E F IRL I L NL \u03a1 UK \n\n-12 \n\n82 Predicted P e r c e n t a ge Changes in Age\u00adGroups \nof the Population in the Member States \n\n1990\u00ad2025 \n\n% Change in Age-Group \n\n\u03a0 < 14 Years \n\u25a0 14 - 64 Years \n\u0396 > 64 Years \n\n50 \n\n\u0392 DK D GR E F IRL I L NL \u03a1 UK \n\n95 \n\n\fChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\nChanging Patterns of \nDependency \n\nAs Graph 83 shows, the ageing of \nthe population h as significant im\u00ad\np l i c a t i o ns for t he p a t t e rn of \ndependency. The dependency ratio \nof old people is rising throughout \nEurope and the dependency ratio of \nyoung people is falling. This ob\u00ad\nviously h as implications for direct \ngovernment spending on items such \nas health care, which will rise, and \nfamily benefits and education which \nmay fall. Since overall dependency is only ris\u00ad\ning slowly, it h as been suggested \nthat there will simply be a transfer \nof government expenditure from the \nyoung to the old. However, curren\u00ad\ntly social expenditure per head on \nthose aged over 65 is up to three \ntimes the public expenditure per \n\nhead on the non-elderly. This is not \nnecessarily because the actual econ\u00ad\nomic cost of a child is only a third of \nthe economic cost of an elderly per\u00ad\nson but because most costs of child \nrearing, apart from education, are \nborne by the parents and not direct\u00ad\nly by the state. The problem of \nincreasing age dependency is there\u00ad\nfore a p o l i t i c a l, \nt h an \neconomic one -how does society tax \nworkers who have fewer dependent \nchildren to pay for the support of the \nelderly? \n\nr a t h er \n\nThe financial viability of pension \nand social security schemes in the \nfuture h as been extensively dis\u00ad\ncussed. Not only are pension costs \nrising because ageing populations \nlead to an increase in the number of \nold people eligible to claim a pen\u00ad\nsion, but also because many state \npension schemes have become more \ngenerous and greater life expec-\n\n83 \n\nDependency Ratios: Trends in the Share of \nYoung a nd Old Relative to the Working-Age \n1961-2025 \nPopulation in the Community \n\n% Working-Age Population \n\n1\u0398 % \n\n21 % \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n< 14 Years D > 64 Years \n\n31 % \n\n1965 \n\n1975 \n\n1985 \n\n1995 \n\n2005 \n\n2015 \n\n2025 \n\n96 \n\ntancy and lower retirement ages \nmean t h at pensions are paid for \nlonger. Possible solutions include \nr a i s i ng c o n t r i b u t i o n s, \nlowering \nbenefits, raising retirement ages \nand increasing personal savings. In countries with rapidly ageing \npopulations, the cost of maintaining \ncurrent levels of benefit could put \nan unacceptably high tax burden on \nthose in work. In the Federal Re\u00ad\npublic, for example, it h as been \nestimated t h at the marginal tax \nr a t io for m a ny m i d d l e - i n c o me \nfamilies would need to rise above \n80% if benefits were to be main\u00ad\nt a i n e d. On t he o t h er h a n d, if \ncontributions remained at their cur\u00ad\nr e nt share of earnings, the real \nvalue of the state pension would be \nhalved by 2030. Provisional German legislation sug\u00ad\ngests a compromise solution with \nmoderate increases in contribu\u00ad\ntions, a tightening of benefits and \nthe raising of the official \nflexible \nearly retirement age of 60 by the \nyear 2000. In the United Kingdom, \nthe government has switched the \nemphasis from state to private pro\u00ad\nvision of pensions. Although this \nhelps solve the problem for the pub\u00ad\nlic purse, the problem for companies \nand individuals will still remain. If \ndemographic changes are not fully \ntaken into account by companies in \ntheir pension calculations then the \nnecessary financial resources may \nnot be available. to \n\nIn other Member States, studies are \nbeing carried out but policy conclu\u00ad\ns i o ns a re \ne m e r g e. slow \nGovernments may feel that fairly \ndramatic changes in policy are more \neasily implemented when the crisis \nis seen to be biting. On the other \nhand, short term labour market de\u00ad\nvelopments and the policies used to \ndeal with them may help alleviate \nthe long term problem. Chapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\nLabour Force \nImplications \n\nThe demographic trends outlined \nabove suggest that most European \ncountries will, sooner or later, need \nto think seriously about their ability \nto provide income, goods and ser \nvices for the non-working elderly \npopulation. Dependency ratios cal \nculated purely on the basis of the \nage profile of the population may \noverstate the problem, however, \nsince the ratio of the population of \nworking age to the \"dependent\" \npopulation tells us little about the \n\"real\" dependency ratio - namely, \nhow many people will be working to \nsupport those who are not. A falling birth rate has its most im \nmediate effects on the numbers of \npeople entering the labour market. On the basis of demographic factors \nalone, and assuming that participa \ntion rates remain constant at their \n1985 level, the E u r o p e an Com \nmission's S t a t i s t i c al \nService \nEurostat has calculated the number \nof labour force entries and depar \ntures for each year until 2025. This \nshows net entrants to the labour \nmarket in nine Member S t a t es \nnumbered just under half a million \na year twenty years ago, but rising \nto a peak of 968,000 in 1981. In \n1989, the number of net entrants in \nthe nine is forecast at just over \n350,000, falling to a mere 11,000 in \n1993 by the time the Internal Mar \nket is completed. By the year 2000 \nnet entry will be negative, with \n300,000 more people leaving the la \nbour market than are entering. The \ninclusion of the new Member States, \nSpain, Portugal and Greece, in the \noverall calculations makes the prob \nlem look less i m m e d i a te since \nlabour shortages will not be felt so \nearly in those countries. It is, of course, simplistic to assume \nconstant participation rates and the \nEurostat figures should be treated \nas a \"worst case\" scenario. Activity \nrates (the proportion of people in, or \nseeking, employment as a propor \ntion of the adult population) are \ndifficult to forecast even in the short \nterm, since they depend on many \nfactors, including the growth and \ns t r u c t u re of economic activity. Moreover, activity rates themselves \ninfluence the level and strength of \nthe economy as the increased pur \nchasing power of additional workers \ns t i m u l a t es demand. A E u r o s t at \nstudy ('Demographic and Labour \nForce Analysis based on Eurostat \nt he \nD a ta B a n k s ') \npossible magnitude of error when \nmaking assumptions about partici \npation rates. i l l u s t r a t es \n\nFor example, between 1975 and \n1985, the number of males in the \nEuropean labour force would have \nrisen by 5. 5 million on the basis of \npopulation changes had pai-ticipa-\ntion rates remained at their 1975 \nlevels. In fact, male participation \nrates fell, so that the number of men \nin the labour force rose by only 3. 1 \nmillion. For women, the picture was \nreversed. While with a constant fe \nmale participation rate, a rise of 3. 2 \nmillion in the number of women in \nthe labour force would have been \nexpected, a rapidly rising participa \ntion rate led to an increase of 9. 8 \nmillion. Most of the decline in male labour \nforce participation rates occurred in \nthe older age groups - from 55 to 69 \n- as retirement ages have fallen and \nmore men have taken early retire \nm e n t. The figures in G r a ph 84 \nillustrate the changes between 1975 \nand 1987. Equally dramatic changes have oc \nforce \nc u r r ed \nparticipation rates, where most of \n\nin f e m a le \n\nl a b o ur \n\nthe increase has occurred in the 25-\n49 age band. Graph 85 highlights \nthe wide spread in womens' labour \nmarket activity across Europe. in female \n\nAlmost 60% of Danish women are in \nthe labour force, more than double \nthe proportion in Spain. These dif \nferences \nlabour force \nparticipation account for most of the \ndifference \nin total participation \nrates across Europe since there is \nmuch less variation in male partici \nt he \npation r a t e s. I n t e r e s t i n g l y, \nvariation in the male participation \nrates mirror those in the female \nones. Thus not only does Denmark \nhave high female participation, its \nmale rates are also the highest in \nEurope. Conversely, Spain has low \nrates for both sexes. In the more \nnorthern European countries, many \nof the women who contribute to the \nhigh female participation \nr a t es \nwork part-time and the lack of avai \nlability of part-time work in the \ns o u t h e rn c o u n t r i es of G r e e c e, \nSpain, Portugal and Italy may be a \nfactor in their low female activity \nrates (see Map 78). Coping with L a b o ur \nShortages \n\nThe last few years have been char \nacterised by large numbers of school \nleavers and increasing numbers of \nwomen coming on to the job market. Because of low overall lack of de \nmand in the economy and a regional \nand skills mismatch of jobs and la \nbour in many Member States, many \nof these young people and women \nh a ve s p e nt long periods unem \nployed (see Chapter 10). With far fewer young people coming \nonto the labour market in the next \nfew years, the picture is likely to \nchange and there could well be la \nbour s h o r t a g es in t he n o r t h e rn \nMember States. - 97 \n\n\fChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\n84 Trends in Male and Female Labour Force \nParticipation Rates in the Community \n\n1975\u00ad1987 \n\nThere are a number of ways in \nwhich companies and governments \ncan be expected to react to the pro\u00ad\njected shortages of labour. % Working-Age Population \n\nVcn \n\n-, 80 \n\nTechnology to Reduce \nLabour Needs \n\n80 \n\n70 \n\n60 \n\n50 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n1975 1977 \n\n1979 \n\n1981 \n\n1983 \n\n1985 1987 \n\n85 Male a nd Female Labour Force Participation \n\nRates in the Member States 1987 \n\n% Working-Age Population \n\nMen \u25a1 Women \nEC Average EC Average \n\n80 \n\n70 \n\n60 \n\n50 \n\n40 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\nDK UK F \u03a1 D NL \u0392 L GR IRL I E \n\n98 \n\n70 \n\n60 \n\n50 \n\n30 \n\n- 80 \n\n70 \n\n60 \n\n- 50 \n\n40 \n\nHn 30 \n\n20 \n\nCompanies may invest in new tech\u00ad\nnology to increase productivity and \nreduce the need for labour. This pol\u00ad\nicy was effectively pursued in the \n1960s but there is less scope for \nsaving labour in the short run in \nmany of the growing service indus\u00ad\nt r i e s. C o m p a n i es m ay also be \nconstrained by shortages of highly \nskilled young people to design, im\u00ad\nplement and r un t he necessary \ntechnology (see Chapter 12). Employing the \nLong\u00adTerm Unemployed \n\nCompanies may recruit from the \npool of the unemployed. However, \n50% of the unemployed are long\u00ad\nterm unemployed and there is a fear \nthat many of these people may have \n'missed the boat', as they are not \nequipped to benefit from the new \ndemand for labour. Many have little \nformal education and training and \nare concentrated in poorer areas \nwhere demand for labour may be \nslow to pick up (see Chapter 10). T u r n i ng to Women \n\nCompanies may seek to attract ever \nmore women into employment. Fe\u00ad\nmale participation rates have riser \nrapidly in recent years and it is \npossible that they will continue tc \ndo so. However, many of the womer \nc u r r e n t ly not working are con \ns t r a i n ed by h a v i ng to care foi \nchildren or infirm relatives. For fe \nmale labour force participation tc \ncontinue to rise, more provisions foi \nchild care, h e a l th care and jot \n\n\fbreaks may need to be provided \n(see Chapter 7). The Member States have varied in \ntheir response to these problems. Denmark, for example, has a high \nlevel of state provision of child care \nfacilities whereas the UK has very \nlittle. Where governments \ninsist \nthat this is the responsibility of com\u00ad\npanies, the taxation treatment of \nsuch provisions may be important \ndeterminants of their supply. Taking on Older Workers \n\nParticipation rates of older workers \nhave declined. This trend has been \nencouraged by higher levels of pen\u00ad\nsions and early retirement schemes \npromoted by governments to create \nspace so t h at young unemployed \nworkers could find jobs. A policy of flexible, r a t h er \nt h an \nearly, retirement as a way of com\u00ad\nbatting labour s h o r t a g es while \nsimultaneously easing pressure on \nsocial security systems has been de\u00ad\nveloped by some governments. For \nexample, Denmark has followed the \nSwedish example by introducing \nlegislation on partial retirement. This allows employees and self-em\u00ad\nployed people between 60 and 67 to \nreduce their working time and re\u00ad\nceive a partial pension. Participants \nin the s c h e me m u st h a ve con\u00ad\ntributed to a pension fund in a full \ntime job for at least ten years. They \nmust work at least nine hours less \na week than before but for over a \nquarter of their average working \nhours over the previous 9 months. They must work between 15 and 30 \nhours every week and on at least 20 \ndays in every quarter. At the beginning of 1988, France \nintroduced a gradual \nretirement \nscheme for those over 60 and Italy \nalso has a scheme so that workers \nwithin two years of retirement age \n\nChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\ncan work part-time and start to re\u00ad\nceive pensions. However, there are \nsome costs for older workers as final \npensions can be adversely affected \nby their being based on the last peri-\nt he \nod of e a r n i n g, r a t h er \nhighest. t h an \n\nTo encourage the employment of \nolder workers, pension plans would \nneed to be portable and neutral as \nfar as full-time and part-time work \nis concerned. A change in company cultures and \nattitudes may be required if older \nworkers are taken on or retained \nbecause they are often regarded as \ns l o w er a nd \nto \nchange. Studies of the performance \nof older workers do not actually sup\u00ad\nport this view. l e ss a d a p t a b le \n\ncan include lower voluntary \ntur\u00ad\nnover rates, greater loyalty to the \nemployer and b e t t er \nfamiliarity \nwith business practices. S e v e r al schemes in t he U n i t ed \nStates use the concept of a job bank \nfor retired people. The law allows \nretired people to work for less than \n1000 hours per year without affect\u00ad\ning pension and health benefits. Hence companies are able to hire \nex-employees for part-time or tem\u00ad\nporary assignments. This reduces \nrecruiting and training costs and is \na substitute for the temporary wor\u00ad\nkers who would normally be used to \ncope with the flexibility of the com-\ns c h e d u l e. p r o d u c t i on \np a n y 's \nC o m p a n i es h a ve also found \nit \nworthwhile to continue to provide \ntraining for these older workers. Experience in the United States \nsuggests that the benefits to the em\u00ad\nployer of employing older workers \n\nAlthough the US schemes obviously \nbenefit the companies concerned, \nthere is a risk for public pension \n\n86 \n\nShare of Women in Employment Working \nPart-time in the Member States \n\n1987 \n\n% Total Employment \n\n\u03a1 \n\nGR \n\nE \n\nIRL \n\nL \n\nF \n\n\u0392 \n\nD \n\nDK UK NL \n\n99 \n\n\fChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\nfunding schemes. Early retirers \nwho work less than 1000 hours a \nyear do not have to make pension \ncontributions and the existence of \nthe scheme may encourage full time \nworkers to take early retirement as \nthey know there is the potential for \nearning extra income when needed. This both reduces the revenue base \nfor pension schemes and increases \nexpenditure. Thus Member States \nseeking to promote the employment \nof older workers in this way would \nneed to examine the longer term \npension funding implications. in u s i ng \n\nWhile there can be an economic ad \nt he h u m an \nv a n t a ge \nr e s o u r c es of older w o r k e rs for \nlonger, care is needed to avoid crea \nting situations where, in effect, \nolder workers are obliged to work \nlonger. Although retirement is, his \ntorically a fairly new concept and \n\"early\" retirement a very recent \nphenomenon, both are firmly en \ntrenched in people's expectations \nabout the trade off between work \nand leisure over their life. As with \nthe policy of encouraging women to \nwork, a policy goal of increasing \nfreedom of opportunity and flexi \nbility would seem appropriate. Skill Shortages \n\nWithin the overall labour shortage \nproblem, t h e re are likely to be \np a r t i c u l ar s h o r t a g es of c e r t a in \nskills. This problem will be intensi \nfied unless a higher proportion of \nyoung people are prepared to re \nmain in education longer in order to \n\ngain professional or vocational \nqualifications. t h ey will n e ed \n\nIn recent years, young people have \nbeen encouraged to undertake addi \ntional education and training as a \nresponse to unemployment. In fu \nt u r e, \nto g a in \nqualifications, not in order to avoid \nthe dole queue, but in order to meet \nthe demand for skilled labour. Em \nployers m ay h a ve to offer \nt he \ninducement of higher wages for \nskilled labour to ensure that young \npeople are prepared to forego the \ni m m e d i a te p r o s p e ct of a wage \npacket while they remain in educa \ntion or are trained. Women and \nolder workers may also need train \ning if they are to meet this demand \nand avoid being pushed into low pay \nand low skill jobs. It is unclear to what extent these \nextra costs would be met by govern \nments or companies. The savings \nmade by governments on education \nas a result of the lower birth rates \nof the 1970s could be used for this \npurpose but these same resources \nmay need to be channelled into sup \nport for the increasing numbers of \nelderly. Investment in training for \nyoung people, unemployed women \nand older workers and \nindirect \nmeasures such as better child care \nand health services, will provide the \nMember States economies with the \nvital necessary resource for growth \n- a larger and more skilled labour \nforce. Higher economic growth and \na broader tax base would diminish \nthe problem of financing the elderly \npopulation. 100 \n\n\fChapter 8 The Demographic Time Bomb \n\nRecruiting a nd Keeping Women in the Work-\nForce - Some Company Responses \n\nEuropean companies are increasingly providing creche facilities. Mid \nland Bank in the UK plans to set up 300 workplace nurseries, for \nexample. IBM has pioneered a nationwide system to provide funds to \nrecruit, train and licence new day-care providers. In the first year of \nthe programme, IBM was responsible for creating 4000 new child-care \nprogrammes. But provision of creche facilities is not the only response. Increasing \nopportunities for career breaks and job-sharing are also important. Many career-break schemes, eg. Barclays Bank (UK), apply only to \nstaff in managerial positions or with management potential but Lloyds \nBank (UK) has made all staff eligible for a five year career break to \nenable them to care for pre-school children. Denmark Radio has introduced a 24 week parental leave scheme with \npay, and ten of these weeks may be taken by the father. Marks and Spencer, the retail chain, where 85% of the workforce is \nfemale is employing more part-time managers. J. Sainsbury, the supermarket group, has relaxed the requirement for \nmanagers to move between regions. British Telecom is about to introduce a job sharing scheme for 200,000 \npeople. Employees in the job share scheme working a minimum of 16 \nhours a week will be paid on the same basis as their full-time counter \nparts and have the same sick-pay, maternity leave and pension \nbenefits. Messerschmitt, BASF and Audi have introduced re-employment guar \nantees \nleave because of. domestic \nresponsibilities. Opportunities to maintain skills is provided by en \ncouraging these women to stand in at work for colleagues who are ill. female workers who \n\nfor \n\nEsso UK has a career break scheme for male and female employees \nwhich can be used for various family reasons, eg. looking after children \nor elderly parents. The company also runs awareness raising seminars \nto help combat discrimination against women and ethnic minorities. The Amsterdam police force has lowered its height requirement to \nencourage the recruitment of more women. In the United States, companies with child-care schemes have lower \nlabour turnover, lower 'absenteeism, fewer interrupted careers and can \nattract bright women more cheaply. \"In tighter labour markets employers cannot afford to ignore workers' \nobligations to family. Employers who do will simply lose out to em \nployers who don't. \" \n\nElizabeth Dole, US Secretary of Labour \n\n101 \n\n\f102 \n\n\fChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nC h a p t er 9 V o c a t i o n al T r a i n i ng a nd E m p l o y m e nt \n\nVocational education and training systems are developing \nrapidly to meet the new demands of Europe's \nlabour market. But is the rate of investment \nresources sufficient \n\nto meet the changing needs? \n\nconverging \n\nin human \n\nIntroduction \n\nVocational education and training \nmeasures have assumed a central \nposition in the responses of Member \nStates to the structural changes ex \nperienced over the past decade. However, while there is now a broad \nconsensus within the Community \nover the positive effects of voca \ntional education and training on \nemployment, policy responses have \nbeen extremely diverse and perhaps \nnot always timely or comprehensive \nenough to deal with the rapid devel \nopments \nby \neconomic, t e c h n i c al a nd demo \nl a b o ur \ngraphic c h a n g es on t he \nmarket. b r o u g ht \n\na b o ut \n\nTraditional employment and career \npatterns have changed with fun \ndamental consequences for \nt he \nqualities, aptitudes and skills now \nrequired to enter and stay in work. In such a climate, the role of initial \nand continuing vocational training \nin meeting these requirements, and \nin providing an adequately skilled \nworkforce to satisfy the demand of \nboth current and future economies, \nis crucial, and wholly justifies the \nincreased priority which Member \nStates are now placing on the devel \nv o c a t i o n al \nt h e ir \nopment \neducation and training provision. of \n\nThe trend recently has been to \nw a r ds an extensive revision of \neducation and training policies to \nm e et c u r r e nt needs. Frequently \nprogress in Member States has been \nh i n d e r ed by \nt he b a g g a ge of \nmeasures introduced in the early \n1980s, based on the perception t h at \nthe exceptionally high unemploy \nment was a cyclical rather than a \nstructural phenomenon. Measures \ntherefore focussed on 'make-work' \nschemes for the supposedly tempo \nr a r i ly u n e m p l o y e d, a nd on \nt he \nremoval of surplus labour from the \nactive labour market via early re \ntirement schemes. Such m e a s u r es were essentially \nshort-term. They ignored warnings \nof the 'demographic time-bomb' (see \nChapter 8) and the equally clear \nindications that the demand for new \ntypes of skills and the development \nof new working patterns would re \nquire t he existing workforce \nto \nadapt and retrain if further unem \nployment were to be avoided. The current situation across Mem \nber States sees vocational education \nand training as an accepted part of \npolicy responses to changes which \nare clearly identified as structural. H e re too, m e a s u r es h a ve been \nshort-term, characterised by the \nproliferation of training schemes \naimed particularly at the long-term \n\nu n e m p l o y ed a nd young people. Such schemes were generally based \non limited analyses of labour mar \nket needs, and the provisional and \nf r a g m e n t ed n a t u re of r e s u l t i ng \ntraining provision has made effec \ntive Community-level analysis and \nevaluation extremely difficult. The situation is improving grad \nu a l ly as M e m b er S t a t es m a ke \ntraining \ngreater efforts to adjust \nsystems to the demands of accel \nerated economic development, but \nthe signs are that this is again tend \ning towards short-term action to \nstop the gaps rather than the com \nprehensive investment in future \ntraining needs t h at will have to take \nplace if the Community is to con \ntinue competing successfully on a \nworld market (see Chapter 3). Identifying Training \nNeeds \n\nRecent studies have highlighted the \nmain factors defining current train \ning needs: \n\n\u2022 \n\ntechnological \nprogress which \nhas created new potential for \nautomation; \n\n\u2022 changes \n\nin the functions and \nskills required of workers, as a \n\n103 \n\n\fChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nresult of these technological ad \nvances; \n\n\u2022 new industrial strategies in re \nsponse to a developing market \nand the resulting new demands \nplaced on the workforce; \n\n\u2022 demographic changes \n\nin \n\nthe \n\nworkforce; \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe development of new Euro \nindustrial and economic \npean \nfor \nin preparation \nstructures \n1992 and the Internal Market; \n\n\u2022 new developments, \n\nas \nstand \nstricter environmental \nards, which need \nspecialist \nskills for their implementation; \n\nsuch \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe mobility of workers, and the \nskills and qualifications curren \ntly available on \nlabour \nmarket. the \n\nThe requirements which these de \nvelopments place on the workforce \nwill obviously have to be met largely \nby the existing population since \nthey will make up the majority of \nthe active workforce until the year \n2000. The European Community \nwill have to rely largely on its exist \ning human resources in competing \nin the evolving world economy. This gives particular emphasis to \nthe need to exploit the full potential \nof all members of the workforce, \nparticularly women, and to re-equip \nolder workers with new skills. Yet, the signs are that the working \npopulation of the Community is cur \nrently unprepared to meet such \nchallenges, implicit in the paradox \nin the Community's labour market \n- continuing high levels of unem \nployment, especially among the \nyoung (see Chapter 10) contrasted \nwith severe skills s h o r t a g es \nin \nmany sectors of industry. The rela \n\nnature or level of their academic \nqualifications. The German situ \nation, where over a third of girls \nchoose from only five occupational \noptions, is indicative of the overall \nCommunity position. The situation is no more encoura \nging for higher level qualifications. In all Member States, industry is \nreporting shortages of young people \nwith a p p r o p r i a te qualifications, \nparticularly in electronics, engin \neering, computer science, logistics, \nchemistry, information technology. Educational institutions still seem \nto find it h a rd to attract young \npeople into technical studies rather \nthan the humanities. Only 39 new \nstudents per year are recruited into \ntechnology per 100,000 inhabitants \nin Europe, compared with 77 in the \nUnited States and 76 in Japan. New Developments, \nNew P a r t n e r s h i ps \n\nt r a i n i ng w h i ch a i ms \n\nGiven this scenario, Member States \nhave aimed to develop more com \nprehensive vocational education \nand training programmes. In par \nt i c u l a r, \nt h e re h as been a vast \nexpansion in pre and initial voca \nt i o n al \nto \nintegrate young people into the \nworld of work. The problem has \ninitial \nbeen for educational and \ntraining systems to identify \nthe \nneeds of industry. It is especially \ndifficult for the educational world to \nanticipate technological develop \nm e nt or to f o r e c a st \nt he skills \nrequirements for which education \nand training have to cater. The emphasis in future will no \nlonger be on the need to adapt \npeople to the application of new \ntechnologies by training (reactive \ntraining), but on preparing people \nfor a society in which new techno-\n\ntionship between levels of unem \np l o y m e n t, p a r t i c u l a r ly chronic \nlong-term unemployment, and the \nlevel of educational and vocational \nqualifications has now been widely \naccepted. Certainly, people with low \nor no relevant qualifications, are \nthe majority among those with em \nployment difficulties. P r e p a r a t i on of Young \nPeople \n\nYouth unemployment has been a \nsignificant feature of the labour \nmarket in the 1980s. Although un \nemployment is falling overall in the \nCommunity, unemployment among \npeople under 25, at 20% in April \n1989, is still high (see Chapter 10). Socio-economic and individual cir \ncumstances of young people vary \nenormously across the Community, \nbut certain trends can be identified: \n\n\u2022 a \n\nsignificant \n\nproportion \n\nof \nyoung people abandon \ntheir \nstudies before the end of com \npulsory schooling, or leave with \nno diploma or qualifications \n(between 10-30%); \n\n\u2022 access to training is usually de \nnied to young people without a \nschool leaving certificate; \n\ntend \n\n\u2022 young people without training \nqualifications \nto experi \nence far greater job instability \nas they get older than \nthose \nand \nwith some qualification, \nare also more likely to become \nlong-term unemployed. At the same time, young people who \nundergo initial t r a i n i ng tend to \nchoose a very limited range of op \ntions. This is particularly noticeable \namong girls, the vast majority of \nwhom go for secretarial, catering or \n'caring-type' jobs, regardless of the \n\n- 104 \n\n\flogies will be universal (pro-active \ntraining). Vocational training should be seen \nas a strategic weapon. It must lead \nto achieving skill profiles that will \nhelp people to adapt to permanent \nchange in work activities and stimu \nlate the process of 'learning how to \nlearn'. In all Member States, education \nand training systems have begun to \nbe adapted to suit these require \nments. Four main fields of action \ncan be identified from the range of \nso-called 'transition' projects for \nyoung people moving into the labour \nmarket; \n\n\u2022 \n\nforging closer \nlinks between \nschools and the economic world, \nincluding the development and \nimplementation of more varied \nforms of work experience, the \nuse of the world of work as a \ninitia \nlearning resource, and \ntives to foster a more pro-active \nspirit \nand \n'entrepreneurial' \namong \nand \nschools; \n\npeople \n\nyoung \n\n\u2022 \n\nimproved guidance and coun \nselling to meet new needs; \n\n\u2022 measures designed to remedy \nfailure and to provide fairer op \nportunities for poorly attaining \nyoung \nand \npeople; \n\ndisadvantaged \n\n\u2022 help for teachers to cope with \n\nnew tasks and new roles. In most cases, programmes have \nadopted a comprehensive approach \nencompassing all facets of their \nwork with young people's transi \ntion. T h is p h i l o s o p hy \nis now \nbeginning to have a real influence \non the provision of m a i n s t r e am \ntraining and education. Chapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nIn all Member States attempts are \nbeing made to foster new forms of \npartnership between the various \nagencies responsible for youth edu \ncation and training (Ministry of \nEducation, Ministry of Employ \nment, individual firms, schools and \ntraining institutions). \u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\ninclude \nThese new p a r t n e r s h i ps \nnew forms of linked work experi \nence and training in initial training \nor integration schemes, involving \neducational and industrial circles. in Spain, nearly 10,000 stu \ndents in Andalusia were given \nin 1988 as \nwork placements \ntrain \npart of their vocational \ning, with over 4,000 \nfirms \ninvolved; \n\nseveral Member \n\nStates, \nin \nUnited States style \n'compacts' \nbetween schools and local in \ndustries \nurban \nrenewal and regional develop \nment \nup, \nintroducing 'industrial tutoring' \nand 'enterprise education'. promote \n\nhave \n\nbeen \n\nset \n\nto \n\nThe picture, across Europe, and \np a r t i c u l a r ly between n o r th and \nsouth, is not uniform. In northern \nEurope industry is increasingly co \noperating with schools providing \ncompulsory (i. e. up to about age 16) \nor general education. In other parts \nof Europe, the picture is different: \nthere, firms are just beginning to \ndevelop ways of supporting techni \ncal and vocational training but are \nrarely involved with compulsory or \ngeneral education schools. Yet in \nc r e a s i n g ly \nto \ndistinguish between general and vo \nvocational \ncational education, as \ntraining becomes more general, and \nmany compulsory or general cours \nes \np r e - v o c a t i o n al \ncharacter. is difficult \n\na s s u me \n\nit \n\na \n\nThe range of projects being intro \nduced is extremely varied, as the \nexamples below demonstrate: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe \n\nin U. K. , \ntwo-year Youth \nTraining Scheme, incorporating \nvocational study and work ex \nperience, \nthe \nnormal route for young people \ninto employment; \n\nincreasingly \n\nis \n\nin Germany, 50% of all school-\nage pupils have an apprentice \nfirm as part of a \nship \nprogramme of introduction \nto \nthe world of work; \n\nin a \n\n- 1 0 5-\n\nThese examples are only a small \nselection from the wide diversity of \ninitiatives across Member States at \nnational, regional and local level \nbut they illustrate the opportunities \nfor greater collaboration between \nparties with an interest in training \nand education. Continuing Training \n\nPeople already in the workforce are \nfinding increasingly t h at their skills \nare no longer relevant. The Com \nmunity already experienced, in the \nlate 1970s and early 1980s, large \nscale redundancies of (mainly) men \nwith obsolete skills in traditional \nindustries such as coal, steel, ship \nbuilding. In the face of the current difficulties \nin r e c r u i t i ng a suitably skilled \nworkforce, it is unlikely that the \nCommunity will experience a simi \nlar scale of redundancies in the \n1990s. A new approach to re-skill-\ning is emerging, with companies \ntreating their workforce as part of a \np e r m a n e nt investment to be de \nveloped and trained in a continuing \nprocess. Changes in attitude are \nnevertheless proceeding only slowly \nand an examination of the current \nfor \ns i t u a t i on offers m u ch food \nthought. Chapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nlabour market have only \n\nthe \ncompleted primary education. The factors which determine the ex \ni s t e n ce a nd e x t e nt of on-going \ntraining include: \n\nCurrent Situation \n\nd a ta \n\nIt-is extremely hard to establish ac \nat \nc o m p a r a b le \nc u r a t e, \nCommunity level on the in-service \ntraining of employees. Statistical \nrecords are incomplete, and in some \nMember States no statistics are \navailable. Further, Member States differ over \nthe fundamental principles relating \nto continuing training and their im \nplementation. There are debates \nover the relative importance of the \nroles of public authorities and the \ntwo sides of industry, and over who \nfoots the bill. However, just as Member States all \nface the same economic and social \npressures, so their policy responses \nare tending to converge. In all Mem \nber States, the need for on-going \ntraining to provide employees with \nskills that allow enterprises to de \nvelop flexibility in the face of new \nchallenges is now widely acknow \nledged. An examination of the levels of in \nitial t r a i n i ng among t he active \npopulations of the Member States, \nreveals the enormity of such aims: \n\n\u2022 75% of employees \n\nin Greece \nhave attained only a basic edu \ncation certificate; \n\n\u2022 50% of employees \n\nin France, \nand 30% in the Federal Repub \nno \nof Germany \nlic \nvocational qualifications; \n\nhave \n\nSkills acquired on the job must of \ncourse be taken into account, but a \nminimum level of education is be \ncoming an essential prerequisite of \nthe training needed in a knowledge-\nbased economy. \u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nDespite acceptance that skills are \nincreasingly a condition for mobility \nand adaptability and for raising the \nvocational and social level of wor \nkers, in-service training of workers \nstill tends to be in the form of short \ncourses focused on updating of skills \nnot leading to any recognised quali \nfications. In countries such as D e n m a r k, \nFrance or Luxembourg, where suf \nficient data is available, the average \nis about two weeks training per year \nwith no significant upward trend, a \npattern likely to be found across the \nCommunity. The establishment of longer train \ning courses tends to be limited to \ncertain types of large firms (in the \nelectricity and electronics sectors, \nbanking, processing industries) and \nsome small or medium-sized indus \ntries in advanced technology areas \n(computers, services). The Federal Republic of Germany \nappears to be an exception although \nthe proportion of vocational train \nby \ning \ncompanies is considerably \nlower \nthan, for example, in France (29 \nhours as against 52 hours in 1984). e x c l u s i v e ly \n\nf i n a n c ed \n\n\u2022 8% of the economically active \npopulation in Portugal is illite \nrate, while over 75% have no \neducational or vocational quali \nfications; \n\n\u2022 28% of young Spaniards be \ntween 16-24 currently entering \n\nOn the whole, these short training \nperiods are mainly short-term re \nsponses to immediate needs, and \nare rarely p a rt of a continuous \ntraining process intended to de \nvelop new capabilities and qualifi \ncations. 106 \n\nthe size of the company with \nlarger \nproviding \nmore in-service training; \n\ncompanies \n\nalmost \n\nthe level of initial training al \nready \nadage \nacquired. The \n'money goes to money' can be \naccurately applied to in-house \neverywhere. training \nThe disparities between em \nployees with or without initial \ntraining tends to be further ac \ncentuated by in-house training \nprocedures, particularly in big \nger companies. New Developments \n\nA new feature is the development of \ntraining undertaken by certain sec \nthe \nt o rs of i n d u s t r y, m i r r o r i ng \nincreased involvement of industry \nin the training of young people, de \nscribed above. This has happened \nmore in certain countries (Den \nm a r k, Federal Republic, United \nKingdom) than in others (France, \nPortugal, Spain, Italy) and is char \nacterised of common factors: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nindividual sectors are involved \nincreasingly in negotiations on \nthen en \ntraining which are \nshrined \nagree \nin \nments (Ireland, France, Italy, \nNetherlands, Federal Republic, \nDenmark). collective \n\nindividual sectors are increas \ningly determining the content \nand practical implementation of \ntraining schemes. The fact that \nthe concept of \nto \ntraining' has already emerged \nand is being applied well ahead \nof any legislative or other provi \nsions is significant. 'right \n\nthe \n\n\fChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\n\u2022 \n\nindustry \n\nindividual sectors are producing \nforecasts of qualification and \ntraining requirements e. g. the \njoint Committee in the chemi \ncals \nthe Federal \nin \nRepublic of Germany; forecasts \nin the transport, \ntextiles and \ntrade and distribution sectors \nin France; organisation of for \nward planning of skills in the \nmetalworking and electronics \nsectors in Denmark. In the countries of southern Europe, \nwhere the role of the State has al \nways been clearly established, both \nas a source of financing and as an \norganiser of training through bodies \nsuch as IEFP, INEM or OAED, the \ntrend is somewhat reversed in t h at \nSpain and Greece alike have re \nminded firms of t h e ir responsi \nbilities and made it mandatory for \nemployers to participate in worker \ntraining. The Relationship of \nState a nd E n t e r p r i se \n\nIn most Member States, the usual \ndivision of roles involves State re \nsponsibility for initial vocational \ntraining, occupational \nintegration \nand unemployment, while firms are \nresponsible for the training of their \nown workers. This simple view of \nthings is tempered by a detailed \nanalysis of the situation in individ \nual countries. Although in the Federal Republic, \nthe Netherlands, France and Den \nmark there is a sharp delineation \nbetween the various areas of re \nsponsibility, the actual situation \nreveals a more complex picture, in \ncluding; \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe responsibility for \ntraining \nskilled and semi-skilled wor \nkers in Denmark assumed by \ngovernmental authorities; \n\n\u2022 financial \n\nthe \nincentives \nNetherlands in key areas of em \nployment, \nand \ntechnological growth; \n\neconomic \n\nin \n\n\u2022 a drive to promote the acquisi \nthe \ntion of qualifications \nFederal Republic of Germany, \nwith government \nfor \ntraining in priority areas. financing \n\nin \n\nt he d i f f e r e nt \n\nThe development of the respective \nroles of the State and of firms re \nflects \nt y p es of \nfinancing of worker training. The \nconcept of 'co-investment' by the \nvarious parties or partners respon \nsible for t r a i n i ng is now widely \naccepted. The relative contribution \nof the various providers of finance in \nsome Member States can be ex \npressed as follows: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nfinancing 50%/50% State or Re \nin Denmark, \ngion/Firms \nFrance; \n\nas \n\nfinancing 40%/60% State or Re \nFederal \nas \ngion/Firms \nRepublic, United Kingdom; \n\nin \n\nfinancing \n\nthree-way \nFirm/State/European \nmunity as \nPortugal, Italy. Com \nin Greece, Spain, \n\nThe individual worker is an increas \ningly significant element in \nthe \nfinancing \nof training. There are, \nhowever, no reliable figures of the \namount of time each worker spends \non training outside working hours \nor the travel and personal costs in \ncurred. The changing approach to who pro \nvides training is demonstrated in, \nfor example, tax incentives for \nt r a i n i ng in Netherlands, United \nK i n g d om or F e d e r al R e p u b l i c. While worker training remains pri \n\n107 \n\nmarily a matter for the firms con \ncerned, new financial partnerships \nare emerging in line with the recog \nnition of co-responsibility. A Community \nResponse \n\nto new develop \nThe references \nments both in initial and in-service \ntraining suggest that new forms of \npartnerships are being developed. This response is a recognition that \ntraining provision cannot be con \nsidered in isolation from the local, \nregional or national socio-economic \nenvironment, and the needs of the \neconomy; nor can initial training be \ndivorced from continuing training, \nsince the two are closely linked. Gradually Member States are mov \ning away from a purely national \napproach to their training and edu \nc a t i on \nt o w a r ds \np r o b l e ms \npartnership at Community level. This is a r e s u lt of t he growing \nawareness t h at the European Com \nmunity is a single if heterogeneous \nunit, experiencing very similar so \ncial and economic pressures. As the \nCommunity develops into a single \nmarket, new trans-European indus \ntrial and economic structures are \nbeing created which will reinforce \nthe sense of a shared experience. The increased mobility of workers, \nmade possible by the wider recogni \nt i on of q u a l i f i c a t i o ns \nf u r t h er \nreinforces the need for a common \napproach to meeting future man \npower requirements. It also raises \ni s s u es r e g a r d i ng i n v e s t m e nt \nin \ntraining carried out in one Member \nState but which subsequently bene \nfits others Member States because \nof migration (see Chapter 14). At Community level, much has been \ndone to improve training provision \nthroughout. Following two exten-\n\n\fChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nsive 'Transition Programmes' run \nby the Commission (1977\u00ad82 and \n1983\u00ad87) to complement activity \nwithin Member States on improv\u00ad\ning the education and training of \nyoung people, Member States gave \na commitment, in the Council Deci\u00ad\nsion of December 1987, to offer all \nyoung people at least two years \ntraining after the end of compulsory \neducation. The Council Decision also set up the \nPETRA Programme for European \nYouth Training to further the devel\u00ad\nopment of youth training policies in \nMember States. Through the devel\u00ad\nopment of a European network of \ns e l e c t ed i n n o v a t i ve p r o j e c t s, \nPETRA aims to develop a European \npartnership in the vocational train\u00ad\ning of young people, as well as \nemphasising the value of links at \nnational, regional and local level. In \nparticular the Programme stresses \nthe value of new forms of active \nl e a r n i ng a nd t he promotion of \ng r e a t er initiative among young \npeople. The development of partnerships at \nall levels is also a major feature of \nthe Commission's policy on conti\u00ad\nn u i ng t r a i n i n g. Of p a r t i c u l ar \ninterest has been the development \nof relationships between social part\u00ad\nn e rs a nd public a u t h o r i t i es at \nregional level and at enterprise or \nsector level. In all training, (including that of \nunemployed people, whose particu\u00ad\nlar situation it has not been possible \nto explore here) there are two focal \nfeatures. First, the need to remove \nadministrative rigidities and com\u00ad\np a r t m e n t a l i s a t i o n, which h a ve \nimpeded the t r a n s l a t i on of new \npolicies into effective action. The \nCommission has a key facilitating \nrole to play here. Secondly, there is \nthe need to develop a commitment \nthroughout the Community to life\u00ad\n\n87 Social F u nd Budget \n\n1977 \u00ad 1993 \n\n6000 \n\n4 0 00 \n\n2 0 00 \n\n1988 \n\n4 00 \n\n3 00 \n\n2 00 \n\n- 100 \n\nMillion ECU \n\n6 0 00 \n\n4 0 00 \n\n2 0 00 \n\n1977 1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 \n\n88 Number of Persons Assisted by Social F u nd \n\n1000s \n\n4 00 \n\n\u03a0 Women \u25a0 Men \n\n3 00 \n\n2 00 -\n\nrao \n\nUK E I GR \u03a1 F IRL D NL \u0392 DK L \n\n108 \n\n\f89 Number of Persons Assisted by Social F u nd \n\nas a P r o p o r t i on of Labour Force 1988 \n\n% Labour Force \n\nD Women \u25a0 Men \n\n15 \n\n10 \n\nami! \n\nD NL DK \u0392 F I L UK \u0395 \u03a1 GR IRL \n\nChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\n20 \n\n15 \n\n10 \n\nlong training and learning, to create \na more flexible, adaptable work\u00ad\nforce capable of responding to new \nskills needs. Again, the Commission \nh as a role to play in promoting \nawareness and influencing training \nprovision through the dissemina\u00ad\ntion of new ideas, and by promoting \nlinkages and dialogue between the \nproviders of initial and continuing \ntraining. In relation to these issues, there is \nnow the opportunity for Member \nS t a t es to revise t h e ir t r a i n i ng \nstrategies in the light of pressing \nfuture needs, and to reflect on the \nm e a ns of d e v e l o p i ng effective, \ncoherent vocational training and \neducation systems, at both initial \nand continuing levels. This challenge must be met to en\u00ad\nsure that Europe can respond, with \na qualified and able workforce, to \nthe economic and social demands \nahead in the 1990s. 90 Targetting of t he Social F u nd \n\n1988 \n\n200 \n\n400 600 \n\n800 1000 \n\n; \n\n1200 \n\n\u0392 ' Women \n\u25a0 Men \n\nf \n\nUneripl \n\n0 200 400 600 800 1000 1200 \n\nThousands \n\n109 \n\nE u r o p e an Social \nF u nd \u00ad Support for \nTraining, Guidance \nand Recruitment. The European Social Fund \nis the principle source of \nCommunity funding for vo\u00ad\ncational training and \nemployment creation. Com\u00ad\nmunity funds are generally \nmatched by national funds. The budget has increased \nconsiderably since the late \n1970s with a planned in\u00ad\ncrease up to 5,200 million \nECU in 1993. The operation \nof the Community structu\u00ad\nral funds has been \ncompletely revised from \n1990 onwards as presented \nin Chapter 16. The charts \nshow the use of Community \nfunds in 1988, under the \ncurrent rules. Chapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nCommunity Education a nd Vocational Training Programmes \n\nERASMUS Programme \n\n1st phase on-going 1988-1990 \n2nd phase planned for 1991-1993 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nStudents in higher education. Participation of 43,000 students and \n1,500 higher eduction institutions in the first phase. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nIncrease the mobility of students in higher education in the Community \nand add a European dimension to their initial training. European network of inter-university co-operation. Grants for students \nto spend a period of training in another Member State. Measures to \ndevelop the academic recognition of diploma. COMETT Programme \n\n1st phase on-going 1987-1989 \n2nd phase planned for 1990-1994 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nStudents in higher education and staff from enterprises participating \nin 1987-1988. 1,320 projects and 1,400 students. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nStimulate university-industry co-operation in order to improve high \nlevel training linked to new technologies. University-industry partnerships. Transnational placements for \nstudents in enterprises. Joint continuing training projects. Youth for Europe programme \n\n1st phase on-going 1989-1991 \n2nd phase planned for 1992 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nYoung people from 15 to 25 years old. Participation in the first phase: \n80,000 young people. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nImprove, develop and diversify young peoples exchanges in the \nCommunity. Support for young people's exchanges of at least 1 week. National \nagencies for information and co-ordination of the programme. Study \nvisits and assistance for training courses for the organisers of youth \nexchange. Exchange of young workers programme \n\n3rd phase on-going 1985-1990 \n4th phase planned for 1991 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nYoung workers or job seekers of 18 to 28 years old. Participation in \n1987-1988. 7,000 young people. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nOffer training or work experience for young people in another \nMember State. Support for short (up to 3 months) or longer (up to 16 months) periods \nof work or training for young people in another Member State. Ex \nchange network. PETRA Programme \n\n1st phase on-going 1989-1992 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nYoung people in vocational training following full-time compulsory edu \ncation. 154 training initiatives in 1989. 200 youth projects. 110 \n\n\fChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nObjective: \n\nActivities: \n\nSupport, with a Community added-value, the implementation of the \nCouncil Decision of the vocational training of young people. European network of vocational training initiatives in the form of \ntransnational partnerships Initiatives and information projects \nmanaged by young people themselves. Co-operation in the research \nfield. IRIS Programme \n\n1st phase on-going 1988-1992 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nWomen in vocational training. 71 projects in 1989. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nDevelop the access of women to vocational training. Network of innovative projects in vocational training for women. EUROTECNET Programme \n\n1st phase on-going 1985-1989 \n2nd phase planned for 1990-1994 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nYoung people and staff of enterprises in initial or continuing training. 135 demonstration projects in 1989. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nDissemination throughout the Community of innovations in the area \nof vocational training linked to new technologies. European network of demonstration projects in initial and continuing \ntraining. Co-operation in the research field. ARION Programme \n\nActivities began in 1978 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nEducation policy-makers and experts. 3,200 study visits since 1978. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nImprove mutual understanding of the education systems. Study visits of one week's duration. LINGUA Programme \n\n1st phase planned for 1990-1994 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nPupils and teachers from secondary and higher education. Whole of \nthe current workforce. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nImprove the quantity and quality of language training for the citizens \nof the Community. Support for initial and continuing training of teachers (linked with \nERASMUS). Drawing up of teaching materials. Pupil exchanges. Diagnosing the language needs of the business world. Education of migrant workers children programme \n\nActivities began in 1977 \n\nPeople Involved: \n\nPrimary and secondary schools with migrant children. 15 pilot projects \nin 1988. Objective: \n\nActivities: \n\nImprove the integration of migrant children at all levels of the \neducation system. Pilot projects relation to the teaching of the mother tongue. Teacher \ntraining. Education for returning migrants. I ll \n\n\fChapter 9 Vocational Training and Employment \n\nThe Commission's Environmental Training \nP r o g r a m me \n\nIn 1982 the European Parliament entered a new budget heading in \nthe Community budget for actions concerned with the broad field of \nemployment and environment. In particular the Parliament called for \nin the first instance \"descriptive analyses in respect of training needs \nfor environmental specialists to conserve and improve the environ \nment\". This request resulted from the Parliament's concern that the \nimplementation of Community environmental legislation was being \nhindered by the lack of suitably qualified personnel. In 1985 the Parliament received a first report which provided a \ndetailed descriptive analysis of the training needs in the Community \nand confirmed that the implementation of Community environmental \npolicies was inhibited by the lack of adequately trained personnel. On \nthe basis of the descriptive analysis, a series of more concrete actions \nhas now been undertaken covering a wide range e. g. : \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\ntraining for operators of pollution control in industry; \n\ntraining and advice for public agencies concerned with waste water \ntreatment; \n\ntraining in environmental impact assessment; \n\ntraining in environmentally friendly agricultural practice. During the European Year of the Environment (21. 3. 87-20. 3. 88) \nemphasis was laid on actions - courses and seminars - that would have \nan impact on public awareness and improve environmental good \npractice within the Community. The Commission plans to present \nshortly a synthesis report on all activities undertaken to date, \ntogether with a strategy for future action. - 1 1 2-\n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment \u00ad A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour \n\nMarket Problem \n\nUnemployment has begun to fall, but a decade or more of \nhigh unemployment has left a legacy of problems. Those out \nof work for a long time are still hav mg great difficulty \ngetting back into jobs. Unemployment in the European \nCommunity has been falling since \n1986. However, it still stands at 15 \nmillion, or 9. 3 % of the working \npopulation on the latest Community \ndefinition (see Box) and has been an \nunwelcome but persistent feature of \nthe European labour m a r k et for \nover a decade. Unemployment rose each year be\u00ad\ntween 1973 and 1986, with the \nsharpest increases in the periods \nfollowing the two oil price shocks \u00ad\nrising from 2. 4% to 5. 0% between \n1973 and 1976 and from 5. 8% to \n11. 1% between 1980 and 1986. Be\u00ad\ntween the summer of 1986 and 1988 \nu n e m p l o y m e nt s t a b i l i s ed a nd \neventually b e g an to fall (see \nGraph 2 in Chapter 1). From 1960 up to the early 1970s, \nwhen Community unemployment \naveraged between 2% and 3%, only \nIreland and Italy faced unemploy\u00ad\nment much above those levels, the \nrate rarely falling much below 5%. The experience of the late 1970s and \nthe 1980s have been rather differ\u00ad\nent. Ireland still remains well above \nthe Community average (with a \nrate of around 17%), but it has been \npassed by Spain which, since the \nmid\u00ad1970s (when it had one of the \n\nlowest recorded u n e m p l o y m e nt \nrates in Europe), has experienced a \nmassive increase in unemployment \nto over 20% in the mid\u00ad1980s. It is \nstill around 18%. In most other countries, unemploy\u00ad\nment followed a similar upward \n\npath from 1975 to 1985, with two \ncountries, the United Kingdom and \nPortugal, showing the most signifi\u00ad\nc a nt r e d u c t i o ns in r e c o r d ed \nunemployment between 1986 and \n1989. 91 Trends in U n e m p l o y m e nt R a t es in t he \n\nC o m m u n i ty - Average, H i g h e st a nd L o w e st \n\n1964-1988 \n\nVa Labour Force \n\n25 \n\n20 \n\n1b \n\n10 \n\n/ \n\n\u2022 \n\n- RL DK i S \n\nH L/ / \n\n1 \n\n5 \n\n\u25a0 DK DK \n\nRL \n\ns / ^/ GR \n\n\u03a1 \n\nD DK , \u00b7 ' \"\" \n\n2b \n\nE \n\n20 \n\n15 \n\n10 \n\nD \n\n\\DK DK \u03c1 \n\n1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 \n\n1988 \n\n\u00ad 1 13 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment \u00ad A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nCurrently the Member States can \nbe grouped as follows: Luxembourg \non its own with less than 2%; the \nUnited Kingdom, Portugal, Greece, \nthe Federal Republic of Germany \nand Denmark with rates between \n5% and 10%; Belgium, the Nether\u00ad\nlands, France and Italy around \n10%; and Ireland and Spain with \n17% and 18% respectively. The Effects of P a st \nRecessions \n\nIn the 1960s it was normal to think \nof labour markets in terms of the \nflow of people into and out of jobs, \nwith some occasionally spending \nshort periods of time unemployed \nprior to returning to work. In those \nc i r c u m s t a n c e s, u n e m p l o y m e nt \nrarely featured in most people's \nworking lives with the exception of \ncertain disadvantaged groups who \n\nmay have found themselves out of \nwork for longer periods. The 1974 oil crisis and the recession \nof 1981 hit the economies of Member \nStates so hard that at times their \nimpact on labour forces was redol\u00ad\nent of the 1920s and 1930s. At the \nheight of these crises, few people \nwere completely immune from the \nt h r e at of u n e m p l o y m e n t. Even \nthose who were normally stable and \npermanent members of the labour \nforce suddenly found themselves \nout of work, often for long periods, \nsimply because they were in the \nwrong place, in the wrong job at the \nwrong time. Equally, those entering \nthe labour market were frequently \nunable to find any work at any price. Some groups, especially the young, \nand some areas, especially where \ntraditional industry was concen\u00ad\nt r a t e d, w e re c l e a r ly m o re \nvulnerable than others. However, \n\n92 Unemployment Rates in the Member States \n\n1979\u00ad1985\u00ad1988 \n\n2b \n\n20 \n\n15 \n\n- 10 \n\n% Labour Force \n\n2b \n\n1979 1985 \u25a0 1988 \nEC Average EC Average EC Average \n\n20 \n\n15 \n\nIO \n\n5 \n\n~ \n\nE IRL \u0392 \n\nI NL F UK GR DK D \n\n\u03a1 L \n\n114 \n\neverybody in e m p l o y m e nt from \nmanagement to the shop floor was \nat risk of becoming unemployed \nthrough their jobs disappearing and \nnew ones being impossible to find. During those difficult times, few \nnew jobs were created and divisions \nin society were sharpened by the \nopening up of a gap between the \nemployed and the unemployed. Since the last crisis, the recession of \nthe early 1980s, the steady improve\u00ad\nment in economic conditions has \nbrought the labour market back to \nlife again. The rate of job losses, \nespecially in manufacturing, has \nslowed or even halted, and recruit\u00ad\nment h as picked up again. The \nunemployed who are better placed, \neither by virtue of location or skill \nlevel, have found their way back \ninto employment and new entrants \n\u00ad the young or women \u00ad have man\u00ad\naged to enter the labour market, \nalthough often by lowering their job \nexpectations and increasing their \nqualifications. This rosier picture does not hide the \nfact that the intervening years of \nrecession and persistent unemploy\u00ad\nment in many areas have left their \nmarks by changing the working of \nthe economies and labour markets \nof the Member States. Unemploy\u00ad\nm e nt h as become increasingly \nconcentrated among those at the \nbottom of the labour market anc \namong the poorer sections of society \nin general. It has contributed signi \nficantly to the creation of new forms \nof poverty and it has become associ \nated with a widening of incorni \nd i s t r i b u t i on in some Membe: \nStates. The growth of long\u00adterm un \nemployment has become an issue o \nparticular concern. Unemployment - t he \nStandard L a b o ur \nMarket B r e a k d o w ns \n\nThe degree to which unemployment \nis experienced across the Com \nmunity v a r i es widely b e t w e en \nareas, age groups and the sexes. In geographical terms, the rate of \nunemployment ranges from a mere \n2 % in Luxembourg to over 30 % in \nareas such as Andalusia or Extre \nmadura (see Maps 93 and 94). In \ngeneral, recorded unemployment \nrates in industrial areas are higher \nthan in rural ones because it is ea \nsier to define exactly who is or is not \nin employment, while in r u r al \nareas, various forms of unrecorded \nunder-employment are common. Figures may also be unreliable due \nto the spread, throughout the Com \nmunity, of the black economy (see \nChapter 11) which sometimes blurs \ndistinctions between employment, \nunemployment and under-employ \nment. C r i t e r ia \nfor m e a s u r i ng \nunemployment may also have been \n'tightened up'. Indeed, some Mem \nber States now only include those in \nreceipt of unemployment benefit in \ntheir jobless totals - a practice which \nmay also be combined with actions \nto reduce eligibility for such benefits \n(see Box on Measuring Unemploy \nment). While the overall state of the econ \nomy and the specific local economic \nsituation are the two most signifi \ncant factors determining anyone's \nlikelihood of being unemployed, the \nrisk still varies considerably accord \ning \ni n d i v i d u al \ncharacteristics. Age is a particular \nly strong determinant, with those \nunder 25 generally having twice the \nrate of u n e m p l o y m e nt of older \npeople (see Graph 95). In areas in \nthe South of the Community, such \n\nto a p e r s o n 's \n\nChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\n93 Where are the Unemployed ? \n\n1987 \n\n1,000 Unemployed \n\nE^C^1 \n\n94 \n\nUnemployment Rates in the Community's \nRegions \n\n1987 \n\n< 5 % \n\n5 - 10 X \n\n10 - 15 X \n\n> 15 X \n\n'^ \n\nC C\u00dc \n\n115-\n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\n95 Age Distribution of the Unemployed in the \n\nCommunity \n% Total Unemployed \n\n1987 \n\n30 \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\n14-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-64 65-70 70++ \nAgc Group \n\n96 Age Distribution of Unemployment in the \n\nMember States \n\n1987 \n\n% Labour Force \n\n30 \n\n14-24 Years \n\nD 25-49 Years D 50-64 Years \n\n20 \n\n10 \n\nE \n\nIRL \n\nIII In. \u03a1 \n\nGR \n\nD \n\n\u0392 \n\nUK \n\nDK \n\nNL \n\nF \n\nI \n\nL \n\n116 \n\nas Pais Vasco, Extremadura, Anda\u00ad\nlusia or Sardegna, up to 50% of \npeople under 25 are unemployed \n(see Map 97). Workers at the other end of the age \nscale also face problems. The chan\u00ad\nces of people who lose their job as a \nresult of closure or lay-off obtaining \na new one of equivalent quality and \npay declines sharply after the age of \n50/55, unless they possess scarce \nskills. of \n\nIn some respects, women may face \nmore serious employment problems \nthan men, particularly in certain \nMember States. It is not just a mat\u00ad\nt er \nc o m p a r i ng women's \nemployment rates with those of \nmen (see Chapter 7). Womens' offi\u00ad\ncial unemployment rates can be \nheavily influenced by their eligi\u00ad\nb i l i ty \nfor social s e c u r i ty and \nunemployment benefits, as well as \nby labour market and social con\u00ad\nsiderations - the availability of local \njobs and whether it is normal for \nwomen to work. Women may also be \nmore willing to avoid unemploy\u00ad\nment by accepting lower rates of paj \nor poorer conditions of employment \n- trade-offs that men are more likelj \nto resist. Long-term \nUnemployment \n\nWhile youth unemployment was th \nmajor feature of the mid 1980s, it i \nthe growth in the number of long \nt e rm unemployed, encompassin \nboth young people and adults, tha \nis now the cause of most concerr \nHalf those presently out of work i: \nthe Community are long term ur \nemployed, defined as being jobles \nfor over a year. While a proportio \nof the unemployed have alwaj \nfound it difficult to return to wor \nquickly, the proportion of the tot< \nunemployed who have been out \u03b9 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nwork for over a year has risen from \n45% in 1983 to 55% in 1988 (see \nGraph 98). In comparison, the equi \nvalent figure in the United States is \naround 10%. Until about 1980, long-term unem \nployment tended to r e p r e s e nt a \nreasonably constant proportion of \ntotal unemployment. Some Member \nStates were already familiar with \nthe problem as it affected \nrural \nareas, particularly in the Mediter \nranean region. As the recession \npersisted and worsened, however, \nthe number of long-term unem \n\nployed grew as a proportion of total \nt he \nu n e m p l o y m e nt \nCommunity. t h r o u g h o ut \n\nd e v e l o p ed \n\nWorsening long-term unemploy \nthe \nm e nt was broadly speaking \nresult of the decline in the demand \nfor labour and of structural changes \nwhich had occurred as new technol \nt he \nogy \ninternational pattern of production \nchanged u n d er the influence of \nrelative costs. The phenomenon \nwas undoubtedly exacerbated by \nthe fact that certain features of the \nlabour market become factors of rig \n\na nd \n\nas \n\nidity. The combined effect was to \nplace the burden of adjustment on \nthose in the weakest position, par \nticularly low-skilled workers, young \npeople and women. Substantial changes also took place \nin the regional distribution of long-\nterm unemployment (see Map 99). In c e r t a in M e m b er S t a t e s, for \nexample France and the United \nKingdom, the rate of increase in \nlong-term unemployment had been \nconsiderably higher than the na \ntional r a te of increase in \nthose \nregions or areas dependent on a de-\n\n97 Youth Unemployment Rates in t he Community's Regions 1987 \n\n< 10 % \n\n10 - 20 % \n\n20 - 30 % \n\n> 30 % \n\n(\u00a3 a \n\nc^c^1 \n\n117-\n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\ndining single industry, and in cer \ntain urban areas. Regions \nt h at \nwere predominantly agricultural, \nsuch as parts of Italy and Ireland, \nhad equally experienced growing \nl o n g - t e rm u n e m p l o y m e nt as \nit \nemerged out of earlier, more dis \nguised, under-employment. The effect of long-term unemploy \nment on those directly affected was \nconsiderable. Prolonged unemploy \nconfidence \nm e nt u n d e r m i n ed \nresulting in pessimism and, for \nmany, a fatalistic acceptance of \nnever finding a job again. The experience of being unem \nployed over a long period \nt h us \nbrought changes in attitude and \nmotivation which further reduced \nthe chances of finding a job and \nwhich turned long-term unemploy \nment into a problem which was \ndifferent in kind from the problem \nof unemployment in general. This \nwas confirmed by evidence t h at the \nprobability of unemployed people \nleaving the unemployment register \ndecreased the longer they remained \non it. Over the past five years the Member \nStates have shown growing concern \nabout the problem and a variety of \nb e en \ns p e c i al m e a s u r es h a ve \na d o p t ed \nem-\nto m a i n t a in \n- \nt e m p o r a ry \nployability, to create \njobs, to provide specific training, to \nfinance private sector recruitment, \nand to encourage early retirement. Through time, such measures have \nbeen increasingly focused on help \ning t he l o n g - t e rm u n e m p l o y ed \novercome their specific difficulties. A particular emphasis has been put \non local level actions involving a \nvariety of groups and agencies. The \nstyle and content of vocational \ntraining programmes for the long-\nt e rm unemployed h as also been \nmade relevant to their needs. Despite these initiatives, long-term \nunemployment has continued to re \nmain at a high level. Notwithstand \ning the combined efforts of the \nCommunity, the Member States \nand many different groups, it re \nmains true that employers gener \nally seem to prefer to recruit a \nperson who is already in a job rather \nthan choose an unemployed person. The biggest disadvantage for any \nunemployed person in seeking a job \nis the very fact of being unemployed \nand t h at d i s a d v a n t a ge worsens \nrapidly as the period of unemploy \nment lengthens. While current pol \nicy is paying increased attention to \npreventive measures - to ensuring, \nas far as possible, that temporary, \nshort-term unemployment does not \ndenigrate into long-term unemploy \nment - the problem of getting those \nalready in difficulties back into the \nlabour market remains. Unemployment -\nSocially Concentrated \n\nis \n\nfor an \n\ng r e a t e s t. i n d i v i d u al \n\nAlthough national figures for unem \nployment rates provide a broad \nassessment of the risk of unemploy \nm e nt \nin a \nlocality, these global \np a r t i c u l ar \nstatistics mask the existence of a \nheavy concentration of unemployed \npeople where the risk of unemploy \nT h e se \nm e nt \nconcentrations are to be found in \nurban areas. In such areas, even in \nmajor cities where, as is common, \nthe overall unemployment rate is \nlow, there can be dense patches of \nu n e m p l o y m e nt \nin s m a ll a r e as \nwhich, combined with a poor physi \ncal e n v i r o n m e n t, c r e a t es a c u te \nsocial problems. Map 93 shows the \ngeographical distribution of the un \nemployed in absolute terms and \nMap 99 shows the percentage of the \nlabour force which is long term un \nemployed across the Community. Labour market statistics generally \ntreat the unemployed as discrete in \ndividuals because of the way the \nstatistics are compiled. While this \nprovides detailed information about \nthe unemployed - their previous sec \ntor of activity, the region they live \nin, their age, sex and degree of skill \nor qualification - these details do not \nalways help policy-makers under \nstand the nature of unemployment \nin particular areas. It can lead them to look at strategies \nto reduce the numbers of unem \nployed rather than facing up to the \nwider social problems which often \nconfront the people concerned. For example, it is easy enough to \nestablish that a high proportion of \nthe unemployed lack skills, but this \ndoes not necessarily mean that the \nprovision of training will automat \nically give the unemployed person \nall that he or she needs in order to \nget into employment. Being un \nskilled may simply be part of a \nmuch wider set of social disadvant \nages which need to be overcome in \nequipping a person for a new or bet \nter job. Such problems are often \ninherited. The circumstances which \ndeprived the person concerned of \nthe chance to acquire skills - failure \nat school or insufficient support to \npermit the time consuming invest \nm e nt \nin a c q u i r i ng s k i l ls and \nqualifications at an earlier age -\nm ay a l r e a dy h a ve b e g un to be \npassed on to younger members of \nthe same family. In short, concentrating on the char \nacteristics of the unemployed as \nindividuals can tend to divert atten \ntion away from the social and familj \ncontext by virtue of which they live \nIt overlooks the links between un \nemployment and poverty and thi \ncycles of deprivation in which un \nemployed a d u l ts p a ss on \nthei \ndisadvantages to their children. Ii \n\n118 \n\n\frecent years this spread of unem\u00ad\nployment h as r e v e r s ed p a rt of \nearlier s u c c e s s es in a c h i e v i ng \ngreater equality of opportunity. Ignoring the social linkages may \nalso have raised excessive expecta\u00ad\ntions about the extent to which \nlabour market policies could reme\u00ad\ndy unemployment problems. This \nmay partly explain why policies to \ncombat unemployment or long-term \nunemployment and which have fo\u00ad\nt he \ncused \ncompetitiveness of individuals in \nthe current labour market, rather \nthan on b u i l d i ng s t r a t e g i es to \nt he s i t u a t i o ns of \ns t r e n g t h en \nfamilies and social groups, have had \nonly a limited success in reducing \nunemployment and in preventing \nthe widening of social differences. i m p r o v i ng \n\non \n\nIn order to better understand the \nevents of t he last decade, it is \nnecessary to step outside the rela\u00ad\ntively tidy world of unemployment \nstatistics into the realm of poverty \nand income distribution indicators, \neven though these are conceptually \nuntidy and less comprehensive. Despite these limitations, they can \nbe used to draw certain conclusions. Unemployment a nd \nPoverty \n\nThe definition of poverty is the sub\u00ad\nject of much political and academic \ndispute. The main arguments re\u00ad\nvolve around the issue of relative \nand absolute poverty, the extent of \nboth within and between Member \nStates, the role of subjective as op\u00ad\nposed to objective measures, and \nthe relevance of income as an indi\u00ad\ncator of quality of life. One common national measure of \npoverty is expressed in terms of the \nnumber of households where the \ndisposable income, adjusted for \n\nChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nhousehold size, is less than half the \naverage for the country concerned, \nadjusting for household size. On \nthat basis, the number of people in \np o v e r ty in t he C o m m u n i ty in\u00ad\nc r e a s ed m a r g i n a l ly from 38. 5 \nmillion in 1975 to 39. 5 million in \n1980 but climbed to 44 million in \n1985. Another indicator of poverty is the \nnumber of households dependent on \nsocial assistance, which is generally \naccepted to be set at subsistence \nlevel. There has been a sharp in\u00ad\ncrease in such dependence across \nthe Community with a doubling in \nthe n u m b e rs since the 1970s in \nmany Member States. These statis\u00ad\ntics are, of course, not always easy \nto interpret. Governments natu\u00ad\nrally complain t h at a t t e m p ts to \ntackle poverty by raising the level of \nbenefit payment has the perverse \neffect of increasing the number of \npeople who are eligible and thereby \n\nmaking it appear that the propor\u00ad\ntion of poor in the population h as \ngrown. However, apart from some \npensions, social assistance levels \nhave mostly not increased in real \nterms. Moreover, there is a sizeable \npopulation of hidden poor who fail \nto claim all their entitlement. On both bases, there is no dicho\u00ad\nt o my b e t w e en w h i ch M e m b er \nStates have the greatest absolute \npoverty and the most heightened \nsocial differences - Greece, Portu\u00ad\ngal, I r e l a nd and Spain a re t he \npoorest. Of the many factors which create \npoverty, old age has traditionally \nbeen the most important common \ncause but, in recent years, there has \nbeen a substantial decline in the \nproportion of the poor who are elder\u00ad\nly people (measured on the two \ncriteria - relative income and social \nassistance). Now it is unemploy-\n\n98 The Growth of Long-Term Unemployment in \n1983-1987 \n\nthe Member States \n\n80 \n\n% Total Unemployed \n\n\u03a0 1983 \n\n1987 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nDK \n\nL \n\nNL GR \n\nF \n\nUK D \n\n\u03a1 \n\nE \n\n[RL \n\nI \n\n119 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nment, rather than old age, which \nhas begun to be the most common \ncause of becoming poor, greatly \nchanging the composition of the \npoor. For example, in the UK 60% of \npoor families were elderly people in \n1979 but only 46% in 1983. In Ger \nmany, 40% of households receiving \nsocial a s s i s t a n ce w e re e l d e r ly \npeople in 1970 but only 13% in 1985. During the same period, the per \ncentage of households receiving \nsocial assistance in Germany be \ncause of 'loss of employment' rose \nfrom under 1% to 26%. Similarly in \nBelgium, the extent to which pov \n\nerty in households was attributable \nto unemployment rose from 8% to \n17% between 1976 and 1985, and \nthe proportion in Ireland rose from \n12% to 23% between 1973 and 1980. Other trend changes in the compo \nsition of the poor must be taken into \nany analysis of the growing in \nfluence of u n e m p l o y m e nt on \npoverty levels. For example, in more \nrural areas such as southern Italy \nand Portugal, the percentage of the \npoor belonging to large families \nseems to be declining. In Italy 35% \nof poor families had 5 or more mem \n\nbers in 1978 compared to 20% in \n1983. In Portugal 16. 5% of house \nholds in absolute poverty were large \nin 1980 compared with 29. 5% in \n1974. These countries seem to be \nmoving closer towards the pattern \nof northern Community countries \nwhere only a very small proportion \nof the poor or those on social assist \nance belong to large families. For other groups of the population, \nthe limited data available suggest \nthat in some countries an increas \ning proportion of the poor or those \non social a s s i s t a n ce are single \n\n99 Long-term Unemployment in the Community's Regions 1987 \n\n\u00fb \n\n< 1 % \n\n1 - 5 % \n\n5 - 10 % \n\n> 10 % \n\n\u00a3 ^ 24 \n\n120 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\npeople and that the absolute num \nber of poor employed people and \nsingle parent families h as been \ngrowing. trends \nWhile there are long-term \ninvolved, the changing pattern of \npoverty in recent years is largely a \nresult of the sharp rise in unemploy \nment since the mid-1970s and the \nassociated changes in the labour \nmarket. In its Communication on \nthe Social Dimension of the Internal \nMarket, the Commission declared \nthat growing unemployment was \nthe main reason for social exclusion \nand marginalisation and the most \nthe \nimportant factor explaining \nworsening income distribution and \nappearance of new forms of poverty. Not only have the differing fortunes \nof those in and out of work con \ntributed \nsocial \nto w i d e n i ng \ndivisions, but there is also evidence \nof a growing gap between different \nsections of the unemployed. The se \nlectivity w h i ch \nin \nu n e m p l o y m e nt \nc o m p e n s a t i on \npolicies encourages these divisions \nsince protection provided by unem \nployment i n s u r a n ce schemes \nis \nrestricted in all Member States to \nthose who have made sufficient con \ntributions in the past end have \nappropriate employment records. is i n h e r e nt \n\nThose who do not qualify therefore \nbecome doubly disadvantaged. The \nrapid growth of recurrent as well as \nlong-term unemployment and the \nhigher r a t es of u n e m p l o y m e nt \namong young people and women \nwho have not managed to build up \nqualification for insurance schemes \nhas meant that these schemes are \nnow failing to protect the majority \nof the unemployed in many Com \nmunity countries. As a result, many \nunemployed no longer receive bene \nfits and depend on more basic forms \nof social assistance, often providing \nno more than poverty line income, \n\nor on support from families or vol \nuntary agencies. A l t h o u gh u n e m p l o y m e nt \nh as \nbecome a major source of poverty, \nfinding a job does not necessarily \nremove the unemployed or his or \nher family from poverty in all cir \ncumstances. A growing segmenta \ntion or dualism in the labour market \nwould seem to have reduced the se \ncurity and stability of employment \nfor a part of the labour force. Many \nof those with jobs may still find \nthemselves with low wages, poor \nworking conditions, little job se \ncurity, and low standards of social \nassistance and welfare. This serves \ntradi \nto reproduce and reinforce \ntional links between low pay and \npoverty. More generally, high unemploy \nlabour \nment and changes in the \nm a r k et h a ve u n d e r m i n ed \nt he \nability of societies to protect their \nweaker members, such as people \nwith disabilities and single parents. It has also affected some ethnic mi \nnority groups who, in countries like \nthe UK, experience a disproportion \nate share of the deprivation of the \nolder urban industrial areas where \nt h ey a re c o n c e n t r a t e d. Y o u ng \npeople are also at risk, particularly \nthose who are unable to remain in \ntheir families and become chroni \ncally dependent on social assistance \nand basic welfare. Unemployment and \nFamily Situation \n\nThe extent to which unemployment \nor an insecure position in the labour \nmarket leads to poverty also de \nfamily \np e n ds upon t he specific \nsituation. If the family has other \nsources of employment income or its \nmembers are entitled to additional \ns t a te benefits, poverty may be \navoided. On the other hand, the ap \n\nplication of household means tests \ncan mean that young people and \nwomen who would otherwise be \neligible to receive social assistance \nin their own right are forced instead \nto rely on their families. T h e se \ni n e q u a l i t i es h a ve b e en \nexacerbated in the 1980s by the in \nthe \ncrease in m e a n s - t e s t i ng for \nu n e m p l o y ed \nin some M e m b er \nStates, which has created \"unem \nployment t r a p s\" t h at discourage \nother family members from seeking \nwork. The pattern of poverty is also \nbeing reshaped by the rapid growth \nin t he n u m b er of single p a r e nt \nfamilies, especially since the late \n1960s. In some countries, employ \nment opportunities for this group \nhave been restricted by a lack of, or \ncuts in, child care facilities. The overall effect of these trends is \na marked shift in the composition of \nthe poor away from elderly house \nholds and towards younger ones, \nassisted on the positive side, by \nmore effective national pensions \nand welfare policies for the elderly. This pattern may change as today's \nunemployed become tomorrow's el \nderly. Their interrupted work and \ncontribution records resulting from \nthe unemployment which afflicted \nthem during their working lives \nmay turn them into the \"new poor\" \nin the forthcoming decades when \nthey get old. The 1992 measures, coupled with \nprogrammes of structural transfor \nmation and economic development \nin the southern Member States, can \nbe expected to accelerate the pace of \neconomic and social change and \nbring overall employment benefits. However, this does not necessarily \nguarantee the social distribution of \nthese benefits since the relationship \nbetween unemployment and pov \nb o th \nd e p e nd \ne r ty will \n\non \n\n121 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nentitlement to social security and \nthe extent of family solidarity. How \never, the social security systems in \nthese countries are generally less \nwell developed than those in the \nnorth of the Community and there \nis much reliance on the family an \nalternative - and older - system of \n\"social security\". Sections of the \npopulation who lose the security of \nthis traditional family structure in \nthe process of rapid modernisation \nand urbanisation may find them \nselves at risk at times of labour \nmarket difficulty if compensatory \npublic social provisions do not de \nvelop quickly enough. - 1 2 2-\n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment \u00ad A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nUnemployment a nd \nIncome Protection \n\nThe level of unemployment \nprotection can be described \nin two ways: \n\n\u2022 unemployment coverage \ni. e. the proportion of the \nunemployed who receive \nunemployment benefits \n\n\u2022 replacement rates i. e. the level of unemploy\u00ad\nment benefits relative to \naverage incomes that \nthe unemployed would \notherwise earn. The graph gives estimates \nof the two indicators for a \nnumber of Member States. Two categories of unem\u00ad\nployed are considered \u00ad\nthose unemployed under 1 \nyear, and those unemployed \nfor more than 2 years. 100 Coverage of Unemployment Benefit Schemes \n\nin the Member States 1987 \n\nCoverage (%) \n\n100 \n\na < 1 Year \n\u25a0 > 2 Years \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nIRL UK \u0392 NL D F E \n\n101 Replacement Ratios of Unemployment \n\nBenefit Schemes in the Member States 1987 \n\nReplacement Ralio (%) \n\n\u25a1 < 1 Year \u25a0 > 2 Years \n\n120 \n\n100 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\nE DK L D IRL \u0392 NL \u03a1 F UK GR \n\n123 \n\n100 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n120 \n\n100 \n\n80 \n\n60 \n\n40 \n\n20 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nERGO \n\nLong-Term Unemployment - a Commission Action P r o g r a m me \n\nERGO is part of the European Commission's response to the call from the Council of Ministers \nfor a programme to \"stimulate successful experience which can form part of national pro \ngrammes in favour of the long-term unemployed\". It re-inforces the work of the European Social \nFund which provides financial support for projects and programmes (see Box, Chapter 9). The Programme \n\nThe programme has several facets. Through a network of correspondents and contacts in each \nof the Member countries, a selective inventory of programmes and projects which benefit \nlong-term unemployed people is identified. These will include such aspects as: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\ncounselling \n\nre-training \n\n\u2022 assistance in job search \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nindividual and family welfare \n\nincentives to employers \n\n\u2022 basic, continuing and adult education \n\n\u2022 \n\nsocial and cultural activities \n\n\u2022 or a combination of such measures \n\nCriteria of good practice are being worked out and applied so as to identify successful examples \nin which there are transferable elements. In addition to seeking information, the programme is acting as a catalyst and support to the \nprojects by enabling them to learn from each other's experience and by encouraging them to \nadopt practical methods of monitoring and evaluation. At the same time, the lessons learnt from \nthe examples in the field are being fed back to those responsible for planning and implementing \nnational programmes aimed at assisting the long-term unemployed. Closely linked to the action side of the programme is research to improve the existing systems \nof exchanging information, monitoring and evaluating the impact of different programmes and \nprojects. Timetable \n\nERGO will run for three years. In 1989, the first year of operation, the collection of basic \ninformation about what is happening, in the form both of national programmes and of local \nprojects, governmental and non-governmental, is being accompanied by the setting of parame \nters for monitoring and evaluation. This in turn will lead to the definition of'good practice\", and \nthe use of these criteria to select transferable models of good practice. A further part of the \nprogramme will be \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nto promote support for selected demonstration projects \n\nto disseminate the essential elements of good practice through publications, audio-visual \nmaterial and the media \n\n\u2022 \n\nto establish a programme of seminars,conferences, study visits and exchanges. 124 \n\n\fChapter 10 Unemployment - A Social as well as a Labour Market Problem \n\nThe Measurement of Unemployment Rates \n\nThe measurement of unemployment is both a conceptual problem and a matter of political debate. Hence it is one of the more difficult tasks faced by statisticians. For the implementation of \nstructural policies in a Community striving for greater economic and social cohesion, compara \nbility between areas and groups is important. For the analysis of trends stable,long-run series \nare required. As yet, these requirements cannot both be satisfied by a single series. In practice, either some \ncompromise solution has to be found, or different series developed. Given these statistical \ndifficulties, changes in the levels of unemployment are generally considered to be more reliable \nindicators than measures of absolute levels of unemployment. Because the number of administrative changes introduced by governments in recent years have \nupset comparability over time, there is a tendency to give less attention to unemployment and to \nconcentrate attention on movements in employment, despite the difficulties in obtaining up-to-\ndate statistics. The main indicator of unemployment now provided by the Statistical Office of the European \nCommunities for comparative purposes is that based on the Community Labour Force Survey. It \naims at providing a harmonised unemployment rate for comparison between Member States. Comparable Unemployment Rates \n\nThe comparable unemployment rates are based on the results of the Community Labour Force \nSurveys (LFS), carried out in the Spring of each year. The definitions of this survey conform to \nthe recommendations of the 13th International Conference of Labour Statisticians. This applies \na restrictive definition of unemployment, e. g. a person is only regarded as unemployed if he/she \nis aged 14 or over, without work, actively seeking work and immediately available for work. It \ndoes not include, for example, those who no longer look for work because none is available. The unemployment rates are calculated as the ratio of the estimated number of unemployed to \nthe civilian labour force (armed forces excluded). The labour force comprises persons in employ \nment and unemployed persons. The LFS unemployment data are updated using the trend derived from national unemployment \nindicators, in most cases the monthly numbers of registered unemployed. For Spain and Portugal, \nthe figures are updated using data from the quarterly national LFS in conjunction with the \nnumber of registered unemployed. No updating is done for Greece. The updating of the number of unemployed is carried out for persons aged under 25 years (males \nand females) and persons aged over 25 years (males and females). The totals are obtained by \nadditions of these categories. Comparable unemployment rates are published monthly in the EUROSTAT unemployment \nbulletin. National Unemployment Indicators \n\nFor Community purposes, registered unemployment rates are based on national figures of persons \nregistered as unemployed i. e. persons without a job and seeking work as employees through public \nemployment offices. The data are standardised to a certain extent and may differ from those used \nby individual countries. These statistics have been affected by changes in criteria for registration, for example in the \nUnited Kingdom where there have been a large number of changes in recent years, and in Belgium \nand the Netherlands where major groups of people have been removed from the register. They \nare nevertheless generally higher than the Community's harmonised statistics. In principle, registered unemployed are persons without a job, seeking work as employees and \navailable for work. Belgium, Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg and \nthe Netherlands provide data on registered unemployed, the United Kingdom only data on \npersons claiming unemployment benefit. For Spain and Portugal, the results of the national \nquarterly labour force surveys are considered the best national unemployment indicator. For \nGreece only annual data from the LFS are available. Detailed explanatory notes are published by Eurostat in \"Definitions of Registered Unemployed\". 125 \n\n\f- 126 \n\n\fChapter 11 Black Economy \n\nC h a p t er 11 B l a ck E c o n o my \n\nWorking \"in the black\" is as widely condemned as it is \npractised. More flexible patterns of work may create new \nopportunities. Are these new practices worse, or merely \ndifferent from more traditional \n\nforms of the black economy? \n\nIntroduction \n\nDefinitions \nWhite? \n\nBlack or \n\nsocial security system or reporting \nthe income for tax purposes. There are a variety of concerns \nabout the effects of the black - or \nhidden, clandestine, parallel or \nunderground, as it is variously \nknown - economy: \n\n\u2022 exploitation through the use of \nla \nchild or illegal immigrant \nbour; \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\ntax evasion or false claims for \nsocial benefits by people work \ning clandestinely; \n\nthe reduction of labour market \nefficiency as it perpetuates low-\ntech marginal activities rather \nthan encouraging new employ \nment possibilities; \n\n\u2022 unfair competition because the \nuse of'black labour' by some en \nterprises gives them an unfair \ncompetitive edge over legitim \nate enterprises; \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe distortion of economic and \nsocial measures which do not \ntake into account 'black' jobs, \nthereby providing misleading \nindicators to policy makers. A variety of concepts and termino \nlogy are used in describing the black \ne c o n o my \nin d i f f e r e nt M e m b er \nStates. The definition developed by \nthe ILO - 'professional activity, \nwhether as a sole or secondary occu \npation, exercised gainfully and \nnon-occasionally on the limits of, or \noutside, legal, regulatory or con \ntractual obligations' - may be a legal \nmouthful, but it is comprehensive \nand raises the main issues. What is seen to be 'black work' de \npends on the definition of legitimate \nwork. 'Black work' would not exist \nin a totally unregulated system and \nw h at may be legitimate in one \ncountry or historical period may not \nbe so in another. Borderlines are difficult to draw. Child labour is illegal but it is pre \nvalent in sectors such as tourism. On the other hand, most countries \naccept children performing domes \ntic work or, to a lesser extent, \nhelping in a family shop. Equally, in most countries casual \nwork below a certain number of \nhours per week is permitted with \nout the requirement of joining a \n\nOlder and New Forms \nof'Black Work' \n\nThe sharp delineation made these \ndays between legitimate and illegit \ni m a te work, or indeed between \nemployment and unemployment, is \na relatively recent phenomenon - a \nproduct of the development of large-\ns c a l e, \np r o d u c t i on \nindustrialised processes. The con \ncomitant growth of welfare state \nsystems serves further to accentu \nate differences between paid and \nunpaid work and between income \nfrom employment and from public \nfunds. m a ss \n\nThe regulated labour market and \nthe \nsocial protection systems in \nMember States grew up around the \nexistence of large factories and, \nmore recently, offices and chain \nstores. They are designed primarily \nto cope with the employment of \nlarge numbers of people by a limited \nnumber of employers and were de \nveloped in parallel with systems to \ncope with the self-employed. T he social p r o t e c t i on s y s t e m s, \nbased on the universal availability \nof benefits, were dependent on the \n\n- 1 2 7-\n\n\fChapter 11 Black Economy \n\nsmooth operation of this regulated \nlabour market. Greece, p a r ts of the South and \nmountain regions in France. The 'black economy' simultaneously \nencompasses some of the most back \nward and some of the most dynamic \nareas of activity. On the one hand, \nthe spread of these modern mass \nproduction systems has progress \nively squeezed out many traditional \nactivities which, in order to survive, \nhave 'gone into the black'. On the other, current economic and \nsocial changes are reversing the \nprocess - weakening the sharp dis \ntinction between being employed \nand being unemployed. New pat \nt e r ns of p r o d u c t i on a nd \nt he \ndevelopment of the service economy \nhave brought about much greater \nflexibility and a \nlabour m a r k et \nmuch more 'untidy' pattern of em \nployment, which has created new \nopportunities for the development \nof'black work'. The Sectoral \nComposition of t he \n'Black Economy' \n\nIrregular employment in agricul \nture is found in several European \ncountries for two reasons - the high \nlevels of under-employment of agri \nc u l t u r al w o r k e rs a nd t he h i gh \ntemporary demand for cheap un \nskilled labour during the short \nharvest period. This has forced both small farmers \nand under-employed agricultural \nworkers to look for other part-time \nwork, often in the black economy. Building, the retail trade, street \ntrading, tourism, industrial home \nwork and traditional manufactur \ning are the industries which make \nu se of t h is type of l a b o u r, for \nexample in southern Italy, a large \npart of Spain, Portugal, Ireland, \n\nThese forms of irregular work are \ndeclining in tandem with the de \ncline in the rate of agricultural \nunemployment and the ageing and \nf\u00e9minisation of agricultural wor \nkers. Women and the elderly are \nless likely to complement low agri \nculture income with irregular work. At the same time temporary work \nduring the peak season is declining, \nbecause of mechanisation in re \nsponse to the absence of pools of \nlocal labour. Building, including repairs and re \nbuilding, provides an \nimportant \nsupply of irregular forms of work \nthroughout the Community. The \nhighest levels of such employment \nare in regions where agricultural \nemployment is still prevalent and \nwhere building remains labour in \ntensive. Elsewhere, the decline in \n'black work' on large building sites \nin periods of slow down of urban \ndevelopment has been compensated \nfor by a substantial wave of self-\nb u i l d i n g, \nt he \nconstruction of second homes. Or \nganised 'black economy' wage work \nis being replaced by more complex, \ntemporary and irregular forms of \n'black work'. r e b u i l d i ng a nd \n\nT o u r i sm also p r o v i d es oppor \ntunities for irregular employment, \nnotably in the Mediterranean. The \nrapid expansion of tourism offers an \nexample of the increasing complex \ni ty a nd d i v e r s i ty of t he black \neconomy and its parallel develop \nment with legitimate activities. The \ngrowth of hotels, restaurants and \nother establishments catering for \ntourists provides a rich and growing \nsource of irregular seasonal employ \nment for many people, including \ni n d u s \ny o u ng f o r e i g n e rs \ntrialised countries. from \n\nis not a major \nM a n u f a c t u r i ng \nsource of irregular forms of work in \nt he Community today. In some \nareas - such as the so-called 'third \nItaly' of small industrial businesses \n- where irregular employment in \nmanufacturing was important in \nthe late 1960s and early 1970s, \nthese forms of employment have de \nclined markedly. Competitive restructuring has led \nmanufacturing companies to sub \ncontract. For cheapness, sometimes \nthey resort to local, possibly 'black' \nsuppliers. While irregular suppliers \nto the Spanish manufacturing sec \ntor are to be found in the same \ncountry, counterpart suppliers to \nGerman industry generally work in \nother countries. The United King \ndom appears to have less irregular \nforms of manufacturing employ \nment in part because the ownership \nof capital is more highly concen \ntrated than in, say, Italy or Spain \nand also because the \nlegislation \nr e g u l a t i ng industrial homework \nand part-time employment is more \nflexible. c o n c e n t r a t ed \n\nAlthough irregular work is not par \nt i c u l a r ly \nin \nthere have been \nmanufacturing, \nexamples of large and persistent \nconcentrations of industrial 'black \nwork': the shoe industry in the \nValencia region, the glove industry \nin Naples and illegal garment and \nclothing workshops u s i ng \nthird \ncountry immigrant labour in the \nParis region. In sectors w h e re t h e re are or \nganised large scale frauds - illegal \nfactories or multi-level subcontract \ning such as in the clothing or leather \nworking trades - they can involve \nbuyers as well as producers. The \nuniforms of the armies of some \nMember States are alleged to be \nmade up by undeclared workers in \nother Member States. Contrary to \n\n128 \n\n\fChapter 11 Black Economy \n\nNational Variations -\nRegulation and \nC ircumst ance \n\nN a t i o n al differences are \nr a t h er \nmarked and vary according to both \nthe history of development of the \neconomy as well as the regulatory \nsystem in operation. c o u n t r i es \n\nEven though much of Italy is now \nhighly developed, it still retains \nrelatively high levels of irregular \nwork which compare with less in \nd u s t r i a l i s ed \nl i ke \nP o r t u g a l, I r e l a nd a nd G r e e c e. T r a d i t i o n al i r r e g u l ar work con \ntrasts with the presence of massive \nindustrial complexes. The break-up \nof these industries has encouraged \nthe traditional ways of irregular \nworking to spring up in new acti \nvities. In Spain, Portugal, Greece, Ireland \nsouthern Italy and some agricultu \nral and mountainous regions of \nFrance irregular work is often typi \nfied by mixtures of agriculture, \ntourism, 'black work' in building \nand manufacturing home work. A country may have relatively low \nlevels of'black work' simply because \nof the degree of regulation. The \nUnited Kingdom, for example, has a \nrelatively flexible approach to non \ns t a n d a rd work such as work at \nhome, different kinds of part-time \nemployment, and self-employment. In consequence, there is less need to \nevade the system. In the central and northern areas of \nthe Community (Germany, Holland \nand Denmark) regulatory systems \nare less accommodating to non \ns t a n d a r d, \n' u n t i d y' s y s t e ms of \nworking. Mixing self-employment \nwith part-time paid employment or \ncasual work may be difficult to do \n\nthe experiences in the United States \nand the Pacific Basin, the develop \nment of the electronics industry in \nEurope does not seem to have pro \nduced a high rate of informal 'black \nwork'. workers are increasingly foreigners \nfrom poor Third World countries or \n'second job workers' who supple \nment their main income or obtain \ntemporary income while hoping for \nother opportunities. The service sector is the area of ac \ntivity where i r r e g u l ar forms of \nactivity are most widespread and \nwhere they are expanding. Three \nfactors have encouraged this: the \nsub-contracting of specialist acti \nvities by larger firms; the growth in \ndemand for personal and household \nservices; and the financial problems \nof national welfare state systems \nwhich have obliged families to make \ntheir own private provisions - say, \nprivate babysitting instead of public \nchild care. Irregular forms of employment in \nthe services are generally polarised \nbetween highly qualified jobs (for \nexample in high technology, ac \np r o f e s s i o n al \ncounting, \nconsultancy or dentistry and medi \ncal services) and very low skilled \nand badly paid jobs (cleaning and \nother personal services to house \nholds). l a w, \n\nSelf-provisioning - do-it-yourself \nhousehold or car repairs - has led to \nthe acquisition of skills and created \nopportunities for irregular second \njob activities for cash. Multiple job \nholding can thus result. This is par \nticularly common in less developed \nregions, particularly those in the \nSouth which are still dependent on \nold fashioned agricultural methods, \nwhere many people need several \njobs merely to survive. Even in the central and northern \nareas of the Community, irregular \nemployment exists in the family \nhelp and paid housework sector, as \nlong as there is a supply of workers \nwilling to do the work under such \nconditions. In every country these \n\nSelf-Employment. The self-employed professions and \nactivities have traditionally been \nopen to tax evasion through under \ndeclaration of income. In countries \nwhere the labour market legislation \npermits it, increased flexibility has \ninduced a rapid increase in t he \nnumber of self-employed particular \nly in services (see Chapter 6) which \nhas led to a similar increase in the \nopportunity for part of t h at work \nbeing paid for 'in the black'. New forms of 'black work' can be \nlinked to other major developments \nof the 1970s - the search for more \nflexible forms of work in manufac \nturing industry and the growth of \nprivate service activities. Since the \nexisting regulatory systems were \ndevised for regular employment, \nflexible industrialisation and \nthe \nnew forms of tertiary activity have \ncreated new areas of opportunity \nand demand for employment that \nmay be described as 'fragments of \nwork' - more or less casual, part-\nt i m e, of v a r y i ng i n t e n s i ty a nd \nrecompense. While greater labour \nmarket adaptability has been en \ncouraged by many Member State \ngovernments, the regulatory sys \ntems have not always been adapted \nto keep pace with the consequences. In some parts of southern Europe, \nthe combination of relatively low \nwages and loose control over work \ning times has contributed to the \nwidespread growth of second jobs \namong many working in both the \npublic and private sectors. 129 \n\n\fChapter 11 Black Economy \n\nlegally, and the penalties for doing \nthem illegally are severe. This has \nlimited irregular forms of work \nlargely to areas such as personal \nand family services. France and \nBelgium resemble more the British \nmodel except t h at traditional forms \nof activity also persist. Workers in t he Black \nEconomy \n\nO u t s i de t he r u r al a g r i c u l t u r al \nareas, the most common forms of \n'black work' are performed by an \nemployed person (employee or self-\nemployed) who works 'in the black' \nafter normal working hours or who \nfails to declare part of their income \nfor tax purposes. Such work may be \ndone for conventional employers \n(but 'off-the-books') or 'in the black' \nfor households or individuals. 'Black work' tends to be done by \nyounger rather than older people \nand more by men than women. The \nmuch publicised cases of unem \nployed people having jobs on the \nside may attract the most public \nand political wrath, but in practice \nthey are relatively uncommon and \ncases of flagrant abuses of public \nfunds a re m i n i m a l. The unem \nployed generally work less in the \n'black economy' than the employed \nsince they lack opportunities - liv \ning in poor localities, lacking skills, \ntransport and capital. They also \nfear losing their social security in \ncome if discovered. The unemployed \nare most likely to be found doing \nsome work in the 'black economy' \nwhere: \n\n\u2022 unemployment benefits or other \nsocial security transfers are low \nor unavailable - as in southern \nCommunity \n- and \nwhere many of those actually \nunemployed may not be regis \ntered; \n\ncountries \n\nhowever, been much lower and \ncloser to those based on direct meas \nurement and enquiry. On the other hand, in many regions \nof the Community, the 'black econ \nomy' \nis a r e g u l ar fact of life \ninvolving a large proportion of the \npopulation. Surveys suggest that \n30% of people do some 'black work \non a regular basis, and a further \n20% occasionally. However, the \namount of'black work' performed by \neach individual is generally very \nsmall since it involves only occa \nsional hours of work. This makes \nthe total value of 'black work' low \ncompared with the value of declared \nwork. In most northern parts of the \nCommunity it is probably around \n5% or less, s o m e w h at more in \nFrance and Belgium and possibly \nreaching 10-20% in the southern \ncountries. Will 1992 Worsen the \nProblem? \n\nSince the bulk of'black work' in the \nMember States is concentrated ir \nnon-traded activities - the servici \nindustries, building and the crafts \nthe effects of trade liberalisatioi \nwill be limited. There are, however \ntwo possible areas of activity whicl \ncould give rise to concern. First, ii \nsome Member States illicit teams o \nconstruction workers have beei \nhired 'in the black' either from othe \nEEC countries or even from outsid \nthe Community. The disappearanc \nof border controls in 1992 may mak \nit more difficult to restrict the opei \nations of such teams if natiom \nadministrative controls are inade \nquate. The second exception is th \nuse of black labour in the manufa\u00ab \nt u r i ng i n d u s t r y. 'Undergrouni \nfactories in the south of the Con \nmunity producing labour intensiv \ngood - shoes, textiles, agricultun \nproducts - could increase compet \n\n\u2022 controls over employment, \ncome, \ntaxation \nsecurity frauds are weak; \n\nand \n\nin \nsocial \n\n\u2022 \n\ncultural \n\nattitudes \n\nsee \nlocal \nworking 'in the black' as an ac \nceptable way of \noften \nbecause the depressed state of \nlocal economy makes de \nthe \nclared work difficult to obtain \n\nlife, \n\nThere is often confusion between \ncases where the unemployed do \n'black work' and where those receiv \ning u n e m p l o y m e nt benefits do \n'black work'. In s o u t h e rn Com \nm u n i ty \nw h e re \nc o u n t r i es \nunemployment benefits and cover \nage are often \nlow, unemployed \npeople may be working in the 'black \neconomy' without drawing any un \nemployment benefits as part of a \nbasic survival strategy. In fact, the labour market and wider \nsocial consequences of 'black econ \nomy' are more serious t h an \nthe \nsocial security and fiscal fraud as \npects. While these are harmful to \nthe fabric of the social security and \ntaxation systems, the extent of loss \nsuffered by governments due to \nnon-payment of taxes by those who \nundertake 'black work' or through \nthe unjustified payment of social se \ncurity is considered to be much less \nt h an t h at r e s u l t i ng from other \nforms of fraud. The Size of t he 'Black \nEconomy' \n\non \n\nThe scale of the 'black economy' has \nbeen a subject of much attention. Many wild estimates have been pro-\nof \nt he \nd u c ed \nback-of-the-envelope calculations of \nmonetary and fiscal aggregates. Es \ntimates deduced from divergencies \nin national income accounts (i. e. es \ntimates of expenditure being higher \nt h an estimates of income) have, \n\nb a s is \n\n130 \n\n\ftive pressures on the north if they \nare allowed to continue to flourish. A Complex Problem \n\nit \n\nc o u n t r i e s, \n\n'Black' work is generally undesir \nable and divisive. Within a country, \nit distorts the distribution of income \nby absolving those concerned of con \ntributing fully to the cost of publicly \nprovided services, and it distorts the \nworkings of the labour market. Be \ntween \nb r i n gs \ncompetitive problems through 'so \ncial d u m p i n g' w h e n e v er \n'black \neconomy' activities enter into trade, \ndirectly or indirectly. On the other \n'black \nhand, the existence of the \neconomy' may also reflect rigidities \nin legislative or taxation arrange \nments, m a k i ng it p a r t i c u l a r ly \ndifficult for work to be organised \nlegitimately in less conventional \nways, \nt h r o u gh \ne x a m p l e, \nmultiple-job holding or part em \nployee \np a rt \nc o m b i n ed w i th \nself-employment. for \n\nPolicy reactions towards the 'black \neconomy' reflect this complexity. To \nsome extent there seem to be three \nparallel tendencies: \n\n\u2022 \n\nto ignore it \n\n\u2022 \n\nto seek to reduce its scale \n\n\u2022 \n\nto transform \nwork. it \n\ninto declared \n\nIn practice, all Member States seek \nto ensure the payment of taxes, and \nrespect for employment legislation, \nthrough appropriate systems of con \ntrol. Some h a ve \nspecifically \nstrengthened these controls in re \ncent years, in particular to deal with \nlarge-scale frauds by enterprises oi \nto reduce false social s e c u r i ty \nclaims. Additional legislation to tackle spe \ncific aspects of 'black work' has \nmostly been limited to certain ca \ntegories of workers - notably illegal \nimmigrants or legal \nimmigrants \nemployed illegally - and certain sec \ntors, notably construction. Little \nhas been done to deal with the tend \nency of the growing 'flexible' labour \nmarket to stimulate the 'black work' \nsector. The varied nature of the problem, \nand the relative lack of success in \ntackling the issues raises a number \nof question. For example; \n\n\u2022 \n\nIs it possible to eliminate to \ntally 'black work'? Would that \nrequire a major increase in the \nlevel of control? Could \nthat \nprove counter-productive in any \nway? \n\n\u2022 How can 'black work' organised \nin a systematic way, with \nits \nhigh social and economic costs, \nbest be combatted? \n\nChapter 11 Black Economy \n\nTo what extent does individual \n'black work' done on a more or \nless regular basis reflect \nthe \ncomplexity of taxation and so \ncontribution \ncial \nto, \nregimes? Is action needed \nsay: \n\nsecurity \n\nstrengthen the enforcement \nof taxation payment systems \nfor categories of workers or \nthe self-employed who are \nsystematically \n'at \nthe payment of \navoiding \npart, at least, of their taxes? \n\nrisk' of \n\nso \n\ncontribution \nthey \n\nsimplify, or make more flex \nible, the taxation and social \nsys \nsecurity \ntems \ncan \nthat \nencompass rather than poss \nibly exclude or deter people \ntraditional \nworking in less \nways - those who have \nir \nregular work patterns; those \nwho combine paid work with \nself-employment; those who \nare part-time workers or \nmultiple job-holders? \n\n102 Estimates of the Size of the Black \n\nEconomy as % of GDP \n\n< 5 % \n\n5 - 10 % \n\n> 10 % \n\n\u00f9 \n\n- 1 31 \n\n\f-132 \n\n\fChapter 12 Technological Change \u00ad A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for \n\nEmployment \n\nNowadays, technological change seems to raise demands for \nmore training as much as fears of job losses. What are the \nprospects for the future? \n\nFrom the Luddites of Lancashire to \nthe Canuts of Lyon, workers have \nhistorically been presented as sus\u00ad\npicious of new technology through \nfear that it will make them redun\u00ad\ndant. Since 1945, there have been two \nperiods when such concerns have \npeaked. The first was in the 1960s, \nwhen the power of the computer and \nthe potential of automation first be\u00ad\ncame visible. Commissions and \nworking parties sprang up to look \ninto the impact of automation on \nsociety, and particularly on work \nand employment. While their find\u00ad\nings confirmed that there was cause \nfor concern, the rapid economic \ngrowth of the period ensured that \nthe result was an abundance of \nnegotiated claims for more pay and \nshorter working hours rather than \nopposition to automation. The second period was at the end of \nthe 1970s, when a time of high and \nrising u n e m p l o y m e nt coincided \nwith the widespread introduction of \ninformation technologies in offices \nand factories. Technological change is a phenome\u00ad\nnon of crucial importance, which \nhas now taken on an international \ndimension. Its social impact, as re\u00ad\ngards both employment and skills, \n\nis considerable. In order to assess \nthe overall consequences of the \nspread of the new technologies, es\u00ad\npecially for employment, direct \nshort\u00adterm effects (substitution of \ncapital for labour) and longer\u00adterm \nindirect effects (overall factor pro\u00ad\nductivity gains leading to increased \nvalue added and competitiveness) \nmust be considered simultaneously. The New \nTechnologies \n\nOf the new technologies such as bio\u00ad\ntechnology, a nd t h o se covering \nmaterials, space, the nuclear indus\u00ad\ntry and information technology, it is \nthe latter that is pre\u00ademinent be\u00ad\nc a u se i ts a p p l i c a t i on is so \nwidespread and enabling. 103 E m p l o y m e nt in t he N ew Technologies \n\n1981-1987 \n\nXIOOs \n\n300 \n\n**\u25a0*> Software \n\n^^ ^ ,, Telecommunications ^^ \n\nInformation Technology # mmm. \u2014 \u00b7 ^- \u25a0 * * ^ ^ ^^ \n\n200 \n\n100 \n\n3 00 \n\n> \n\nH 200 \n\n100 \n\nn \n\n1 1 1 1 1 1 \n\n1980 \n\n1981 \n\n1982 \n\n1983 \n\n1984 \n\n1985 \n\n1986 \n\n1987 \n\n133 \n\n\fChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nThere are virtually no sectors or \no c c u p a t i o ns which \ni n f o r m a t i on \ntechnology has not already affected \n- or will not affect in the future. Forecasts indicate that by the year \n2000, two out of three jobs will be \naffected by information and com \nmunications technology. Its impact \non economies and societies has also \nbeen more researched than any of \nthe other new technologies. In a broad sense, information tech \nnology includes micro-electronics \nand components (memory chips, \nmicro-processors), computer pro \ng r a m m i ng a nd d a t a - p r o c e s s i ng \nsystems. Its areas of application ex \ntend to the office, the factory and, \nmore and more, to the home. The use of information technology \nitself has been constantly enlarged, \nthe machinery has become increas \ningly accessible and its potential \napplications wider. Both the manufacturing and service \nsectors are therefore experiencing \nradical changes in the structure of \nemployment, the extent of change \ndepending on how intensively dif \nferent activities make use of these \nnew technologies. Impact on \nEmployment \n\nThere have been several studies on \nthe impact of the new technologies \non employment in firms, industries, \nsectors and the economy as a whole \nin several countries (particularly \nFrance, Germany, the UK and the \nUSA). But the studies available tend to \ngive an incomplete view of the prob \nl e m. A 1982 G e r m an \ns t u dy \nestimated that installing the infra \nstructure for cable TV would create \n21,000 jobs outside the Bundespost; \n\n104 E x p e n d i t u re on Research a nd Development \n1972-1983 \n\nin Selected Sectors \n\n1975 ECUs (Millions) \n\n800 \n\n600 \n\n400 \n\n200 \n\n1000 \n\n4 \n\n800 \n\n600 \n\n400 \n\n200 \n\n0 \n1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 \n\nI \n\nL \n\nL \n\nJ \n\nJ \n\nI \n\n-1 0 \n\nsix years later, some 13,500 had \nbeen created. And of those jobs, 62% \nwere in engineering, 12. 5% in the \ntelecommunications industry and \nonly 2. 5% in the cable industry. A \n'banking experts' group set up by \nthe Commission reported in 1987 \nthat \"Despite sometimes pessimis \ntic forecasts, notably in the FRG, \nFrance and the UK, employment \ngrowth has increased overall (and \neverywhere) by an annual 3% in the \nmid-1970s and 1-2% in the mid-\n1980s\". t he \n\nA series of German studies have \nattempted to assess the impact of \nnew technologies on different indus-\nt r i e s. O n e, on \ni n s u r a n ce \nindustry, concluded that new tech \nnologies have had little impact on \nproductivity and, hence, have not \ncaused any significant drop in em \np l o y m e n t, w h i ch \nd e c r e a s ed \nannually by only 0. 5%. The most \nsignificant impact was on the type \nof r e c r u i t m e n t, w h i ch \nshifted \nsharply towards people with higher \nqualifications. Another study (by \nthe Berlin Science Centre) indi \ncated t h at technology is not an \nimportant factor in explaining the \ndecline in the number of jobs. a nd \n\ne n v i r o n m e nt \n\nBecause of the changing interna \nt i o n al \nthe \ncompletion of the internal market, \nthe relationship between employ \nm e nt a nd \nt he e m e r g e n ce and \ndiffusion of the new technologies \nhas become a priority field for ana \nlysis. The Commission's services are di \ninformation \nr e c t i ng a study on \nt e c h n o l o g y, b e g i n n i ng \nthe \nin \nAutumn of 1989, which has three \nobjectives: \n\n\u2022 at the micro-economic level, to \nstudy factors in the spread of \n(in-\ninformation \n\ntechnologies \n\n134 \n\n\fvestment, work organisation, \netc. ) \n\n\u2022 at the sectoral level, to analyse \nthe consequences of this diffu\u00ad\nsion for employment, skills and \nqualifications, and \nidentify \npossible skill shortages and im\u00ad\nbalances; \n\nto \n\n\u2022 at the macro-economic level, to \nexamine alternative scenarios \nof the potential impact of new \ntechnologies on total and secto\u00ad\nral employment in 1992 and, in \nthe longer term, up to the year \n2000. the \nA further aim is to analyse \nqualitative implications of these de\u00ad\nvelopments for education, training \nand working conditions. At this \nto \nstage, \nprejudge the results of this wide-\nranging study. it would be u n w i se \n\nThe Need to Adapt \n\nThe introduction of new technolo\u00ad\ngies changes the skills structure of \nthe workforce. The types of skills \nand qualifications in demand are (to \nquote a 1986 Commission report) \nthose \"with i n c r e a s i ng require\u00ad\nments involving mental \nflexibility, \nresponsibility and planning skills \nand basic understanding of new \ntechnologies\". Companies are today much more \nlikely than a decade ago to draw on \nthe European \ninternational \nand \npool of skills to fill their vacancies. Although this has led to some com\u00ad\nplaints of exporting jobs, the overall \noutcome has been to develop higher \nvalue-added employment in Eu\u00ad\nrope. Training and re-training initiatives \nare essential to the rapid and suc\u00ad\ncessful introduction of information \n\nChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nof \n\na nd \n\nduce a bureaucratically tidy, but \npractically useless, catalogue of pro-\nj e c t i o ns \nskill \njob \nrequirements. Instead, it resulted \nin a campaign to bring teachers \nthroughout the Dutch secondary \nand technical education and train\u00ad\ning system closer to those in charge \nof recruiting and developing human \nresources in i n d u s t r y. This h as \nhelped teachers understand how \nthey can prepare pupils for higher \nquality jobs in industry. technology. One key lesson from the \n1980s is that the potential for com\u00ad\npanies to develop by increasing the \nskills of their existing employees \nhas proved much greater than pre\u00ad\nviously thought. It is not just a question of adapting \nthe existing labour force but also of \ndeveloping the future one. A study \nin the Netherlands examined the \npotential impact of \ninformation \ntechnology on jobs within eight key \nsectors: banking, travel, insurance, \nprocessing i n d u s t r i es (food and \nchemicals), engineering (including \nm a c h i n e ry and \nt r a n s p o r t a t i o n ), \ne l e c t r i c al e n g i n e e r i n g, d e s i g n/ \narchitecture and health services. The study avoided seeking to pro\u00ad\n\nTurnover, Productivity and Employment Trends \nfor Innovative and Non-Innovative Firms in the \nFederal Republic of Germany \n\naverage annual change \n\n1979/1985 \n\nType of firm \n\nturnover \n\nproductivity \n\nemployment \n\ninnova LOIS \n\nof which : \n\nproduct innovators \n\nprocess innovators \n\ncombined product a nd \n\nz. u \n\n1. 3 \n\n1. 4 \n\nprocess innovators \n\n2. 4 \n\nnon-innovators \n\n-0. 8 \n\n\u0394. ;\u03af \n\n2. 3 \n\n2. 6 \n\n2. 5 \n\n1. 5 \n\n-\u03c5. o \n\n-1. 0 \n\n-1. 2 \n\n-0. 1 \n\n-2. 3 \n\nIn the period between 1979 and 1985 innovative firms achieved higher \nproductivity growth than non-innovative ones. While the former also \nexperienced a fall in employment, the fall was much greater in non-in\u00ad\nnovative firms, a fact which can be ascribed to the more favorable \nturnover figures for innovative firms. 135 \n\n\fChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nRole of \nLabour-Management \nCooperation \n\nThe introduction of new technology \nh as been much s m o o t h er \nt h an \nfeared, largely because of close co \noperation between m a n a g e m e nt \nand trade unions. The few notable \nwell-publicised conflicts are the ex \nceptions which prove the rule. The late 1970s were characterised \nby the defensive stance adopted by \nthe trade unions towards the new \ntechnologies in general and infor \nmation technology in particular. They considered t h at the \nt h r e at \nposed by information technology to \nexisting jobs would result in less \nemployment. As the use of information technol \nogy has become more widespread, \nunion positions have generally \nchanged but the fears have not en \ntirely disappeared. Even in early \n1989, German \nt r a de unions ex \npressed reluctance to participate \nfully in the \"humanisation of work \naction programme\", recently re \nnamed \"Work and technology\". The sharp rise in unemployment in \nthe early 1980s affected the balance \nof forces at the negotiating table and \nemployers and management in in \nd u s t r i es w i th h i gh \nlevels of \nunionisation began \nformulating \nthan \ntheir own demands, rather \nj u st reacting to union pressure. Company strategies often focussed \non the concept of \"flexibility\" to \nwhich information technology has \ncontributed. Operation 1000 = 1000: Merlin-Gerin \n\nMerlin-Gerin is a large French electrical and electronic equipment and \nsystems manufacturer employing some 16,000 worldwide. From 1970 \nto 1985, its unskilled workers dropped by 80% whereas the number of \nengineers doubled and skilled workers remained constant. Because of continuing technological change, it became clear that while \nthe total workforce would remain constant, 1,000 fewer workers would \nbe required at its Grenoble plant. Rather than forcing mass redun \ndancies, the company undertook to train its unskilled workforce. Various types of training were developed. A four months full-time \ncourse enabled the transfer of workers from obsolete to new jobs at \nthe same level. Subsequent two month long upgrading programmes \ngave workers more basic skills in essentially, \"reading, writing and \narithmetic\", and were followed with between 600 to 1,800 hours of full \nand part-time specialised courses. The approach was welcomed by the \ntrade unions because it pre-empted the effects of the introduction of \nnew technology. The initiative was tailored to the needs of the majority \nof the company's workers who had few formal educational qualifica \ntions. Although the initiative doubled the company's training expenditure \nto 7% of the total wage bill, it was deemed a success since it improved \nthe competitive position of Merlin-Gerin without the company suffer \ning from the upheavals caused by mass redundancies. 136 \n\nThe concept of \"new technology \nagreements\" also emerged. Some 30 \nsuch agreements were signed in the \nUK in the early 1980s, although \nthey have now been overtaken by \nmore radical approaches aimed at \nspeeding up the application ofinfor \nm a t i on \nCentral \nt e c h n o l o g y. agreements on the introduction of \nnew technologies were introduced \nin Belgium (1983) and France (the \nlatter in 1988 with the dissent of one \nmajor trade union confederation -\nthe CGT). Typically, new technol \nogy a g r e e m e n ts s a n c t i on more \nflexible working practices by the \nworkforce in exchange for longer ad-\nbetter \nv a n ce w a r n i n gs \ni n f o r m a t i on from m a n a g e m e nt \nabout impending changes through \nthe introduction of \"new techno \nhave, \nlogies\". M a n a g e m e n ts \nhowever, been vague on the specific \nnature of the commitments to con \ns u lt \nwhen \nconsidering significant new invest \nments. The longest pedigree in this \nrespect is Denmark where national \na g r e e m e nt b e t w e en t he \ntrades \nunions' and employers' confeder \nJoint \ne s t a b l i sh \na t i o ns \nCo-operation Board dates back to \n1970. workforce \n\na nd \n\nt he \n\nto \n\na \n\nA wide variety of agreements have \nalso been concluded between indi \nvidual firms and their personnel, \nsome of which by-pass trade unions. A few are Europe-wide in their \ncoverage such as that of the city of \nNuremberg (see box). New Strategic \nChallenges at t he \nE u r o p e an Level \n\nAt a time when the European and \nworld economies are becoming more \nopen, the new technologies have \ntaken on a strategic importance and \nrepresent a major factor affecting \n\n\fChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nemployment in the future. Their im \npact will be especially critical for: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe current and future competi \ntiveness of European industries \nunder intense competition from \nAmerican, Japanese and South-\nEast Asian \nthe \ntendency for these technologies \nto spread, the majority of sec \ntors exposed \ninternational \nto \ncompetition will be affected; \n\nrivals. Given \n\nthe development of private and \npublic services, where the appli \ncation of new technologies is a \nfactor \nin \ncreasing flexibility and adapt \ning \nto social \nneeds; \n\nreducing costs, \n\nto demand or \n\nin \n\nthe medium \n\nthe strengthening of employ \nment \nand \nin \nlong-term from \nthe growth of \nmanufacturing and private and \npublic services, although \nthe \nnew information industries and \ntechnology have just as much of \na qualitative as quantitative ef \nfect on employment. The relationship between employ \nment and technological change has \nto be seen in the context of new \nCommunity-level s t r a t e g ic con \nsiderations which have extremely \nimportant implications for both di \nrect and indirect job creation. \u2022 The growth of information \n\nin \ndustries has direct and indirect \nknock-on effects \nfor employ \nment. Recent estimates indicate \ngrowth in the world market for \ninformation products and ser \nvices averaging around 17%- a \nyear, which means a doubling \nevery 5 years. The information \ntechnology \ncurrently \nsector \namounts to some 4. 4% of GDP. It has the potential to become \nthe largest sector in GDP terms \n(reaching 6. 7% of Community \n\nGDP in 1993 according to some \nforecasts) but everything - not \nleast employment levels in the \nsector - depends on the market \nshare of European companies. Failure to control this technol \nogy will clearly \njobs \nbeing lost in the sector. But it \nalso entails potential risks for \nthe client \nin all \nemployment \nsectors, particularly manufac \nturing. Cultural, economic and \ngeographic proximity between \nthe producer and the user of in \nformation technology is crucial \n\nlead \n\nto \n\nto its diffusion and application. Any dependency on foreign im \nports would \nthe \ncompetitiveness of productive \nclient sectors and as a result \nhave substantial adverse effects \non employment. damage \n\nThe expansion of the \ninforma \ntion and communication sectors \ndepends on co-operation \nin R \nand D. Together with the sub \nstantial growth in market, op \ninformation \nthe \nportunities, \ntechnology and communication \n\nPort Authority of Rotterdam \n\nIn line with most major ports, Rotterdam has moved from being a \nhighly labour-intensive to highly capital-intensive operation. While \nthis was initially caused by the switch to containerisation, it has \nbrought in its wake a whole series of technological developments such \nas microchips which handle the complex flows ofinformation and can \nenable shippers to track their containers by satellite across the globe. These changes have brought a revolution in industrial relations prac \ntices. The Port of Rotterdam in Holland directly employs some 74,000 people \nand a further 10,000 workers are dependent on the port's supply \nbusiness. Containerisation led to a ten-fold increase in labour produc \ntivity. Cargo handling increased but this was unable to compensate \nfor the increase in labour productivity and the workforce fell by 10,000. There were several major industrial disputes but ultimately the two \nsides reached a series of agreements enabling employment to be \nreduced without compulsory redundancies. Now that containerisation and the decrease in employment is com \nplete, the port is concentrating on improving its logistic services -\ntransportation, physical distribution and stock-keeping - which can \naccount for 20% of the total costs of manufactured products. Telematics is indispensable for improving logistics and a new system \nhas been introduced which allows for the electronic interchange of \ninformation between all parties involved in the transport of goods \nthrough the port. The port's renewal process has brought considerable changes to at \nleast 15,000 jobs. A forum for employers and trade unions to discuss \nemerging threats and challenges jointly with the port management \nand government representatives has been established. It deals with a \nwide variety of issues such as vocational training, technology transfer \nservices for smaller firms, the design of new technologies and oppoi\u00b7-\ntunities for new forms of employment. 137 \n\n\fChapter 12 Technological Change - A Strategic Challenge for Employment \n\nsectors are confronted with ac \ncelerating technological innova \ntion, rising R &D \ncosts and \nshortening product life-spans. involved \n\nFor several years joint R &D \nactivities between \ncompanies \nand research bodies have been \nstrengthened at the Community \nlevel \n(ESPRIT, RACE, etc. ). The structure of R and D in the \nEuropean groups \nin \nthese projects is now stronger. technological \nThe European \nbase is much better protected, \nand positive direct and indirect \neffects in terms of maintaining \nand creating highly-skilled jobs \nin \nalready \nemerged. But in spite of what \nhas been achieved \nin certain \nthere are still serious \nareas \nweaknesses which could lead to \n\nEurope \n\nhave \n\nworsening prospects \nployment in the future. for em \n\nautomation, production technol \nogy, etc. ) must be avoided. \u2022 \n\ntechnology \nis \n\nin \nMastering new \nincreasingly \nmanufacturing \nvital for Europe, in economic, \nsocial and employment terms. Against a background of rapid \nchange where company strategy \nis of the utmost importance, no \neffort must be spared. There must be closer industrial \nco-operation in order to assure \nbetter long-term control of the \nchain of functions running from \nR &D through design, produc \nto after \ntion and distribution \n-sales service. Significant shortfalls in skilled \noffice \npersonnel \n\n(computing, \n\nbetween \n\nIn view of the imminent com \npletion of the Internal Market, \ndevelopment of the infrastruc \nture of the Community network \nof telecommunication \nservices \nis crucial to the Community's \neconomic and social integration. Competition as well as co-oper \nation \nCommunity \nbusinesses and the harmonious \nfunctioning of national adminis \ntrations \nservices \nand public \nrequire an efficient system for \ntransmitting the flows of infor \nfor \nmation which are vital \nintegrating \nof \nthe markets \nMember States. Without this, \nsome of the positive economic \nand employment benefit of the \ncompletion of the Internal Mar \nket could be lost. Guidelines for Introducing New Technologies -\nThe Case of t he City of Nuremberg. \u2022 Get all decision-makers and their advisers to agree on a set of goals \n(such as improving the quantity/quality of service, improving \nemployees' working conditions, lowering costs). \u2022 \n\nIntroduce NT when and where there are needs for improving \ninformation and communication. \u2022 Provide broad and comprehensive dissemination of information \n\nabout its introduction beforehand. \u2022 Draft sensible and acceptable guidelines on the working conditions \n\nof all employees. \u2022 \n\nJointly demonstrate the value of change for all involved. \u2022 When introducing new computer systems ensure that there are no \n\nhierarchical distinctions in their use. \u2022 \n\nInvest in employees rather than in equipment. \u2022 Ensure total employee participation in implementing new systems. \u2022 Develop executives into information and communications mana \n\ngers. \u2022 Define objectives jointly beforehand and take up \"organisational \n\nslack\". 138 \n\nis n ot \n\nThe technological changes under \nway now involve all companies \nthroughout the manufacturing and \nservice sectors. The impact on em \nployment in quantitative as well as \nqualitative terms has become sub \ns t a n t i a l. T h is \nj u st a \nshort-term phenomenon but will \ncontinue far into the future. Quan \nt h e se \nt i t a t i ve \ndevelopments is difficult and in any \nevent it is evident t h at current \ntrends cannot be understood purely \nin arithmetic terms. The need to \nadapt structures of employment at \ncompany, sectoral and economy \nlevel has become clear. a n a l y s is \n\nof \n\nThe future development of employ \nment in the face of technological \nchange is increasingly dependent \non new strategic factors, such as the \ncompetitiveness of European com \np a n i es \nt he \ncompletion of the Internal Market. t he c o n t e xt of \n\nin \n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation \n\nLocal Development \n\nAreas and regions of the Community \nunemployment problems have begun to develop successful \n\"home-grown\" solutions. Local development actions are \ntransferable but they require the involvement of people as \nwell as investment \n\nin infrastructure or new businesses. faced with serious \n\nWhat is Local \nEmployment \nDevelopment? \n\nIn a general sense, local employ \nment development is the process by \nwhich a local economy or labour \nmarket adjusts to changes in its \neconomic environment. In practice, \nlocal development h as become a \nin which \nmore active s t r a t e gy \npeople and institutions seek to cre \nate a d d i t i o n al e m p l o y m e nt by \nimproving the performance of the \nlocal economy. At its best, it is a \ndynamic process, not just attracting \njobs from other areas but genera \nting them locally. Local economic concerns came to \nthe fore in industrialised areas in \nthe early 1980s when many such \nareas saw their main sources of em \nployment beginning to disappear \nbecause of economic restructuring. Actions also began in less developed \nregions where tentative economic \nor \na d v a n c e m e nt w as h a l t ed \nreversed by recession. The principal characteristic of local \nemployment developments at that \ntime - and their ultimate limitation \n\n- was their reliance on spontaneous, \nfragmented local initiatives. Typi \ncally, local people or enterprises \ntried to salvage jobs from collapsed \nbusinesses and to set up new busi \nnesses or services to replace those \na b o l i s h ed by c a s h - s h o rt public \nagencies or authorities. These in \nitiatives had a positive effect both in \nterms of employment creation and \nas an example to follow. Indeed, in \nmany areas at the height of the re \ncession these were the only positive \nfeatures on the employment scene. Positive as these initiatives were, it \nit w as n ot \nt h at \nb e c a me c l e ar \npossible to rely only on small-scale \n'local' projects to reverse economic \ndeclines. The concept of local econ \nomic development began to widen so \nas to involve all the initiatives in an \narea to stimulate economic activity \nwhether by public agencies or pri \nvate companies or the two working \nin tandem. It also brought back into \nplay concepts of local forward-look \ning manpower policy. The new local partnerships and al \nliances that have been forged as a \nresult of this awareness have led to \nmany changes, including changes \naway from the old 'top down' ap \nproach of central governments and \n\n139 \n\nhave increased the ability of local \npeople to be involved in decision \nm a k i ng affecting \nt h e ir area. Of \ncourse, this has been a patchy pro \ncess across the Community but the \noverall trend is for governments to \ntake more account of the expressed \ndemands of people involved in local \ninitiatives and to give support to job \ncreation actions at the local level, \nwhether specifically or as part of \nwider national programme. i n c e n t i v es \n\ninvestment, \n\nAlthough local development can en \nc o m p a ss m a ny m e a s u r es \nfinan \ninfrastructure \ni n d u s t r i al \ncial \nrelocation, promotion of the locality \n- the newer, pro-active strategies \nfocus on managerial and human as \npects of the local environment: \n\nfor \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nimproving the entrepreneurial \nability, \nknowledge, manage \nment skills and \"culture\" of the \nlocal people; \n\nand \n\nidentifying \ncommercially \nexploiting local resources, such \nas environmental or amenity \nassets; \n\n\u2022 promoting the creation and de \nvelopment of enterprises from \nwithin the local economy; \n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nand \n\n\u2022 creating and strengthening net \nworks \npartnerships \nbetween people and institutions \nto mobilise, co-ordinate, or com \nand \nbine \nknowledge. energies \n\ntheir \n\nThe development of entrepreneu \nrial skills is not used here in the \nn a r r ow sense of developing \nt he \nability to create and run an enter \nprise, but rather in a broader sense \nof promoting creativity, initiative, \nresponsibility and risk-taking - all \nof which contribute to strengthen \ning the economy and creating jobs. In this sense, entrepreneurship can \nbe found and developed in all groups \nof the population - employed or un \nemployed - in i n s t i t u t i o ns and \nstructures in the public and volun \ntary sectors, as much as in private \nbusinesses. Types of Action \n\nActivities and initiatives which \nhave been developed at the local \nlevel reflect local priorities which \ninclude: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe need to create new skills \nand to adopt new attitudes; \n\nthe need to acquire new know-\nhow, and to innovate; \n\nthe need to start new enter \nprises and \ninto new \nto get \nproducts and new markets; \n\nthe disad \nto reach \nthe need \nvantaged people in the labour \nmarket, such as the long-term \nunemployed, women and youth; \n\nthe need to find ways of tack \nling multiple problems which \nexisting specialised organisa \nin coping \ntions find difficulty \nwith. 1990s and beyond is difficult. A long \nterm approach is required. This is particularly true where local \neconomies had been dominated by \none type of activity, whether indus \nt r i al or a g r i c u l t u r a l, or been \ndependent on one or two very large \nemployers. It also applies to older \nworkers or the unskilled in the local \nlabour market who are unlikely to \nbe able to benefit from newly cre \nated opportunities without a long \nand gradual transition. As a result, \nstep-by-step approaches have been \ndeveloped for priority groups where \nstraightforward \"training\" is inter \nlinked with work experience, job \nplacement, and enterprise creation \n(see Box on page 145). Enterprise Creation \nand Development \n\nat \n\nsome \n\nMost localities have now estab \nl i s h ed \nlocal \nl e a st \nemployment activities. While local \ngovernment is often the instigator \nof such projects, many initiatives \nhave been developed in conjunction \nwith the private sector, agencies, or \nlocal educational establishments. The importance attached to enter \nprise promotion for development \nreflects an awareness t h at those \nconcerned with local and regional \ndevelopment can no longer rely on \nattracting footloose investment by \nmajor companies and that, anyway, \nthere are serious risks in becoming \nover dependent on such investment. Local small and medium sized en-\nt e r p r i s e s ( S M E s ), \nw h e t h er \nconventional private businesses, co \no p e r a t i v es or \n'social economy' \nenterprises, have come to be seen as \nthe principal engines of local econ \nomic development. The overall result has been a signi \nficant widening of the areas of local \ndevelopment action. The prolifera \ntion of a c t i v i t i es h as seen \nt he \nhaphazard emergence of new initia \nt i v es \nc o - e x i s t i ng w i th m o re \ntraditional forms of action. Only re \ncently, have their activities begun \nto evolve in a more strategic way. Three themes stand out: \n\n\u2022 \n\ntraining \n\n\u2022 enterprise creation and devel \n\nopment \n\n\u2022 \n\ninnovation. Training \n\nWith its strongly local focus, train \ning is naturally a highly visible part \nof local employment development \ninitiatives. There has been an in \ncreasing realisation that areas have \nto rely on their indigenous resour \nces and t h at the skills and abilities \nof the local labour force, both actual \nand potential, are a major part of \nthose resources. In contrast with established train \nto \ni ng a p p r o a c h es w h i ch seek \nensure the acquisition of specific \ntechnical skills to meet the known \nneeds of employers, many initia \ntives now reflect a broader view. Greater emphasis is placed on the \ndevelopment of general skills and \nmore flexible attitudes - what could \nbe called an across-the-board up \ngrading of the available h u m an \nresources. As localities have come to recognise \nthe deep-seated n a t u re of their \nproblems, they have realised that a \nrapid switch from using old skills \nand attitudes - often the remnants \nof 19th century economic structures \n- to developing those needed for the \n\n140 \n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nEnterprise promotion activities fall \ninto four principal categories: \n\n\u2022 creation of a favourable climate \nfor business (e. g. deregulatory \nand fiscal measures); \n\n\u2022 provision of information, coun \nselling and business services; \n\n\u2022 provision of physical assistance \n(e. g. workspace, equipment); \n\n\u2022 provision of financial assistance \nand creation of mechanisms for \nobtaining business finance. Local initiatives for the promotion \nof enterprises are often seen as \nbeing largely concerned with the \nstart-up of new small enterprises -\ni. e. micro businesses, community \nenterprises, self employment. In \nd e e d, m a ny \nc a t er \nextensively for SMEs in this way. There are even national networks \ncatering to the demands of fledgling \nsmall businesses - for example, the \n'boutiques de gestion' in France and \nlocal enterprise agencies and trusts \nin the United Kingdom. l o c a l i t i es \n\nHowever, many localities have de \ns o p h i s t i c a t ed \nveloped m o re \n\nmethods. They aim not merely to \npromote entrepreneurship and in \ncrease the number of start-ups, but \nalso to strengthen particular as \npects of the local economy, such as \nexports and high-technology busi \nnesses. Innovation \n\nAn increasing number of localities \nnow operate projects designed to at \ntract or to develop new technology, \nto support the setting-up of new en \nterprises in high technology fields, \nand to promote innovation in pro-\n\n105 \n\nL o c a t i on of P r o j e c ts in t he LEDA P r o g r a m me \n\nConnemara \n\nAalborg \n\n\u00da \u00ab \n\nLolland, Storstr\u00f8m \n\nHamburg \n\u00fb \n\nMid\u2014West Region \n\nBruaysis \n\nLeer district, Lower Saxony \n\nOberhausen, North Rhine Westphalia \n\nChaves, Tras\u2014os\u2014Montes \n\nSt Etienne, Gier \n\nBasilicata \n\nNorth Alentejo \n\nArcadia \n\no \n\n\u00fb \n\nProvince of Sitia \n\nr\"1^ j f lj \n\n141 \n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nducts and processes in local busi \nnesses. These initiatives are less closely as \nthan \nsociated with local delivery \ntraining and enterprise promotion. Rather, they reflect the pace of econ-\nomic \na nd \nr e s t r u c t u r i ng \ntechnological change. The range of innovation-related \nlocal schemes is too extensive to list \ncomprehensively but the LEDA \nProgramme (see box) provides some \nillustrations. They can be seen as \neither 'hardware' (science parks, \ncomputers etc) or 'software' (resour \nces and management processes). At \nthe 'hardware' end of the range, \nmany areas have created science or \ntechnical p a r k s, such as in St. Etienne (France) and in Dundee \n(United Kingdom). At the other end \nof the range, the Tilburg Innovation \nProject in Tilburg (Netherlands) \ntrains unemployed university grad \nuates and places them in local small \nbusinesses as innovation counsel \nlors. on \n\np r o v i d i ng \n\nIn fact, most areas have now recog \nnised that is not sufficient merely to \nprovide the 'hardware' and are con \nc e n t r a t i ng \na \ncombination of both 'hardware' and \n'software'. Examples include tech \nnology centres which provide a \ncombination of specialist facilities \nand services for use by SMEs, such \nas the one being created by the \nNordtec Programme around Aal \nborg in North Jutland (Denmark) \nand the R & D Centre, ATTEX, for \nt he t e x t i l es i n d u s t ry \nin Alcoy \n(Spain). Strategies for Local \nEmployment \nDevelopment \n\nThe concept of long term strategies \nfor local employment development \nis relatively new. Many of the ear \nlier local responses - particularly to \nthe restructuring in traditional in \ndustries of the late seventies and \nearly eighties - were simply reactive \nand short-term such as attempts to \navoid plant closures or schemes to \ncreate temporary jobs for the unem \nployed. Most of the areas in the LEDA Pro \ngramme - particularly those in the \nnorthern areas of Europe - have pro \ngressed beyond t h e se defensive \nstrategies. This shows an accept \nance of the inevitability of t he \ni m p a ct of t he m a c r o e c o n o m ic \nchanges affecting their areas by \nparticipants in the local economic \ndevelopment process. Their focus \nhas turned from simply seeking to \ninfluence the decisions of those re \ns p o n s i b le \nor \ninternational funds, to developing \nthe strengths of the area, mobilising \nlocal and external resources, and \npromoting new economic activity \nand jobs. The process involves three \nstages. n a t i o n al \n\nfor \n\nt he \n\nStage One can be described as \"ac \nq u i r i ng \nd e v e l o p m e nt \n'know-how'\". This is essentially a \npreparatory stage for areas lacking \nspontaneous forms of development -\nwhich include a large part of the \nCommunity's Objective 1 areas and \nsome Objective 2 areas. For them, \nmerely providing services to small \nbusinesses or better infrastructure \nwould do little to generate new em \nployment since there is an absence \nof entrepreneurial skills. Emphasis \nis needed on teaching potential local \nparticipants in the local develop \n\n142-\n\nment process how to initiate and \nrun projects that lead to wealth cre \nation and jobs. S t a ge T wo can be described as \n\"using the know-how of develop \nment\". If Stage 1 is successful, \nStage 2 starts with three strong \npoints: there is a core of local people \nand institutions leading the way \n(stimulating/ facilitating projects); \nsome 'software' and 'hardware' in \nfrastructure has been created; and, \nprojects are beginning to be gener \nated spontaneously, although not in \nsufficient numbers or quality. At this stage, areas need to improve \nthe effectiveness of their activity \nsuch as developing better manage \nment and evaluation \ntechniques; \ndeveloping programmes targeted on \npriority groups and sectors; upgrad \ning know-how by, for example, \nemphasising technological innova \nlarger \nt i on a nd e x p o r t i ng \nmarkets; stimulating inter-firm co \no p e r a t i on a nd t he provision of \nbusiness services, initially with \npublic support if necessary. to \n\nStage Three corresponds to a stage \nof self-sustained development. a nd \n\ni n i t i a t i v es \n\nA successful Stage 2 will mean that \nthere is now a \"critical mass\" of pro \nj e c ts \ncoming \nforward, as well as a supporting en \nvironment of targeted and general \nbusiness services. The main thrust \nin this stage is on plugging gaps in \nservice provision and SME finance \nmechanisms; building on strengths; \nand exploring opportunities such as \nnew markets, new industries and \nnew forms of inter-firm co-oper \neconomic \na t i o n. Most \ndevelopment activity should now be \nfocused on \"market\" provision. local \n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nThe LEDA P r o g r a m me \n\nCommunity level recognition of the importance of the local level in employment creation \ncame in 1984 when the Commission issued a Communication on \"The contribution of local \nemployment initiatives to employment creation\". That Communication estimated that these initiatives could result in the creation of one \nmillion jobs and sought to ensure that they were encouraged. As a result, local employ \nment initiatives became a priority category under the European Social Fund in 1985. By 1986 it was clear that a broader view was needed at the local level - combining the \n'local employment initiatives' approach with the forward-looking manpower policy ap \nproach developed since the late 1970s. The last two years have seen the development of an action research programme on Local \nEmployment Development Action (LEDA) based on 24 pilot areas and several other \nassociated areas selected because of their positive experience of innovative projects. The \n24 areas vary greatly in size of population and were chosen deliberately to cover all parts \nof the Community. They include both rural and industrial regions but share one common \ncharacteristic - high unemployment. The programme has two aims - to help the areas participating in the programme and to \ndraw out lessons that can be disseminated more widely. The programme does not provide \nfunding but its activities include the support of pilot projects, the analysis of the lessons \nfrom local approaches, the provision of technical support and the organisation of meetings \nof participants from different LEDA areas to exchange experiences and 'know how'. The programme commissions research from local teams, connected to a local higher \neducation institute, and produces review reports which will be used as the basis for debate \nand for the development of further employment initiatives in these areas. The LEDA programme has already identified a diversity of initiatives in its project areas, \nexamples which could be followed elsewhere. For example, in terms of new business \ndevelopment, LEDA has identified the advanced enterprise programme in Shannon \n(Republic of Ireland) based on the concept of venture teams; the Advanced Business \nCentre in Nottingham (United Kingdom); the establishment of local venture capital funds \nin Lolland (Denmark); the promotion in Ravenna (Italy) by a number of local organisa \ntions of the concept of a university-level management centre as a major stimulus for local \nbusiness. The LEDA Programme seeks to identify the key factors explaining successful local \ndevelopment and employment creation and to make this \"know-how\" available to areas \nthroughout the Community. Among such activities at the moment are the setting up of \na European programme of local employment development management, and the produc \ntion of a workbook of local employment development 'good practice', all based on LEDA \nexperience. More generally, a Commission policy document on the experiences and \nconclusions arising from the programme is planned. 1 4 3-\n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nVariety and \nDynamism \n\ni n i t i a t i v es \n\nThe variety of local employment de \nv e l o p m e nt \nis \ncharacterised by the involvement of \na wide range of participants. This is \nbecause it consists of activities \nwhich require specialists in differ \ne nt fields (training, \ninnovation, \nfinance, organisation and manage \nment) and stimulates the creation of \nlocal networks which encourage co \no p e r a t i on \nformal \nstructures. w i t h o ut \n\nt h o se who \n\nSuch an environment may not sat \nisfy \nt i d y, \nwell-structured and hierarchical \npattern but this does not detract \nfrom its effectiveness. l i ke a \n\nThe presence of many participants \ncan reflect dynamism, but it can \nalso mean fragmentation of action, \narguments over objectives and re \ns o u r c e s, \nor \nduplicated efforts. However, the ar \ngument t h at democracy is more \n'inefficient' than dictatorship is no \nmore appealing when applied at \nlocal level than at any other. conflicting \n\na nd \n\nWhile it is possible for many indi \nviduals agencies to take the lead in \nlocal development, more and more \nlocal government authorities have \ntaken on a pro-active role by insti \ng a t i ng new activity, supporting \nother bodies and taking on the co-or \ndinating role for local economic and \nemployment development. They \nhave thus become both partner and \nleader. At the same time there is a growing \nawareness in the business world \nthat there are links between the \nhealth and wealth of a community \nand the fortunes of a firm operating \nwithin it. Equally, trade unions, both at the \ngrass roots and nationally, are in \nc r e a s i n g ly \nin \nd e v e l o p m e nt a c t i o n s, a l t h o u gh \nrarely instigators. p a r t i c i p a t i ng \n\nUniversities and other research and \nhigher education institutions have \nceased to be ivory towers without \nl i n ks w i th t he c o m m u n i t i es \nin \nwhich they are located. The growth \nof the importance of technological \nadvance in all industries and the \nincreased importance of access to \nt h e o r e t i c al a nd ex \nt he \nperimental h as stimulated \nthem \ninto liaising and developing projects \nwith local firms. l a t e st \n\nMany agencies in the voluntary sec \ntor now see economic development \nand employment creation as the \nmost effective means of tackling so \ncial problems. As a result, they have \nbeen keen to see their role expanded \nfrom one of social assistance to that \nof contributor and participant in the \neconomic and social development of \nlocal communities. - \n\nC o m m u n i ty \n\nEqually, supra-local structures -\ncentral governments and the Euro \np e an \nh a ve \nincreasingly come to see local par \nticipants as an important partner. New contractual relationships be \ntween local authorities, regions and \ncentral government in France, for \nexample, or the p a r t n e r s h ip ar \nr a n g e m e n ts \nt he \noperation of the reformed Structu \nral F u n ds (see C h a p t er 16) are \ntypical of this new form of relation. c o n c e r n i ng \n\nLocal Development \nAgencies \n\nThe co-operation of all these partici \npants does not necessarily imply \nagreement. However, while many \nconflicts of interest between part \nners remain, a spirit of co-operation \n\n- 144 \n\na nd \n\na t t i t u d es \n\nh as replaced conflict, and tradi \nt i o n al \nrigid \nideological positions have given way \nto more p r a g m a t ic approaches. Local economic and employment de \nv e l o p m e nt \nthis \nr e l i es \nmobilisation of a large number of \nlocal participants and on tapping \nboth local and external resources \nfrom the public and private sectors. The need for co-ordination of all this \nactivity often leads to the creation \nof'local development agencies'. on \n\nLocal development agencies come in \nmany shapes and sizes. They may \nform part of the local authority or be \nindependent. They may concentrate \nsolely on defining policy or on imple \nmenting it or combine both roles. They may have broad functions \ncovering several development as \npects or concentrate on just one \naspect. In all cases they represent import \nant focal points in local networks \nand play a crucial role in mobilising \ntheir localities through their close \nlinks with their client groups. They \ncreate new capacity in their areas, \nboth in technical and managerial \nterms, for developing and imple \nm e n t i ng e m p l o y m e nt c r e a t i ng \nprojects. The European Community has or \nganised exchange programmes for \nlocal e m p l o y m e nt development \nagents for the last three years. The \nCommunity recognises the new re \nality of local development and the \nneed for partnership at all levels. The reformed structural funds will \nthus not only provide financial re \nsources for the development and \nrestructuring of regions and local \nareas but they will also seek to en \nsure that local level participants \ncan contribute effectively to the de \nvelopment of local strategies and \nthat programmes are built on ap \npropriate analyses of the areas' \n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nLocal Development Initiatives. Jugendberufshilfe, Oberhausen \n\nThe Jugendberufshilfe (Youth Training and Employment Programme) in \nthe City of Oberhausen (Federal Republic of Germany) is an example of \na highly integrated approach to youth training and employment creation. It is targeted on disadvantaged youth, principally those who left school \nprematurely and have few, if any, skills \n\nThe project provides three interlinked programmes; \n\n\u2022 vocational training which includes work experience in local busi \n\nnesses; \n\n\u2022 work in building, renovation and gardening; \n\n\u2022 \n\nsmall business creation in the service sector. Funding bodies include the Federal and Lander governments, and private \nand voluntary agencies. The project also generates income from its own \nactivities. Work-Start Ltd, Dundee \n\nWork-Start Ltd was initiated in 1982 as a pilot project under the Euro \npean Social Fund and aims to provide \"stepping stones to real jobs\" for \nunemployed people through counselling, basic skills training, work ex \nperience and enterprise development. The project is co-financed by the Scottish Development Agency, the City \nof Dundee District Council and the Community Projects Foundation. Work-Start Ltd runs Restart Courses, two Job Clubs for the Employment \nService, provides business training under its Private Enterprise Pro \ngramme, and gives assistance to the Dundee Small Business Support \nGroup which it established as a mutual support group for past partici \npants of its business start-up courses. It has recently launched a Women \nCreators Project which aims to equip women with the necessary con \nfidence, vocational and managerial skills to create successful businesses. In 1987-88, it had a throughput of 2,300 unemployed people, of whom 45% \nfound employment or took up further education or training opportunities. Advanced Business Centre Nottingham \n\nThe Advanced Business Centre in the city of Nottingham is a joint \npublic/private sector initiative which offers access to modern computer \nfacilities and advanced office equipment for local companies. It aims to \nencourage modernisation, enhance skill levels and improve the competi \ntiveness of local enterprises. The project is sponsored by Plessey pic, one \nof the main UK manufacturers of telecommunications equipment and the \nCity Council with backing from central government though the Urban \nProgramme. The availability of facilities at the Centre is flexible - for \ninstance, companies may rent premises and locate there, or the facilities \nmay be hired by casual short-term or long-term users. Over 40 firms employing approximately 120 people are based at the \nCentre. In the future, the Centre hopes to offer access to its computing \nfacilities by remote telephone link. With this aim, the City Council has \nannounced plans to establish \"linked\" satellite centres with community-\nbased schemes and other areas. - 1 4 5-\n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nneeds, strengths, weaknesses and \npotential. Future Prospects \n\nA successful approach to develop \nment depends on the existence or \ncreation of several necessary pre \nconditions, in both 'hardware' and \n'software' terms, as well as on the \npresence of people able to stimulate \nand facilitate the developmental \nprocess. Local economic develop \nment is not a low-cost alternative to \ncreating the necessary \ninfrastruc \nture and equipment. These preconditions are the necess \nary but not sufficient conditions \nneeded to generate employment. The process of local economic re \ncovery can be a long one and local \nstrategies need to recognise this. Hardware pre-conditions typically \ninclude infrastructure, housing and \neducational institutions. Software \npre-conditions concern people's \nskills, a t t i t u d es and knowledge. They can also extend to soft cash \ntypes of finance which need an en \ntrepreneurial attitude to risk. New participants have entered the \nscene of economic and employment \ndevelopment and old ones have \nchanged their roles. The traditional \nview of employment creation is that \nit is either the result of profit-in \nspired entrepreneurs creating jobs \n\na nd \n\nas a side product of pursuing their \nmain goal, or it is the result of gov \ne r n m e n ts \ns e r v i c es \np r o v i d i ng \nthemselves through the 'public sec \neconomic \nt h e ir \nt o r' \nm a n a g e m e nt policies. T h at was \np r o b a b ly n e v er a \nr e p r e \nsentation of reality and it is a long \nway from the experiences observed \nin the Commission's local employ \nm e nt d e v e l o p m e nt p r o g r a m me \nLEDA (see Box). t r ue \n\nt he \n\neconomic \n\nAlthough local development can \nmake a decisive contribution to re \nb u i l d i ng \na nd \nemployment base of local areas, it \nfaces many obstacles and it is no \npanacea. Local authorities and local \nbranches of national government \nagencies, for example, may wish to \nparticipate more actively but lack \nthe institutional or financial means. A successful approach needs people \nor institutions who act as facilita \ntors in the locality. They can be \nelected local politicians, or come \nfrom the public, private, or volun \ntary sectors. Such entrepreneurial \nleadership is commonly absent in \nless developed areas or in declining \nareas previously dominated by a \nfew large employers. These areas \nare also often marked by the ab \nsence of any adequate evaluation \nsystem for local labour m a r k et \nskills and training needs. Effective \nlocal development strategies need \nto correct for all of these deficien \ncies. 146-\n\n\fChapter 13 New Partnerships in Employment Creation - Local Development \n\nLocal Employment Development \n- it Exists in Practice, b ut Does it Exist in Theory? \n\nEmployment Analysis \n\n1 \n\nEconomics is a powerful analytical discipline. Concepts like 'the circular flow of income' which \ndemonstrate how expenditure in an economy is transformed into income, output and back \ninto expenditure and 'economies of scale' which explain both the basis of productivity growth \nand the tendencies towards concentration of production provide penetrating insights into \nthe workings of our societies. However, the clarity and appeal is partly due to a methodological reliance on simplifying \ncomplex economic and social relationships. The analysis often assumes away such factors as \nmarket imperfections and the existence of middle agents, such as wholesalers and retailers, , \nwho separate producers and consumers, making their relationship an indirect one rather \nthan the direct trading assumed by economic theory. In the same way, local employment and economic development is generally 'assumed away' \nin economic analyses of regional or local development, which can, in consequence, only \nattribute economic backwardness or poor performance to a lack of industrial or infrastructure \ninvestment or uncompetitive wages. This is inevitable in a formal, generally static, model where a common standard of entrepre \nneurship is assumed to exist, where there are only private enterprises (and no public sector \nor public-private partnership), where competition is generally perfect, and where no account \ncan be taken of the accumulated social, political and economic history of a locality. In reality, of course, the factors assumed away can be among the major determinants of \ndynamic economic success or failure. Economic textbooks have begun to acknowledge this \nby introducing the concept of 'x-inefficiencies' to cover differences in economic performance \nthat cannot be explained away by differences in labour/capital costs or differences in capital \nintensity. While the 'x-inefficiency' concept is commonly applied to comparisons between enterprises, \nor between similar sectors in different countries, it is equally applicable in explaining why \ndifferent localities, with perhaps similar natural, human and capital endowments, perform \nso differently. In many ways, local development can be equated with the management of enterprises - where \nsuccess is recognised to depend on differences in management performance. Management \nis, however, not quite the right concept for local development since notions of what it means \nare largely derived from the private sector where it operates from the top down and is \nmeasured against the simple criterion of profitability. A local economy has no such simple structure. It serves many goals and has many varied \nparticipants. Nevertheless the tasks that need to be performed - reconciling conflicting goals, setting \ntargets, ensuring efficiency, balancing longer term against shorter term issues - are similar \nto those in a company. Some of these activities can be dealt with by market forces rather than management, but \nmany cannot. Local partnerships between industry, trade unions, action groups against \nunemployment, local government committees on economic development, and the creation of \nlocal development agencies all reflect the need for institutions or mechanisms to tackle the \nproblems of local 'management'. The techniques of local 'management' of employment creation are currently under-developed. When they do become more formalised and widely disseminated they will probably highlight \nthe importance of human factors - leadership, motivation and confidence-building - as much \nas organisational or institutional arrangements in ensuring successful local employment \ndevelopment. 147 \n\n\f148 \n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nLabour mobility across the Community is low, yet many see \nthe possibility of working in another Community country as \nan important advantage. Will the European labour market \never resemble that of the United States? \n\nIntroduction \n\nOf the many complex concerns re\u00ad\ngarding l a b o ur m o b i l i ty a nd \nmigration in the Community, and \nwhich need to be balanced, three in \nparticular stand out: \n\nMediterranean into the Federal Re\u00ad\npublic and France \u00ad was a result of \nboth demand and supply pressures. The growing manpower needs of \nm a ss production m a n u f a c t u r i ng \n\nsystems in the north coincided with \nhigh levels of unemployment and \nunder\u00ademployment in southern Eu\u00ad\nrope, and the rural exodus which \naccompanied rising productivity in \n\n\u2022 to ensure individual rights of \n\nfree movement as embodied in \nthe Treaty and as developed in \nthe Single Act; \n\n\u2022 to ensure sufficient occupa\u00ad\ntional and geographical \nmobility in order to maximise \nthe benefits of the development \nof the Internal Market; \n\n\u2022 to maintain social cohesion and \nregional balance across the \nCommunity and to avoid some \nof the negative effects of pre\u00ad\nvious migrations, particularly \nby encouraging economic devel\u00ad\nopment in the regions of \nemigration and underdevelop\u00ad\nment. Migration in t he \n1960s a nd 1970s \n\nThe classic Community migration \nof the 1960s \u00ad from southern Italy \nand parts of Eastern Europe and the \n\nThe Community as an Opportunity for Mobility \n\nRegular surveys of European opinion are organised by Eurobarometer. The December 1988 Report included responses to questions about the \nopportunity that Community membership could give for greater mo\u00ad\nbility. Those surveyed were asked what they felt about the advantages of the \nSingle Common European Market in 1992 in terms of residence and \nemployment. \u25a0 \n\nR e s i d e n ce \n\nThe opportunity for. any citizen of a country within the European \nCommunity to go and live without limitation in any country of the \nCommunity, for instance, to retire there or to study there is an: \n\nAdvantage \n\nDisadvantage \n\nDon't Know \n\n80 \n\n12 \n\n8 \n\nQuestion C o n c e r n i ng Work \n\nThe opportunity for any citizen of a country within the European \nCommunity to go and work in any other country of the European \nCommunity is an: \n\nAdvantage \n\nDisadvantage \n\nDon't Know \n\n77 \n\n14 \n\n9 \n\n149 \n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nagriculture. This can be seen in \nG r a ph 10 in C h a p t er 1 which \nshowed how, in the period between \n1965 and 1985, the decline in agri \ncultural employment was initially \noffset by industrial employment \nand later by the growth in the ser \nvices sector. While these rural declines are con \ntinuing, particularly in Portugal \nand Greece, the demand conditions \nof the past are unlikely to return, \ngiven the decline in manufacturing \nemployment and the change in the \norganisation of production. The mi \nof \ng r a t o ry m o v e m e n ts \n\no ut \n\nagriculture in recent years have \ntended to be into nearby towns or \neven villages with economic devel \nopment potential. Not all urban centres have bene \nfitted. Many towns and cities linked \nto major industries in decline have \nlost population. The urban centres \nwhich have grown are generally \nthose which are linked to branches \nof government, new service acti \nvities, and science and research, \nand which are physically attractive \nand conveniently located. Experiences of \nEmigration Countries \n\nItaly \n\nSouthern Italy, largely agricultural \nand with little industry, was the \nsource of 60% or more of Italian \nmigrants up to the end of the 1970s. They were mostly unqualified wor \nkers from a rural background. The \nn u m b e rs declined considerably \nfrom over 150,000 people a year in \nthe 1960s to less than 10% of that \namount by 1979. 106 \n\nInter-Regional Mobility within the Member States \n\n1986 \n\n\u00fb \n\nNet Emigration ( > 0. 1 %) \n\nLittle Movement (< 0. 1 %) \n\nNet Immigration (> 0. 1 %) \n\nNo Regional Data \n\nO ^ ^1 \n\n150 \n\n\fBy the early 1980s, the migratory \nflow had ceased and the balance had \neven begun to be reversed with the \nreturn of Italian migrants and with \nthe arrival of workers from outside \nthe Community. A new phenome \nnon - albeit limited in scale - has \nbeen the emigration of the more \nqualified young from northern Italy \ninto Germany and Switzerland. Mobility within Italy is reasonably \nhigh, and considerably greater than \nItalian migration - for example, 1. 2 \nmillion Italians change their town \neach year as against 50,000 who \nleave the country. Greece \n\nto \n\nI t a l y: \n\nt h at of \n\nGreek migratory experience is simi \ns t r o ng \nlar \nemigration - over a million people -\ntowards northern Europe during \nthe 1950s through to the 1970s. Of \nthose, 80% went to the Federal Re \npublic of Germany. The late 1970s \nsaw a decline with increasing num \nbers of returning migrants and the \narrival of illegal workers from out \nside Europe. Construction work and \nother economic developments acti \nvities in the Middle East have been \nan off-setting factor to some extent, \ncreating some emigration of quali \nfied workers. The return of previous migrants is \nseen as a positive development. However, to prevent the pressures \nfor emigration re-emerging, there \nwill have to be economic develop \nment within Greece. However, the \ncountry does not have the highly \ndiversified economic base - both in \nterms of sectors and geography -\nenjoyed by Italy. Apart from At \nhens, t h e re are few c e n t r es of \neconomic development with \nt he \npotential to serve as a base for fu \nture employment growth other than \nthose related to tourism. Chapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nareas to the coast; towards more \ndeveloped areas such as Lisbon and \nPorto; and towards the small inland \ntowns which have provided a form \nof local urban development to ab \nsorb the rural exodus. The current state of the Portuguese \neconomy could lead to further major \nmigratory movements within the \ncountry, or between it and other \ncountries in the Community. There \nis a high concentration of low pro \nductivity agricultural employment \nand there are serious unemploy \nment problems in the coastal areas \ncaused by the crisis of shipbuilding \nand steel around Lisbon. There is \nalso the uncertain future for many \nof the small traditional businesses \nin the northern region. E x p e r i e n c es of \nI m m i g r a t i on \nC o u n t r i es \n\nFederal Republic of \nGermany \n\nIn northern Europe, \nimmigration \nand mobility p a t t e r ns have also \nchanged during the last decade. The \nFederal Republic of Germany re \nceived many Turkish, Portuguese, \nSpanish and Italian workers during \nthe 1950s and 1960s as well as large \nnumbers of refugees from Eastern \nEurope. These migrants also moved \nwithin the Federal Republic during \nthe crisis in the manufacturing in \ndustry in the 1970s. During the \n1970s \ng e n e r a l ly \nceased. However, given the decline \nin the population of working age \nand the end of the rural exodus to \nthe cities, there was some continued \nimmigration, principally of south \nern Asian workers. i m m i g r a t i on \n\nSpain \n\nSpain also experienced strong emi \ngration - a million workers - during \nthe 1960s and early 1970s. Since \nthen, there has been a steady return \nof m i g r a n t s. Between 1971 and \n1986 the number of Spaniards leav \ning for economic reasons fell from \n130,000 a year to 9,000. In 1986 \nsome 19,000 Spaniards returned to \ntheir country, of whom over 10,000 \ncame from the Community. A new phenomenon has been the \narrival of workers from outside the \nCommunity and even from inside, \nfor example, from the United King \ndom. In 1986 17,000 work permits \nwere granted by Spain to Com \nmunity workers most of whom went \ninto the services, tourism or leisure \nsectors. The development of social protec \ntion systems over the last ten years \nin Spain has reduced pressures for \nemigration. Migration within \nthe \ncountry continues, however, par \nticularly towards Madrid and the \ncoastal areas. In contrast, the main \ni n d u s t r i al c e n t r es w h i ch h a ve \nundergone major restructuring - the \nBasque region and the Barcelona \narea - no longer attract migrants. Portugal \n\nPortugal had experienced consider \nable emigration - 2 million workers \nleaving during the 1960s and 1970s \n- mainly to the Community but also \nto the United States, Switzerland \nand the Middle East. Of those emi \ngrating to the Community, most go \nto France and the Federal Republic \nof Germany. Portuguese workers \nhave been particularly attracted \ninto the construction industry. Internal mobility in Portugal has \nbeen considerable, and marked by \nthree movements: from the inland \n\n151 \n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\n107 Foreign Workers in the Member States \n\n1986 \n\nEC D Non EC \n\nMillions \n\n16 \n\n1. 2 \n\nD F UK \u0392 NL L DK \u03a1 GR IRL \n\n108 Foreign Residents in t he Member States \n\n,- Millions \n\n\u0393 1 \n\n1986 \n\n\u25a0 EC \u25a1 Non EC \n\nThe most skilled jobs in the high \ntechnology centres such as Munich \nlargely go to nationals. They could, \nhowever, begin to attract qualified \npeople from other Community coun\u00ad\ntries. Despite large differences in rates of \nunemployment, mobility from the \nnorth of Germany to the south has \nbeen limited to these highly skilled \nworkers. As elsewhere, those with \nlimited or no skills are becoming \nless mobile, concentrating on the \nlocal market and often in the infor\u00ad\nmal economy. F r a n ce \n\nFrench experience is similar to that \nof the Federal Republic in respect of \nboth the non\u00adnational labour force \nand internal migration. Immigra\u00ad\ntion ended over a decade ago and \ninternal mobility has diminished. Emigration from France has de\u00ad\nclined and movements into urban \nareas have slowed. The Paris region \nis no longer growing, although it \nstill attracts the young who tend to \nleave by their late 30s. In the 1960s, the north\u00adeastern cor\u00ad\nner of France attracted employment \nand migration. Since then, the area \nhas become a source of emigration \nwith the crises in coal, steel and \ntextiles. The new trend has been the \ngrowth of the previously poorly \np o p u l a t ed s o u t h \u00ad w e st region of \nFrance which has attracted skilled \nlabour to an area without an indus\u00ad\ntrial tradition. It h as prospered \nthanks to growth sectors such as \nhigh technology and the attractions \nof the good quality of life it offers. As \nelsewhere, in France it is the large \ntowns which create the jobs requir\u00ad\ning high qualifications. D F UK \u0392 NL E I GR DK L IRL \u03a1 \n\nHH _ \u2014 _ \n\n152\u00ad\n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nFuture Prospects - A \nGenuine European \nLabour Market? \n\nt o w a r ds \n\nThe European labour market is cur \nrently more of a concept t h an a \nreality. Some migration movements \ncontinue in the Community - not \nably from I r e l a nd \nt he \nUnited Kingdom and increasingly \nto other European countries. The \ngeneral pattern, however, has been \nfor migration to fall, and for some of \nthe migrants from traditional emi \ngration countries - Spain, Portugal, \nGreece and southern Italy - to re \nturn to their countries of origin. Part of the explanation of this re \nduced internal mobility may reside \nin the mobility of non-EC migrant \nworkers. The number of Community nation \nals working on a more or \nless \npermanent basis in another Com \nmunity country is relatively low -\nunder 2 million with a further 2 \nmillion or more non-EC migrant \nworkers, the bulk of whom are \nworking in the Federal Republic, \nFrance and the UK (see Graph 107). The mass movements of labour in \nthe past are now seen as a reflection \nof imbalanced development rather \nthan as a model of future European \nmobility. Foreign residents - including mi \ngrant workers and their families -\ntotal 12. 5 million of which 5. 5 mil \nlion are Community nationals (see \nGraph 108). Some specialised European-wide la \nbour markets are developing but \nmovement w i t h in p r o f e s s i o n al \ngroups has been small, despite the \nprogress being made to encourage \nmovement by ensuring the mutual \nrecognition of qualifications. M u l t i - n a t i o n al c o m p a n i es com \nmonly treat their management and \nsenior maintenance personnel as \noperating within a European, or in \nl a b o ur m a r k e t. deed w o r l d, \nt a ke \nGeographical moves which \nplace within the company's 'inter \nnal' labour market are currently \nconcentrated on the most highly \nskilled or specialised roles but the \nnumbers are growing and raise is \ns u es s u ch as t he c o - o p e r a t i on \nbetween the social security systems \nof the Member States. Will this lack of mobility between \nMember States continue or will the \ncombined effects of the 1992 market \nchanges and the completion of the \nlegal framework to ensure genuine \nfree movement create an entirely \nn ew \nt h an \ns i t u a t i o n? R a t h er \nrenewed movements from poorer to \nricher parts of the Community, will \nthere be a higher level of mobility in \ngeneral with larger n u m b e rs of \nCommunity nationals - particularly \nthe more highly qualified - living \na nd w o r k i ng in o t h er M e m b er \nStates either temporarily or perma \nnently? \n\nIn short, could the European Com \nmunity labour market eventually \nbecome more like that of the United \nStates or is t h at merely a pipe-\ndream? There is evidence on both \nsides which makes it hard to give a \ndefinitive answer. There are a num \nber of a r g u m e n ts which would \nimply greater mobility, not least the \naspirations of Community citizens \nwhich are in sharp contrast to the \nactual low levels of mobility be \nt w e en M e m b er \nS t a t e s. T he \npossibility of being able to move \nfrom one Community country to an \nother in order to work is seen as a \nmajor a d v a n t a ge of Community \nmembership by almost 80% of the \npeople interviewed in the Euroba \nrometer survey. 153 \n\nin \n\nt he o b s t a c l es \n\nSecondly, there are the expected re \nto \nd u c t i o ns \nmobility. The completion of the \nCommunity legislation (see Box) \ncould have a major effect. The Com \nmission is tackling the Catch 22 \nadministrative obstacles which per \nsist in some Member States, but it \nis not clear to what extent non-in \nstitutional obstacles - language, \nignorance of the opportunities, cul \nture, climate, and housing - also \ndeter mobility. Thirdly, there are the imbalances in \ndemand and supply of specialists \nacross the Community with appar \nc e r t a in \ne nt e x c e ss s u p p ly \nprofessions in some countries and \nshortages in others. Movements be \ntween Member States could be a \nreaction to the needs of this \"mar \nket\". in \n\nF o u r t h l y, increased commercial \nand economic integration will ine \nvitably bring closer contact and \nco-operation between E u r o p e an \ncitizens and in turn lead to employ \nment opportunities being offered \nand sought. On the other hand, there is the ar \ng u m e nt \nt h at m o b i l i ty b e t w e en \nMember States is low because it re \nflects the preference of European \ncitizens in contrast to their counter \nparts in the United States. Even the established cross-frontier \nlabour markets - between France \nand the Federal Republic, and the \nBenelux countries - which provide \nlocal models of possible future Com \nmunity labour market development \nare modest affairs. Hardly more \nthan a quarter of a million people \ncurrently cross frontiers regularly \nto work and over half are working in \na non-Community country - Swit \nzerland. Chapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nAlthough mobility in t he Com \nmunity is low compared with the \nUnited States, there is a fair degree \nof mobility within national boun \ndaries. This is concentrated in the \nnorth of Europe and northern Italy, \nand is less prevalent in the south of \nthe Community. Surprisingly, unemployment h as \ns t i m u l a t ed few moves even \nin \nnorthern Member States. In the \nFederal Republic and the United \nKingdom, for example, there has \nbeen little movement, except for \nhighly skilled workers, from \nthe \nnorthern regions of high unemploy \nment to the south where it is much \nlower. Social protection systems \nwhich permit a 'survival strategy' \nfor the unemployed and housing \nshortages in the low unemployment \nareas are the most common expla \nnations for this lack of migration. Similar reasons are given by com \nm e n t a t o rs for t he reduction \nin \nmigration from southern European \ncountries. Potential migrants may \nfeel that even inadequate social se \ncurity added to the availabity of \nhousing, the proximity of t h e ir \nfamilies and the existence of some \nwork, either legitimate or in the \nblack economy, makes staying put \npreferable \nin \nvolved \nin a n o t h er \nMember State. Policies to improve \n\nto t he u p h e a v a ls \n\nin w o r k i ng \n\nthe quality of life in both urban and \nrural areas, and to stimulate local \ndevelopment and improve educa \ntion and training opportunities are \nequally important in encouraging \npeople to stay in the more deprived \nareas. On balance it seems clear that Eu \nropean-wide mobility will increase \nin the coming years, but the extent \nofthat rise is dependent on a num \nber of complex factors, many of \nwhich are linked to the development \nof the Internal Market. Removal of the remaining obstacles \nto free movement is unlikely, in it \nself, to bring forth a new wave of \nm i g r a t i o n. However, t h e re un-\ndoubtably remains a large potential \nfor migration from many areas of \nsouthern Europe if development \nstrategies and local initiatives are \nnot able to generate sufficient new \nemployment opportunities to offset \nthose gradually being lost through \nagricultural decline. The most likely prospect would \nseem to be a gradual, progressive \nincrease in the general level of Com \nmunity-wide mobility, led by the \nmore highly skilled, who already \nhave a wider concept of their labour \nmarket, and who will thus be the \nfirst \nto exploit the greater oppor \ntunities of free movement. 154 \n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nFrontier Workers \n\nFrontier workers are defined as people who live in one Member State, to which they normally \nreturn daily or weekly, but are employed in another Member State. Statistics on migration and mobility, particularly on frontier workers, are notoriously difficult to \nobtain. The issues are partly conceptual - the frequency of return determines whether or not a \nperson is a migrant or a frontier worker. Moreover, data is either non-existent or collated in \nnon-standard ways. For example, cross-border flows between the UK and the Irish Republic are excluded from \nstatistics on frontier workers although many Irish workers do in fact return regularly, but not \nweekly. In other cases - for example between Portugal and Spain - no reliable statistics exist. In \naddition, illegal workers are left out of official data sources. The largest volume of intra-Community frontier workers is between the Federal Republic of \nGermany and its neighbours, with the largest single movement of frontier workers - from France \nto Germany - numbering 35,000. Other major flows are from France, Belgium and the FRG into \nLuxembourg (between 20,000 and 25,000) between Belgium and the Netherlands (20,000), \nbetween Belgium and France (nearly 15,000), and from the Netherlands to the FRG (over 10,000). However, the most important group of frontier workers in the Community are the Germans, \nItalians and French who work in non-Community Switzerland - some 25,000 from the FRG, 40,000 \nfrom Italy and over 60,000 from France. Most frontier workers - probably 70 per cent - are men. While there are examples of two-way movements of frontier workers - such as between Belgium \nand Holland - the movement is mostly one way: from the lower wage countries to neighbouring \nstates where wages are higher or job opportunities greater. Policy Concerns \n\nWhile the number of frontier workers is relatively small, the issues raised by the phenomenon \nare important because they give an indication of the problems that may be faced as mobility within \nthe Community increases. Common difficulties include access to vocational training and treat \nment under social security legislation. Frontier workers have some established rights. In an 1985 communication (COM(85) 529) the \nCommission stressed that Article 7 (2) of Regulation 1612/68 concerning social and fiscal \nadvantages applied directly to frontier workers. In addition, social security regulations (1408/71 \nand 574/72) apply fully to employees and the self-employed. Furthermore, special provisions apply \nto benefits under the sickness and unemployment insurance schemes. These regulations ensure that frontier workers are entitled to benefits in one of the countries \nconcerned and even apply to members of the family, provided an agreement to this effect exists \nbetween the two countries. Nevertheless there are still problems in particular over: \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\ntaxation such as assessing taxable income, tax exemptions, family tax allowances, etc. In 1979 \nthe Commission proposed in a Directive that the country of residence be chosen as the country \nof taxation but the problem has not been resolved since the Directive is still pending in the \nCouncil; \n\nthe activities of some temporary employment businesses in frontier regions which have given \ncause for concern; \n\nthe absence of regulations covering the validity of driving licences and insurance cover for \nservice vehicles temporarily imported. 155 \n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\nFreedom of Movement of Persons a nd E u r o p e an Occupational \nMobility - The Legal F r a m e w o rk \n\nThe Treaty lays down as a general and fundamental principle, the freedom of movement \nof workers (Articles 48 to 51) and the freedom of establishment (Articles 52 to 58): \n\n\u2022 \n\nfreedom of movement of workers 'shall entail the abolition of any discrimination based \non nationality between workers of the Member States as regards employment, re \nmuneration and other conditions of work and employment' (Article 48(2)). It includes \nthe right to accept offers of employment, to move freely within the Community for this \npurpose, to stay in a Member State for the purposes of employment and to remain in \na Member State after having been employed there (Article 48(3) (a) (b) (c) (d)). Article \n51 provides that the necessary co-ordination measures shall be taken in the field of \nsocial security; \n\n\u2022 \n\nfreedom of establishment 'shall include the right to take up and pursue activities as \nself-employed persons and to set up and manage firms' (Article 52). Certain exceptions and limitations to the basic principle of free movement are set out in \nthe Treaty. The provisions of Article 48 'shall not apply to employment in the public \nservice' (Article 48(4)) and Article 55 lays down that the provisions relating to the right \nof establishment 'shall not apply to activities which are connected, even occasionally, with \nthe exercise of official authority'. There are restrictions, too, on 'grounds of public policy, \npublic security or public health' Articles 48(3) and 56(1). On the other hand, the reference in the Single Act to a frontier-free area clearly represents \na willingness to go beyond the freedom of movement of active persons and to establish the \nfreedom of movement for people as Community citizens. In order to implement the Treaty objectives, a series of Regulations and Directives have \nbeen adopted to guarantee rights on geographical and occupational mobility and social \nintegration in the host Member State for workers and members of their families. \u2022 Geographical mobility: any national of a Member State may leave his country of origin, \nenter and stay in another Member State in order to look for and take up gainful \nemployment, whether temporary or permanent, and to subsequently live there after \nhaving worked there. \u2022 Occupational mobility: any national of a Member State may enjoy the same terms of \nemployment and working conditions as nationals of that country, enjoy the same \ntraining facilities and use the various public employment facilities. \u2022 Social integration: migrant workers enjoy equal treatment in respect of social facilities \nwhether or not such facilities are directly related to employment. These rights extend \nto members of the worker's family and include rights to grants or financial aid for \naccess to general education and vocational training on the same terms as national \nstudents. Court of Justice judgements have defined, and frequently extended, the field of application \nof such Regulations and Directives to cover, for example, part-time workers, and certain \njobs in the public sector. Rights have also been established with regard to re-uniting \nmigrant workers with their families and the rights of these families. The Commission has proposed a revision of these Community Directives and Regulations \ndesigned to enlarge their personal and material scope and to extend the period of validity \nof residence permits and to extend the conditions on family reunification. Regulations \nhave also been adopted in order to ensure coordination of national legislation on social \nsecurity, based on the following basic principles: \n\n156 \n\n\fChapter 14 Mobility and the European Labour Market \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe application of a single body of legislation in any one case; \n\nthe retention of acquired rights and rights being acquired; \n\n\u2022 equal treatment between nationals and citizens of other Member States. These principles ensure the provision of social protection (in the case of sickness, invalidity, \nold age, industrial accidents and occupational diseases, unemployment, family benefits, \ndeath) for employed workers (Community nationals, Stateless persons or refugees) moving \nwithin the Community and for members of their families (regardless of nationality). Officially Community legislation ensures freedom of movement of employees. In practice, \na number of obstacles and loopholes remain. A series of legal actions has been begun by \nthe Commission, which has in some cases reached the Court of Justice of the European \nCommunities to deal, in accordance with Community legislation, with national situations \ncreated by legislation, regulations, circulars and administrative practices adopted by \nvarious Member States since 1968 seeking to restrict access to jobs or training to their \nown nationals. Many of these cases of discrimination arise as a result of unequal treatment \nof nationals and employees from another Member State due to a lack of conformity between \nnational and Community law. The Commission has withdrawn its proposal on the right of non-active persons to mobility \nand residence within the Community which had been in the Council since 1979. It has \npresented three new proposals concerning students, pensioners and inactive persons \nrespectively. Qualified Workers and Professionals \n\nIn order for qualified people to achieve genuine freedom of movement, their qualifications \nmust be recognised by other Member States. Professionals must also have the freedom to \nprovide services as well as to set up their own businesses. The traditional Community approach to this problem has been through the establishment \nof minimum standards. Community rights established in this way concern various occu \npations: \n\n\u2022 commerce and crafts: the legislation aims to recognise the right to exercise an occupa \ntion in another Member State provided that occupation has been exercised for a certain \ntime in the Member State of origin; \n\n\u2022 medical and para-medical professions: minimum standards of training and the mutual \nrecognition of diplomas have been achieved for doctors, nurses, dentists, veterinary \nsurgeons, midwives and pharmacists; \n\n\u2022 architects are covered by a directive on the recognition of diplomas, and lawyers by a \n\nmore general directive. Because progress was slow, a new approach has been adopted, involving a general system \nof recognition of education diplomas, covering both employees and self-employed workers. In January 1989, therefore, a Directive was adopted covering persons who had acquired \na qualification through no less than three years of training after secondary education. In \nthis way, the worker has more chance of taking up an occupation in another Member State, \nwhere access to this activity and/or its exercise are subject to qualifications and conditions. Once in force, the system should give access to all the occupations covered by regulations \nexcept those covered by specific directives and those entailing the exercise of official \nauthority (Article 55 of the EEC Treaty) or covered by Article 48(4) of the Treaty. 157 \n\n\f158 \n\n\fPart III Community and National Policies \n\nChapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nChapter 16 Community Policies \n\n159 \n\n\f-160 \n\n\fChapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nChapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nLabour market measures are flow well documented and \nmuch discussed among experts. Less clear is what the future \nobjectives of national policies should be. Introduction \n\nDirect spending on labour market \npolicies to reduce unemployment \nand promote employment probably \naccounts for 20\u00ad25% of total govern\u00ad\nment efforts to h e lp g e n e r a te \nemployment. Until the recession of the mid\u00ad\n1970s, labour market policies had \ntended to be passive and social, \naimed at maintaining the incomes \nof the unemployed r a t h er t h an \nusing the available resources to \ntackle fundamental labour market \nproblems. Even though this has \nchanged somewhat, it is unlikely \nthat more than a third of the money \ne a r m a r k ed for l a b o ur m a r k et \npolicies is spent on active measures. Restrictions on public budgets have \nbrought pressure for employment \nmeasures to be managed more effi\u00ad\nciently and effectively. This has led \ngovernments to develop policies of \n\"active unemployment\" \u00ad encoura\u00ad\nging the unemployed to use their \nperiods of unemployment to develop \nskills in demand on the labour mar\u00ad\nket. Such approaches were first adopted \nin the United Kingdom and Den\u00ad\nmark, where m e a s u r es included \nactions to encourage the longer \nterm unemployed to enter training \n\ncourses or set up their own busi\u00ad\nn e s s e s. At t he s a me t i m e, as \ntraining places increasingly out\u00ad\nn u m b er a p p l i c a n ts a nd t he \ninducements for early retirement \nremoved skilled people from the \nworkforce, governments such as \nthat of the Federal Republic have \nbeen anxious to use resources to im\u00ad\nprove the skills of their workforces. Types of Measures \n\nThe variety of measures adopted by \ngovernments have frequently been \nfound to contain inconsistencies and \nduplication, as demands on them \nhave increased and policy emphases \nhave changed. As a result, Member \nStates have started to: \n\n\u2022 simplify and reduce the number \nand nature of the measures; \n\n109 Labour Market E x p e n d i t u re in R e l a t i on to \n\nGDP in t he Member States 1987 \n\n\u201e % GDP \n\n\u25a0 Income Maintenance \u03a0 Active Measures \n\n0 \n\n\u03a1 GR I L D UK F E NL \u0392 DK IRL \n\n161 \n\n\fChapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\n\u2022 \n\nfocus on key objectives; \n\n\u2022 broaden their approaches by de \nsigning overall policies which \ncan be adapted to local condi \ntions. One aim is to make measures more \nclient-oriented: the jobless should \nbe able to understand the implica \ntions of what they are embarking \non, and employers should be able to \nassess the qualities and skills of the \npeople they receive. Simplification often results in the \nc o n s o l i d a t i on of e x i s t i ng pro \ngrammes. For instance, the various \nUK schemes for the long term un \nemployed were reduced to a single, \nbut massive (ECUs 4bn) measure in \n1988: the \"Training Programme\". T he p l e t h o ra of w o r k - c r e a t i on \nschemes in the public sector in Bel \ngium have, in the course of 1988-89, \nbeen reduced to two. New ideas - such as job clubs - are \nincreasingly tested through pilot \nschemes in selected areas. These \npilot schemes have been a feature in \nincluding \nvarious Member States \nF r a n c e, Belgium, Lhe U. K. , \nthe \nNetherlands and Ireland, where the \nJobsearch programme went nation \nwide in 1988 after a two year local \ntrial period. Successful national measures do \nnot necessarily adapt to every local \nsituation. The application of policies \nmay need to be tailored to the needs \nof particular areas, often in co-oper \nation with local authorities and \nv o l u n t a ry o r g a n i s a t i o n s. In \nthe \nNetherlands, for example, local of \nfices are now able to use 10% to 30% \nof their annual budgets in ways \nmost suited to local circumstances. Schemes which offer incentives to \nprivate companies to create jobs are \nfavoured in some countries, but are \n\nin decline elsewhere. Incentives in \nthe form of exemptions from social \nsecurity contributions (Belgium, \nFrance, Spain, Ireland and Italy) \nseem to be more p o p u l ar with \nclients than the provision of finance \nfor services (Netherlands and the \nUK). Exemptions from social se \ncurity contributions tend, however, \nto be expensive (ECU 5bn in Bel \ngium) and can lead to accusations of \npromoting unfair competition if not \ndesigned carefully. These measures \ngenerally fall into the category of \nState aids which are subject to the \nprovisions of Articles 92 and 93 of \nthe Treaty requiring the prior auth \norisation of the Commission before \nbeing implemented. New Approaches to \nTraining \n\nTraining has assumed \nincreased \nimportance with higher proportions \nof both government and company \nbudgets being devoted to it. In order \nto encourage businesses to under \nt r a i n i n g, \nt a ke \ngovernments have been strengthen \ning their support systems. a d d i t i o n al \n\nAt the same time, governments \nhave begun reforming the voca \ntional t r a i n i ng provided by the \neducational system, the prototype \nbeing the German dual system. In \n1988 the French government intro \nduced a 25% tax credit for training \nsubsequently increased to 35%. The \nmain target group is smaller firms \nwho can both improve their training \nfor new workers and retrain their \nleast qualified workers. Similarly, \nSpain introduced FlPlan, a national \nvocational training scheme paid for \nwith levies on employers, in 1986. Approaches to learning are also \nt r a d i t i o n al \nc h a n g i n g. W h e r e as \ntraining methods tended to consist \nof either classroom-style passive \n\n162 \n\nlearning or on-the-job apprentice \nships, now more programmes bring \ntogether both. a nd \n\nD u t ch \n\nGreater differentiation is made be \ntween systems for \"normal\" youths \nand for the disadvantaged. The re \nv i s ed \nF r e n ch \napprenticeship systems are similar \nto those of the German dual system. Other approaches towards disad \nvantaged youths such as the Irish \nYouthreach or the Spanish Escuela \nTaller (workshop-schools) place \ngreat emphasis on teaching basic \nnumeracy and literacy, as well as \nwork skills. Programmes for the long-term un \nemployed are moving away from \n\"make work\" schemes to providing \nreal training opportunities while \nworking. Formal classroom train \ning has been reduced to a minimum \nin the mainstream programmes for \nthe long term unemployed in most \nMember States: the Danish \"job of \nfers\" approach, the French TUCs, \nthe German ABM and the UK En \nterprise Programme. Adaptability a nd \nSelf-Reliance \n\nAn almost universal feature of man \npower measures have been moves \ntowards schemes which prepare or \nencourage the unemployed to re \nturn to the market. Since the mid-1980s, considerable \nefforts have been made to integrate \nyoung people, and to a lesser extent \nolder long-term unemployed, into \nworking life. One particular ap \nproach has been the use of flexible \ncontracts, for example, fixed term \nemployment or employment-train \ning contracts, generally up to 3 \nyears. Although governments pro \nvide \nto \nemployers for hiring people on open-\n\ni n c e n t i v es \n\nf i n a n c i al \n\n\fended contracts at the end of their \nthree\u00adyear stint, the side\u00adeffects of \nthis a p p r o a ch h a ve s o m e t i m es \ncaused controversy because the re\u00ad\nsulting job creation may be at the \ncost of making employment more \nprecarious. In some countries legis\u00ad\nl a t i o n, or s i m p ly p r e v a i l i ng \npractice, has enabled a plethora of \ncontractual arrangements to be es\u00ad\nt a b l i s h ed (such as \"zero h o u rs \ncontract\" or \"on call\" employment \ncontracts in the Netherlands). The success of schemes offering in\u00ad\nducements to the unemployed to set \nup their own businesses seems to \ndepend largely on what they receive \nin the way of support. The UK \"En\u00ad\nterprise Allowance Scheme\", which \ngives g r a n t s, currently provides \nnearly 200,000 places annually, \nwhereas the loans scheme in Bel\u00ad\ngium accommodates only 5,000. The trend to self\u00adhelp has extended \nto those seeking training and care\u00ad\ners advice from the Employment \nServices offices \u00ad self\u00adservice sys\u00ad\ntems now exist in t he F e d e r al \nRepublic, the Netherlands and the \nU. K. Reducing Working \nTime \n\nPolicies which seek to restrict work\u00ad\ning t i me in order to boost job \ncreation are less favoured now than \nin the past but still used in some \nMember States: for example, the \nBelgian government has continued \nto provide inducements to com\u00ad\npanies to reduce working time, \nrather than increasing wages; in the \nNetherlands, too, reducing working \ntime is still considered an important \nmethod of stimulating employment. In countries such as the Federal Re\u00ad\npublic and Denmark, this is still \nconsidered a question for collective \nbargaining. Chapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nAlthough much of the recent em\u00ad\np l o y m e nt c r e a t i on in s e v e r al \nMember States has been in the form \nof part\u00adtime work, little of the effort \nby governments has been aimed at \nspecifically creating part\u00adtime jobs. Temporary work, on the other hand, \nh as s o m e t i m es been used as a \nmeans of initially integrating the \ndisadvantaged into working life. In \nthe Netherlands, START, the spe\u00ad\ncial agency e s t a b l i s h ed by t he \ngovernment in 1977 for the dis\u00ad\nabled, has become a cost\u00adcovering \norganisation with 750 staff. In other \nMember States, temporary work \ntends to be in the form of short term \nunskilled work. Tightening t he Rules \non Benefit Eligibility \n\nThe right of the jobless to reject \nwork offers because they do not suit \n\nt h e ir t r a i n i ng or p r e v i o us \no c c u p a t i o n al b a c k g r o u nd h as \nbecome more restricted. In the UK, \nfor example, encouragements for \nthe jobless to take work which may \npay less than previous jobs have \nbeen increased. Now the jobless are \nclosely monitored and required to \ndemonstrate that they have been \nactive in searching for reasonable \nemployment. Like their counter\u00ad\np a r ts in France and Spain, the \njobless increasingly face the likeli\u00ad\nhood of b e i ng s t r u ck off t he \nunemployment register for failing \nto meet eligibility conditions. As well as making it more difficult \nto register as unemployed, govern\u00ad\nments have increased checks on \nwhether the unemployed are doing \njobs \"on the side\". However, the ac\u00ad\nt u al registration procedures are \nbeing eased. Registering as unem\u00ad\nployed is no longer required in the \n\n110 Labour Market E x p e n d i t u re in Relation to \n\nGDP if each Member State h ad Community \nAverage Unemployment 1987 \n\n% GDP \n\nlb \n\n10 \n\n\u25a0 \u25a0\u25a0 \n\n\u03a1 GR \n\nI D UK F E NL \n\nDK IRL \n\n\u00ad 1 6 3\u00ad\n\n\fChapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nUK. The Belgian government is \ngradually dismantling its system of \ndaily registration for the unem \nployed with various groups of young \nand older unemployed no longer \nhaving to register daily. Instead, it \nis seeking to control illegal work, \nespecially in the building and other \ncasual work sectors, through the in \ntroduction of social security cards. The German authorities, too, are \nfocusing on certain industries such \nas building and hotels. In the UK \nspecial inspectors have been cre \nated. The New \"Social \nP u r p o s e\" of \nEmployment Services \n\nChanges in labour market policy \nare reflected in the continuing re \nviews of the role and function of \npublic employment services being \nu n d e r t a k en \nin m a ny M e m b er \nStates. The range of services offered \nby governments varies widely be \ntween countries. There is no obvious \ntrend except that most public em \np l o y m e nt services \ni n c r e a s i n g ly \nfocus on the disadvantaged. This emphasis arises partly be \ncause the traditional focus of these \nservices has been on finding em \nployment for job seekers r a t h er \nthan on assisting employers to fill \njobs. The growth of private sector \ne m p l o y m e nt agencies h as been \nstimulated by this narrow focus and \nhas filled gaps left by the public \nservices. This shift needs to be seen in a \nlonger historical perspective. Public \nemployment services were initially \nestablished for the mass working \nclasses when, in an effort to ensure \ngreater equality of access to the few \njobs available during the depression \nof the 1920s and 1930s, the public \n\ns e r v i c es w e re given monopoly \nrights. These continued into the \npostwar period, but have since grad \nually been ignored or eroded. At times the public services have \nsought to compete with the emerg \ning private sector, but their market \nshare of total placements at most \nreaches 20 or 30%' and is usually \nbarely into double figures. The pub \nlic employment services with the \nlargest \"market shares\" are in the \nFederal Republic and the U. K. ; next \ncomes Spain with one fifth of all \nplacements and then France (one \nsixth), The Netherlands (one tenth) \nand down to Ireland with very few \nplacements. to \n\nt h em \n\nWith the disadvantaged constitut \ning the main client group of all the \npublic employment services, the ac \nt i v i t i es \na re \nh e lp \nincreasingly similar between Mem \nber States: \"friendly\" interviews (at \nr e g u l ar i n t e r v a ls - every \nt h r ee \nmonths) followed by programmes \ntailored for the individual such as: \njoining job-clubs to encourage and \nhelp them look for work; training; \na nd j o i n i ng \" m a k e - w o rk Com \nmunity programmes\" to maintain \nor regain the discipline of working \nlife. Collaboration between voluntary \nbodies and government, with the \nlatter providing the finance, have \ndeveloped in some Member States, \nespecially in urban areas of high \nunemployment. In the Federal Re \npublic, such action programmes are \nnot used but areas of higher than \naverage u n e m p l o y m e nt may be \ngiven favourable treatment in spe \ncial job creation projects. Italy, Ireland and Spain maintain a \nparticular focus on youth as a target \ngroup in their labour market pro \ngrammes. 164-\n\nOrganisational \nChanges in \nEmployment Services \n\nMany countries have two tier sys \ntems with Employment Ministries -\nwhich develop policy - and Employ \nment Agencies - which implement \nit. Such role distinctions are not al \nways so clear in practice. Changes are under way. The Dutch \nMinistry of Social Affairs and Em \nployment is turning its Manpower \nDirectorate into a separate Agency, \nwith its own budget, a tripartite \ngoverning body and with strong \ninput from the regions. The British \ngovernment, on the other hand, has \nt he system, \nj u st r e c e n t r a l i s ed \nb r i n g i ng both employment and \ntraining measures back into the \nministry from the Manpower Ser \nvices Commission. However, it is \nalso stressing the need for more in \nfluence at the regional and local \nlevels by e m p l o y e rs a nd \ntrade \nunions. In Belgium r\u00e9gionalisation has \ndecentralised responsibility in this \nfield. In the Federal Republic, the \nLander have always undertaken \nmany initiatives, and in the Nether \nlands, the local employment offices \nwork closely with municipal auth \nto \no r i t i e s. T h e re \nstreamline services in Spain with \ngreater government \ninvolvement \nand in Denmark the placement and \ntraining services are being brought \ninto a single directorate. is a move \n\nThere is a recognition of the import \nance of better information about \nlocal labour market trends. Portu \ngal and Italy have developed labour \nmarket \"observatories\" at local level \nto detect emerging training needs \nand avoid skill shortages. Chapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nTHE MISEP SYSTEM \n\nCoordination of employment policies at the Community level is backed up by a regular \nexchange of information on national developments through the \"Mutual Information \nSystem on Employment Policies\" (MISEP). Aims \n\nThe overall aim of the system is to gather, synthesize, translate and disseminate \ninformation from the Member States which can serve each of the national ministries \nresponsible for employment measures in their daily decision-making. The system functions in three ways : \n\n\u2022 by regularly collecting and disseminating information provided by Member States; \n\n\u2022 by acting as a clearing house for multilateral questions and answers; \n\n\u2022 by storing the information and providing a base for research and enquiries. Operation \n\nIt consists of a group of national representatives (\"correspondents\") who meet and \nexchange information directly. They hold positions at the operational level within their \nrespective national administrations responsible for employment. They are appointed \nto participate in the system by, and act under the responsibility of, their national \nadministration. Basic Information Reports \n\nComparable information on labour market operations and policies from Community \nMember States is published regularly. These reports cover the following areas : \n\n\u2022 Official institutions : ministries, employment services, training agencies, etc. \u2022 Legal framework and procedures : the legal system governing work and employ \nment; main labour legislation; labour market institutions and processes; allowances \nfor the unemployed; and matching labour supply and demand. \u2022 Employment measures, categorised as overall measures, employment maintenance, \naids to the unemployed, training, retraining and occupational mobility, job creation, \nspecial categories of workers, working time and placement. For each measure, \nstandard information is given on its aim, legal basis, contents and effects. \u2022 \n\nInformation and research. InforMISEP \n\nSince 1983 a quarterly bulletin has been produced on the latest developments in \nemployment policy. Published in English, French and German InforMISEP presents \ninformation on changing measures and systems in Member States. The information \nserves to regularly update the basic information reports. Access \n\nInformation available within the system has been computerised and the data base has \nbeen transferred to the Commission's host organisation ECHO. It is publicly available \nthrough Euronet-Diane. Future Strategy \n\nDuring the five years of its existence, MISEP has enabled those directly involved to \nbenefit from enhanced information flows. With the political recognition of its import \nance, the products arising from the information will in the future be designed to meet \nthe needs of its users. 165 \n\n\fChapter 15 National Labour Market Policies \n\nis being intro \nComputerisation \nduced universally and there is a \nstrong desire by national agencies \nto learn from the experience of other \nMember States and to develop com \npatible systems. The relationship between public \nand private services is changing. Even in Member States where pri \nvate services are, in theory, illegal \nthere is increasing contact and co \nt he p u b l ic \no p e r a t i on b e t w e en \nauthorities and the private sector. The German public employment \nservice is allowing its professional \nservices to be by-passed by the new \n\"SIS\" approach which involves di \nrect contact between job seekers \nand employers. In Greece, a new \nthree tier system is being intro \nthe \nduced in an effort \nprivate sector. The UK government \nis pursuing a policy of privatising \nparts of the public service which it \nconsiders should be run commer \ncially. to reach \n\nThe involvement of the private sec \ntor r a i s es o t h er o r g a n i s a t i o n al \nquestions - should unemployment \nbenefits be paid by employment of \nfices or should the job finding and \nbenefit functions be separate? \n\nThe purpose of the benefit system is \nincreasingly being reviewed. Is its \naim to replace earned income or \nmerely to tide people over for short \nperiods? Issues of 'poverty gaps' \nhave also re-emerged. 166 \n\n\fChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nment with lower inflation. However, \nthe room for manoeuvre created by \nthe Internal Market needs to be ac \ncompanied by increased economic \ngrowth in order to achieve higher \nemployment levels. If this is done, \nimproved macroeconomic condi \ntions for growth and the completion \nof the Internal Market will reinforce \none another. The C o m m u n i t y 's b l u e p r i nt for \neconomic policy - the Co-operative \nGrowth Strategy for more employ \nment - has been set out in recent \nA n n u al Economic R e p o r t s. Im \nplemented in full, the strategy will \nenable the Community to provide \nan economic environment for sus \nt a i n a b le n o n - i n f l a t i o n a ry h i gh \ngrowth rates. The aim is to combine \nmoderate growth of real wages per \nhead with an appropriate increase \nin demand. Improved profitability \nand the prospects of sustained de \nmand will thus boost employment, \ncreate investment and slow down \nthe rate of substitution of labour by \ncapital. This policy needs to be accompanied \nby efforts to improve the adapta \nbility of markets in goods, services, \nlabour and capital. The success of \nthis strategy requires a consider \nable contribution from governments \nand the social partners. The basic \nguidelines of the strategy have at-\n\nChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nThe completion of the Internal Market gives a new profile \nand impetus to Community actions to promote \nemployment. However, the main building blocks have been in place for a \nlong time. The achievement of high levels of \nemployment with good quality jobs \nis a central objective of the Euro \npean Community and an ultimate \nmeasure of its success. This task is \nnot a simple one, however, and is \npursued in practice through a wide \nvariety of policies and actions which \nextend across the economic and so \ncial domain, and which need to be \nbalanced and developed in the pur \nsuit of an efficient and equitable \nCommunity. The c o r n e r s t o n es of t he Com \ns u p p o rt \nm u n i t y 's \nemployment are: \n\na c t i o ns \n\nto \n\n\u2022 \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe completion of the Internal \nMarket supported by the econ \nomic policies contained in the \nCo-operative Growth Strategy; \n\ntaking account of the Social \nDimension of the Internal Mar \nket; \n\n\u2022 actions to support the catching \nup process of the less favoured \ncountries and regions through \nthe Structural Funds; \n\n\u2022 specific employment policy ac \n\ntions and guidelines; \n\n\u2022 \n\nthe Social Dialogue at Com \nmunity level. To benefit fully from these policies \nthe co-ordination of national and \nCommunity policies will have to be \nimproved and strengthened to ar \nrive at a b e t t er convergence of \neconomic performance across the \nCommunity which will allow the \nprogressive realisation of the Econ \nomic and Monetary Union. The Completion of \nthe Internal Market \nand Supporting \nEconomic Policies \n\nThe completion of the Internal Mar \nk et will g e n e r a te \ns u b s t a n t i al \nproductivity gains and invigorate \nthe Community economies. Trans \nlating these productivity gains and \nthe new dynamism into greater \nprosperity and higher employment \nrequires the right macroeconomic \ne n v i r o n m e nt a nd a p p r o p r i a te \npolicies. Any job losses wrought by \nthe structural changes can be more \nthan offset by net new job creation \nif appropriate economic policies are \nfollowed. \u2022 policies, actions and co-oper \nation with regard to vocational \neducation and training; \n\nIn the medium term the completion \nof the Internal Market should result \nin a higher level of GDP and employ \n\n167 \n\n\fChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nt r a c t ed t he s u p p o rt of Member \nStates governments as well as of the \nCommunity's institutions and the \nsocial partners within the frame \nwork of the Community's Social \nDialogue. The Social Dimension \n\ns h o u ld \n\nc o n t a in \n\nThe Community is a political and \nsocial, as well as an economic entity. It is thus natural t h at such a fun \ndamental and far reaching step as \nthe completion of the Internal Mar \nk et \nsocial \ndimension. The Community works \nto the benefit of all and the advant \nages that will undoubtedly accrue to \nindustry through the removal of \nbarriers must also be matched by \nt h at \ndevelopments which ensure \nthe benefits are widely spread. a \n\nIn one sense, the Social Dimension \ncan be seen as encompassing all the \nvarious dimensions of employment \nand social policies which are de \nscribed in later sections of this \nchapter - including such basic ele \nments as the freedom of movement, \nequality of opportunity or the de \np l o y m e nt of t he C o m m u n i t y 's \nStructural Funds. However, the completion of the In \nternal Market presents new chal \nlenges and opportunities which, in \nmany ways, transcend and extend \nthe scope of these various actions. The Commission sees a need for a \nnew, wider declaration and commit \nment to the basic principles of social \njustice and opportunity as the Com \nmunity moves into this new stage of \ndevelopment. Thus, taking into ac \ncount the February 1989 Opinion of \nthe Economic and Social Committee \nas well as the Resolution passed in \nMarch 1989 by the European Par \nliament on the Social Dimension of \nt he I n t e r n al M a r k e t, t he Com \nmission has presented in May 1989 \n\nthe preliminary draft of a Social \nCharter which is seen as both a dec \nlaration of intent on the part of \nMember State governments, and a \nbasis for the future development of \npolicy initiatives and commitments \nat all levels in the employment and \nsocial field. The Community is also an environ \nmental entity, with a commitment \nin the Single European Act to the \nachievement of the Internal Market \nwith a high level of environmental \nprotection, which can also contrib \nu te \ns u s t a i n a b le \neconomic and employment growth. to a c h i e v i ng \n\nCommunity Support \nfor Countries and \nRegions \n\nThe improvement in the economic \nand social situation of the less de \nveloped parts of the Community has \nbeen a primary objective since the \nCommunity's inception when some \nof the Community Structural Funds \nwere created. The European Social \nFund and the Guidance Section of \nthe European Agricultural Guaran \ntee and Guidance Fund (EAGGF) \nstarted in 1960 and 1962 respective \nly. The European Regional Fund \nwas added after the first enlarge \nment of the Community in 1975. There have been two major recent \ndevelopments: the vastly increased \nscale of the Funds and the moves to \nimprove the co-ordination of the \nFunds and to concentrate their im \npact. These two developments came \ntogether with the major reform of \nthe Funds agreed in 1988 and now \nbeing implemented. The European Council meeting in \nFebruary 1988 decided to double \nthe budgetary commitments of the \nStructural Funds between 1987 and \n\n168 \n\n1993. A parallel increase in the \nCommunity's borrowing and lend \ning instruments is also desired. The importance of these commit \nments to the catching-up process \ncan be shown by the fact that the \nCommunity's contribution could \nrepresent 4-5% or even more of GDP \nin Greece, Portugal and Ireland. In \nSpain and Italy it will represent a \ns m a l l er p e r c e n t a ge of national \nGDP, but in the poorer regions in \nwhich its impact is concentrated, it \nwill represent a similar percentage \nof GDP. A C o m m u n i t y - w i de \nd y n a m ic \nmacro-economic environment is es \nsential for the acceleration of the \ncatching-up process. However, the \ncountries which will benefit from \nStructural Fund support will need \nto pursue the policies set out in the \ng u i d e l i n es of t he Co-operative \nGrowth Strategy so that they can \na c h i e ve \ne m p l o y m e n t - c r e a t i ng \ngrowth above the Community aver \nage. The new Regulation concerning the \nreformed Structural Funds sets out \nfive priority objectives: \n\n\u2022 promotion of the development \nand structural adjustment of \nthe regions whose development \nis lagging behind (Objective 1); \n\n\u2022 converting the regions, frontier \nregions or parts of regions (in \nurban \ncluding \ncommunities) seriously affected \nby \n(Objec \ntive 2); \n\nindustrial decline \n\nareas \n\nand \n\n\u2022 combatting \n\nlong-term \nployment (Objective 3); \n\nunem \n\n\u2022 \n\nfacilitating the occupational in \npeople \nof \ntegration \n(Objective 4); \n\nyoung \n\n\f\u2022 \n\nin the context of the reform of \nthe Common Agricultural Pol \nicy, speeding up the adjustment \nof agricultural structures (Ob \njective 5a) and promoting \nthe \ndevelopment of rural areas (Ob \njective 5b). The European Regional Develop \nment Fund (ERDF) is concentrating \nits support on Objectives 1, 2 and \n5(b) with the aim of stimulating pro \nductive i n v e s t m e n t, creating or \nmodernising infrastructures and \nsupporting development schemes. Objective 1 areas will receive up to \n80% of ERDF financial support. The European Social Fund (ESF) is \nproviding assistance to: \n\nunemploy \nlong-term \n\u2022 combat \nthe \nment \nand \noccupational \nof \nyoung people, under Objectives \n3 and 4; \n\nfacilitate \nintegration \n\nand \n\nstability of employ \n\u2022 promote \nnew \ndevelop \nment \nemployment opportunities \nfor \npeople threatened with redun \ndancy or already unemployed in \nthe rules of \naccordance with \neligibility and \ninteraction \nwith the other funds, under Ob \njectives 1, 2 and 5(b). in \n\nFor the first of these aims, the ESF \nwill provide backing for employ \nment policies by Member States \naimed at the long-term unemployed \nand young people. In the second \narea of its operation, the ESF can \nintervene on a wider scale, espe \ncially in the less developed regions, \nto help groups of people who con \ntribute to the economic develop \nment of t he regions a nd a r e as \nconcerned (see Box in Chapter 9). The guidance section of the Agricul \ntural Fund has contributed to the \nadjustment of agricultural struc \n\nChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nthe availability of skilled labour by \nthe provision of training can encour \nage firms to recruit, expand and \nseek market opportunities just as \nmuch as improved order books. For other actions, the dynamic, \nlonger-run effects may be different \nfrom the more immediate effects. Employment protection measures, \nfor example, which may be seen by \nsome employers as factors discour \naging them from recruiting workers \nin the short-run, can serve to raise \nthe quality of labour, improve work \ning practices, improve productivity \nand ultimately increase employ \nment in the longer run. Equally, legislation on equal oppor \ntunities which might have been \nseen as dampening some employers' \ne n t h u s i a sm for recruiting more \nwomen into their labour force, has, \nin practice encouraged women to \nparticipate more fully in the labour \nmarket, which has in turn created a \nnew source of labour from which \nfirms can recruit. The pursuit of employment objec \ntives at Community level through \nspecific policies has taken a variety \nof forms: \n\n\u2022 Community \n\nlegislation, gener \n\nally in the form of directives; \n\n\u2022 policy guidelines, normally con \ntained in communications from \nthe Commission to the Council; \n\n\u2022 direct \n\nactions \n\nthrough \n\npro \n\ngrammes; \n\n\u2022 co-operation between Member \n\nStates; \n\n\u2022 \n\ninformation and information ex \nchange systems. tures throughout the Community in \nview of the reform of the Common \nAgricultural Policy. With the other \nfunds, it has supported the develop \nment and structural adjustment of \nthe less developed regions of the \nCommunity as well as rural devel \nopment in other selected \nr u r al \nareas. These actions are designed \nnot only to assist people employed \nin agriculture by modernising farm \ning and supporting agricultural \nincomes but also, by encouraging \nn o n - a g r i c u l t u r al a c t i v i t i es on \nfarms, \nto m a i n t a in viable com \nmunities in rural areas by means of \nrural development measures in \ncluding forestry. These programmes and actions are \ncarried out in co-operation with the \nMember States. Their role is not to \nreplace Member States' own actions \nbut to provide backing or encour \nagement for the implementation of \npolicies designed to promote em \nployment. Community policy does, \nhowever, seek to achieve greater \nconvergence between the strategies \nimplemented in the Member States, \nparticularly in relation to Objec \ntives 3 and 4 of the S t r u c t u r al \nFunds set out above. Specific Employment \nActions a nd \nGuidelines \n\nA distinction is commonly drawn \nbetween macro-economic policies -\nwhich affect the overall level of em \nployment - and specific employment \npolicies - which affect the structure \nor distribution of that employment. In practice, there is a great deal of \ninter-action between the two and \ncontrast between supply-side and \ndemand-side policies are now seen \nas an exaggerated dichotomy be \ninterdependent \ntween essentially \nactions. For example, an increase in \n\n169 \n\n\fChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nCommunity Legislation \n\nLegislation is important in relation \nto certain aspects of employment \npolicies covered by the Treaty. The \nprinciple areas concern the free \nmovement of people, the assurance \nof equal opportunities between men \nand women, health and safety at \nwork, and some aspects of contrac\u00ad\ntual employment relationships. Free movement is enshrined in the \nTreaty but has required a consider\u00ad\nable volume of legislation in order to \nbe implemented in practice. At the \nmoment, the freedom of movement \nof workers and members of their \n\nfamilies is guaranteed, but there \nare a number of loopholes and a \nthorough updating of the basic in\u00ad\nstruments is under way. Freedom of \nmovement for self\u00ademployed wor\u00ad\nkers needs to enshrine the right to \nprovide services as well as the right \nof abode. It is essential to establish \na general system for the recognition \nof diplomas and a greater degree of \nconformity between Community \nlaw and national instruments and \npractices. The Council is currently conside\u00ad\nring a series of proposals which \nfocus on these aims. 1 \n\nA Common Employment Policy in the Community \n\nRegular surveys of European opinion \nrometer. The December 1988 Report \nemployment policy in the Community. are organised by Euroba\u00ad\nincluded a question about \n\nThe question \"are you for or against creating between the 12 countries \nof the European Community by 1992 a common economic and social \npolicy, particularly in the area of employment\" produced the replies \n79% for, 9% against and 12% don't knows for the Community as a \nwhole. The breakdown by country was as follows: \n\nFor \n\nAgainst Don't know \n\n\u0392 \n\nDK \n\nD \n\nGR \n\nE \n\nF \n\nIRL \n\nI \n\nL \n\nNL \n\n\u03a1 \n\nUK \n\nEC \n\n81 \n\n41 \n\n77 \n\n69 \n\n78 \n\n85 \n\n85 \n\n92 \n\n83 \n\n78 \n\n70 \n\n70 \n\n79 \n\n9 \n\n23 \n\n10 \n\n22 \n\n18 \n\n8 \n\n12 \n\n7 \n\n10 \n\n14 \n\n27 \n\n20 \n\n12 \n\n10 \n\n36 \n\n13 \n\n9 \n\n4 \n\n7 \n\n3 \n\n1 \n\n7 \n\n\u25a0s \n\n3 \n\n10 \n\n9 \n\n\u00ad170 \n\nEqual pay between men and women \nis embodied in Article 119 of the \nEEC Treaty. Equality of oppor\u00ad\nt u n i ty is p r o v i d ed for in five \ndirectives, based on Articles 100 \nand 235 of the EEC Treaty, enacted \nbetween 1975 and 1986. Together \nthese guarantee women equal treat\u00ad\nm e nt in pay, employment, and \nsocial security. While this legisla\u00ad\nt i on r e p r e s e n ts a m a j or s t ep \nforward, the volume of legal cases \nthat arise each year, together with \nthe evidence on income differences \nbetween men and women, clearly \nindicates that Community legisla\u00ad\nt i on h as y et to be effectively \nimplemented at national level and \nthat accompanying concrete actions \nwhich address the root of the segre\u00ad\ngated labour market need to be \ncontinued and extended. Labour law is also an area that has \nbeen the subject of Community \nlegislation. The directive on collec\u00ad\ntive redundancies, passed in 1975, \nhas been an important instrument \nin assuring Community\u00adwide pro\u00ad\ntection for workers in the case of \nmass dismissals. The Commission has subsequently \nsought to extend social legislation \nwith proposals for directives on \npart\u00adtime work and temporary work \nand on the information and consult\u00ad\nation of workers in the case of \ntrans\u00adnational takeovers. While the majority of the Member \nStates now have national legisla\u00ad\ntion at least up to the level which \nt he C o m m u n i ty was proposing, \nt h e se proposals h a ve not been \nadopted. The development of the In\u00ad\nt e r n al M a r k et a nd t he Social \nDimension has revived these issues, \nparticularly with the worries over \nsocial dumping. The Community is \np r o p o s i ng t h at c e r t a in social \nclauses be included in the European \nCompanies Statute and is also con\u00ad\n\n\fChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nCo-operation between \nthe Member States \n\nThe Commission services hold regu \nlar meetings with the Director-\nGenerals of Employment of t he \nMember States - involving partici \npants from the Employment Minis \ntries and the Employment Agencies \n- and the Director-Generals respon \nsible for Vocational Training. This \nis in addition to the work of the \nTripartite Consultative Commit \ntees on Vocational Training and on \nthe Free Movement of Labour. These meetings provide a forum for \npolicy discussion and the exchange \nof information. They are supported \nby other actions - for example, the \nexchange programme for officials of \nthe placement services of the Em \nployment Ministries and Agencies \nand the similar programmes which \nexist in the field of education and \ntraining. Information Exchange \n\nThe transfer of information be \nt w e en M e m b er S t a t es \na b o ut \nsuccessful national practices with \nthe potential of being adopted else \nwhere and which can be supported \nby Community information co-ordi \nnation, is one of the more basic \nactivities of the Commission. Information exchange systems at \nCommunity level include MISEP, \nELISE, EURYDICE, and SEDOC. n a t i o n al \n\nMISEP is an information network \non \nl a b o ur m a r k et \nmeasures. It publishes a quarterly \nr e p o rt on t he r e c e nt m e a s u r es \nadopted in each of the Member \nStates and a basic information re \nport on the employment and labour \nmarket structures in each Member \nState. The information is available \nin report form but it is also ac-\n\nsidering within the framework of \nthe Social Charter how it will make \nproposals for ensuring a minimum \nprotection for the growing number \nof workers who fall within the de \nfinition of ' n o n - s t a n d a r d' work, \nmainly temporary or part-time. Community Policy \nGuidelines \n\nSince 1975, the European Com \nmission h as p r o d u c ed some 20 \npolicy communications to the Coun \ncil c o n c e r n i ng t he p r o b l e ms of \nemployment and unemployment, \nincluding the specific difficulties of \nyoung people, the long-term unem \nployed and women in the labour \nmarket. The pattern has been for the Com \nmission to prepare analyses and \npolicy recommendations in the form \nthe \nof c o m m u n i c a t i o ns and for \nCouncil of Ministers to respond with \nresolutions or conclusions setting \nout its political commitment to de \nvelop overall policy frameworks and \nundertake specific actions. While \nCouncil of Ministers resolutions are \nnot legally binding, they represent \na useful orientation for the Com \nmunity. Hence the Commission will \ncontinue to present its analyses and \npolicy recommendations both in the \ncontext of the Employment Report \nor in communications on specific to \npics. Action P r o g r a m m es \n\nOver the past decade or more, the \nC o m m i s s i on a nd \nt he M e m b er \nStates have drawn considerable \nbenefit from u n d e r t a k i ng Com \nmunity-wide programmes which \nconcentrate on innovative aspects of \npolicy with regard to specific issues \nof concern - whether this be dis \nability, poverty, local development, \nyouth training and so on. These pro \n\ngrammes generally involve a combi \nnation of actions - most commonly \ndemonstration projects - combined \nwith exchange visits, evaluations, \nconferences, seminars, and publica \ntions. These actions serve to bring \npeople and experiences face to face \nacross the Community, and to pro \nvide a body of research which can be \nused for analysis. - t he \n\nThis work has generally been fin \nanced by budgets in addition to \nthose made available to the Struc \ntural Funds, and has been actively \nsupported by the European Parlia \nment. A range of programmes has \nbeen developed, some of which are \nconcerned directly with employ \nm e nt \nlocal e m p l o y m e nt \ndevelopment p r o g r a m me LEDA \n(see Chapter 13), the action pro \ng r a m me \nl o n g - t e rm \na g a i n st \nunemployment ERGO (see Chapter \n10) - others which concentrate on \ntraining and education - such as Eu-\nroTecNet, COMETT, ERASMUS, \netc. (see Chapter 9) - and some \nwhich focus on other issues but \nwhich are linked to employment or \nunemployment concerns, such as \nthe Poverty programme. The Com \nmission is also proposing, with the \nsupport of the European Parlia \nment and the Economic and Social \nCommittee, a demonstration pro \ngramme of projects illustrating how \nactions in the environmental field \ncan also contribute to employment \ncreation. These programmes offer a \nrich source ofinformation on a wide \nrange of experiences which are al \nmost invariably considered to be \nvaluable and positive by those who \nparticipate in them. At the same \nt i me the r e s u l ts from \nt he pro \ngrammes contribute to developing \nboth n a t i o n al a nd C o m m u n i ty \npolicies by drawing on the different \nnational experiences and by build \ning more harmonious Community \napproaches where appropriate. 171 \n\n\fChapter 16 Community Policies \n\ncessible through the ECHO compu \nterised database (see Chapter 15). to \n\np r o m o te \n\nELISE was established by the Com-\nlocal \nm i s s i on \nemployment development and in \nitiatives, and one of its major tasks \nis to promote information exchange. ELISE has an extensive database \nand documentation system avail \na b le \na n d, \non \nincreasingly, through a network of \ncomputer links. p a p er \n\nb o th \n\nEURYDICE develops \ninformation \non the education systems of the \nMember States and on Community \nactivities in the field of education. It provides a database, a question \nand answer system, and it dissemi \nnates its information through bro \nchures and comparative analyses. The SEDOC job vacancy informa \ntion system links national employ \nment agencies so as to ensure a \nEuropean-wide exchange of infor \nmation on unfilled vacancies. Its \nprocedures are being modernised in \nthe run-up to 1992, exploiting the \npossibilities of computer-based data \ninter-change systems in order to be \nable to provide easily accessible, \nCommunity-wide information on \njob opportunities and other relevant \ninformation about living and work \ning conditions. CEDEFOP, the European Centre \nfor the Development of Vocational \nTraining, based in Berlin, was set \nup in 1975. Its aim is to encourage \nthe promotion and development of \nvocational training and in-service \nt r a i n i ng at C o m m u n i ty \nlevel \nthrough the exchange of informa \ntion and experience. The European Foundation for Liv \ning and Working Conditions, based \nin Dublin, undertakes research and \nanalysis into employment-related \nissues, as part of its programme of \n\non the co-operation already estab \nlished. The Commission is committed to \nraising the level of training stand \na r d s, \nt h r o u gh \ncontinuing training and the occupa \ntional integration of young people. p a r t i c u l a r ly \n\na re \n\nu p p e r m o st \n\nRespect for diversity and clarity \nabout the respective roles of the \nt he Com \nM e m b er S t a t es a nd \nm i s s i on \nin \nCommunity concerns. It is vital to \npreserve and respect the rich diver \nsity of systems and practices in the \nCommunity and to draw the best \nfrom this common heritage in pro \nmoting higher standards for the \nfuture. It is important to identify \nclearly those responsibilities and \nmeasures to be pursued by or within \nMember States and those which can \nbe implemented by the Commission \nitself. The main objectives in this next \nphase are seen to be to: \n\n\u2022 develop a Europe of quality, in \nwhich the skills, creativity and \ndynamism of people are encour \naged through a commitment to \nlife-long learning while develo \nping, \nlevels, \ninitial as well as continuing \ntraining; \n\nappropriate \n\nat \n\ntraining \n\n\u2022 devise arrangements whereby \neducational and \nre \nforms and restructuring within \nMember States can be designed \nin full awareness of the experi \nence of other Member States; \n\n\u2022 make further progress towards \nof \nthe mutual \nhigher education diplomas, vo \ncational \nand \nqualifications. recognition \n\ntraining \n\nA wide range of actions have been \ndeveloped to support the promotion \n\nwork, including the problems of \nlong-term unemployment and is \nsues concerning the development of \nlocal communities. Policies a nd Actions \nto Develop Vocational \nEducation and \nTraining \n\nTechnological change, demographic \nchange and the completion of the \nInternal Market all increase the \npressures on national education \nand training authorities to ensure \nthat the skills of tomorrow's work \nforce match the needs. The implications are far reaching \nand include the need for greater em \nphasis on forecasting future skill \nneeds, more effective h u m an re \nsource development, an increase in \nthe volume of education and train \ning at all levels, greater continuity \nbetween compulsory schooling, in \nitial and continuing training and \nbetter links between enterprises, \neducation, research bodies and local \ncommunities in strengthening the \ninvestment in education and train \ning. The core of the Community's effort \nin the field of vocational training is \nthe pursuit of its responsibilities \nunder the Treaty of Rome (Article \n128) to 'lay down general principles \nfor the implementation of a common \ntraining policy'. This is in parallel to \nthe promotion of higher standards \nof t r a i n i n g, \nt he \npriority objectives of the Structural \nFunds. i n t e g r al w i th \n\nCo-operation in the training and \neducational fields at Community \nlevel now has to move up a gear in \nthe period up to 1992 to permit a \nnew phase of development, building \n\n172 \n\n\fof the above objectives - see Box in \nChapter 9. In addition, new em \nphasis is being given to h u m an \nresource development within indus \ntry, paying particular attention to \nthe problems of ensuring an adequ \na te \na nd \ns u p p ly of s c i e n t i s ts \ntechnicians to meet the needs of in \ndustry, including SMEs, and to the \nmobility of persons and ideas, the \nexchange of experiences and infor \nmation on the different systems and \nthe conduct of joint projects. Social Dialogue \n\non \n\ns t r e ss \n\np l a c ed \n\nThe European Community has al \nw a ys \nt he \nco-operation of the social partners \nin developing economic and employ \nt he \nm e nt policy b o th \nconsultative Economic and Social \nCommittee and through meetings \nbetween the social partners and \nrelevant ministers from national \ngovernments. t h r o u gh \n\nChapter 16 Community Policies \n\nIn the 1980s, the Standing Commit \ntee on E m p l o y m e nt \n- w h i ch \nincludes the employment ministers \nand the social partners - has played \na major role in dealing with employ \nm e nt issues at its twice a year \nmeetings. In addition, since 1985, a \nnew Social Dialogue has been in \nitiated at Community level which \nbrings together the two sides of in \ndustry to discuss issues of common \nconcern and relevance. This dia \nlogue has produced opinions on the \nimpact of new technology on em \np l o y m e nt \nv o c a t i o n al \na nd on \ntraining. This year the Dialogue has been \nrenewed with a stronger support \ns t r u c t u re to enable longer \nt e rm \nwork to be developed. Working \ngroups have been established on the \ndevelopment of the European la \nbour market and on education and \ntraining, and their opinions will be \nproduced on these issues by the \nautumn. - 173 \n\n\f-174 \n\n\fSources a nd Methodology \n\nThe principal source of the historical data regarding the European Community used in this Report is the Statistical \nOffice of the European Communities (Eurostat). Some additional material has been supplied by other Commission \nservices. Chapter 3 makes extensive use of United Nations data and International Labour Organisation estimates. Sources used for the individual maps and graphs are set out below. The short-term forecasts have been prepared \nby the Directorate-General for Economic and Financial Affairs on the same basis as those presented in the Annual \nEconomic Report. It is the Commission's intention that the data used in the preparation of \"Employment in Europe\" be made available \nin electronic form. Sources of Graphs a nd Maps \n\nEurostat \nCommunity Labour Force Survey (LFS) and derived data: Graphs 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12, 14, 15, 16, 45, 54, 60, 61, 62, 63, \n64, 65, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 84, 85, 86, 91, 92, 95, 96, 98, 107, 108. Population, Labour Force and Employment Statistics: Graphs 1, 6, 8, 10, 13, 17, 72, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83. Regional Statistics: Graphs 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 78, 93, 94, 97, 99, 106. Industry Statistics: Graph 58; Boxes pp 62-65. C o m m i s s i on s e r v i c es \nDGII - Economic and Financial Affairs: Graphs 3, 7, 9, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, \n52, 53, 55, 57. DGV - Employment, Industrial Relations and Social Affairs: Graphs 87, 88, 89, 90; Unemployment Benefits and \nReplacement Ratios, DGV/B Graphs: 100, 101. United Nations: Graphs 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39. Other Material \nStatistics and other quantitative estimates other than the above which have been used in certain chapters have \ngenerally been drawn from studies undertaken on behalf of the Commission. The following are the most important \nsources used: \nChapter 5: Studies on the Cost of Non-Europe Graph 55, Boxes p. 61; Panorama of EC Industry (Graphs 103, 104); \nEurope in 1993, Economic Outlook by Sector (Graph 56); The Sectoral Impact of the Internal Market (DGII); \nEmployment Structures and Trends in Telecommunications. Chapter 6: Studies on: \"New Forms and New Areas of Employment Growth\"; \"The Changing Nature of Employment\"; \n\"Job Creation in Small and Medium-sized Enterprises\" (Graphs 11, 66, 67). Chapter 10: Analyses and studies conducted within the framework of the Poverty Programme and by the European \nFundation for Living and Working Conditions. Chapter 11: Reports from a study group on \"The Underground Economy and Irregular Forms of Employment in \nEurope\"(Map 102) \nChapter 15: Misep Reports Graphs 109, 110 \n\nNotes \n\nExcept where otherwise stated, all Community graphs are EUR-12 \nGraph 34: GDP per capita in current 1988 purchasing power standards \nGraphs 38 and 39: exports. Graph 96: height of bar = unemployment rate as % of labour force \n\nwithin bar = share of different age groups in total unemployment. Map 106: inter-regional migration within Member States as % of the population of the region. 175-\n\n\fEuropean Communities - Commission \n\nEmployment in E u r o pe -1989 \n\nLuxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities \n\n1989-176 p. -21. 0x29. 7 cm \n\nDE, EN, FR \n\nISBN 92-825-9769-5 \n\nCatalogue number: CE-55-89-366-EN-C \n\nPrice (excluding VAT) in Luxembourg: ECU 11. 25 \n\nThe 1989 Employment in Europe Report is the first of a series which will \nbe produced annually. 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Articles 21 and 23 of the Cooperation Agreement between the European \n\nEconomic Community and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, \n\nsupplemented by the Protocol to that Agreement establishing new trade \n\narrangements, provide for the opening of annual Coiranunity tariff quotas \n\nfor Imports into the Community of: \n\n- 300 tonnes of garlic falling within CN code ex 0703 20 CO, \n\n- 1 200 tonnes of sweet peppers falling within CN code 0709 60 10; \n\n- 1 300 tonnes of frozen peas falling within CN code 0710 21 00; \n\n- !5 UUO tonnes of sweet clear-fleshed of a diameter not exceeding 18,9 \n\nmillimetres, stoned, intended for the manufacture of chocolate products \n\nfalling within CN code ex2008 60 39; \n\n- 545 000 hectolitres of fresh grape wine falling within CN-codes ex 2204 21 \n\nand ex 2204 29, \n\n- 5 420 hectolitres of plum spirit marketed under the name of \"Sljlvovioa\" \n\nfalling within CN code ex 2206 90 33 , and \n\n- 1 500 tonnes of tobacco of the \"Prilep\" type falling within CN code ex \n\n2401 10 60 cr ex 2401 20 60 \n\noriginating in Yugoslavia. Vithin the limits of these tariff quotas customs duties are to be phased \n\nout over the same periods and at the same rates as provided for in \n\nArticles 75, 243 and :i38 of the Act of Accession. and Portugal. +im^m \nHowever, within the limits of thesejquotas Spain |snail appTy the duties. tariff \n\ncalculated according to the relevant provisions as set out in the Council \n\nRegulation (EEC) No. 4150/87 laying down the arrangements for trade between \n\nSpain and Portugal on the one hand and Yugoslavia on the other hand. Whereas, by Council Regulation (EEC) no. 1673/89 of 12 June 1989, suspending \n\ntotally certain custom duties applied by the Community of Ten to importations \n\nfrom Spain and Portugal, the customs duties forseen for the plum spirit coming \n\nfrom Spain and Portugal are totally suspended. Therefore, it is advisable to \n\napply the same rate of duties to imports of these products originating from \n\nYugoslavia. These Community tariff quotas should be opened for the periods indicated \n\nin. A r t i c l e !. - ? -\n\n3. Importations of these w. ines continue to be subject to the rules governing \n\nthe common organization of the market in wine, in particular as regards \n\nthe reference price applicable to them. 4. Plutn s p i r it and \n\n\"Tobacco of the 'Prilep' type\" originating in Yugoslavia is d#\u00bbfInert and \na model for the certificate of authenticity to be issued by the Yugoslav \n\nauthorities laid down in an exchange of letters dated 11 July 1960. 5. As regards the management system ot \n\nthese quttas it is proposed that the whole of the quota volumes be held \n\nas Community reserves to which all Member States will have access in \n\naccordance with the procedure provided for in Article 1 (2) of the pro*\" \n\nposai for a Regulation. That is the purpose of the attached proposal. ANNEX: 1 proposal for a Regulation. P r o p o s al \n\nf or a \n\nCOUNCIL REGULATION (EEC) No \n\ny \n\n\"JO \n\nopening and providing for the administration of C o m m u n i ty tariff quotas for certain products \noriginating in Yugoslavia (1991) \n\nof \n\n'I UK COUNCII OF Till; LUROI'FAN COMMUNITIES, \n\nI hiving regard \nEconomic C o m m u n i t y, and \nthereof, \n\nto the Treaty establishing the European \nin particular Article 113 \n\nHaving regard to the proposal from the Commission, \n\nthe Additional Protocol \n\nWhereas \nthe Cooperation \nAgreement between the European Economic Community \nand the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia establishing \nnew \ntrade arangements (') provides for the opening of \nCommunity tariff quotas for imports into the C o m m u n i ty \n\nto \n\n\u2014 300 tonnes of garlic falling within CN code ex 0 7 03 \n\n20 0 0, for the period 1 February to 31 M a y, \n\n\u2014 1 200 tonnes of sweet peppers falling within CN code \n\n0709 60 10, \n\n\u2014 1 300 tonnes of frozen peas falling with CN code \n\n0710 21 0 0, \n\n\u2014 3 000 tomes of sweet clear-fleshed of a diame \n\nWhereas plum spirit and tobacco of the 'Prilep' type must be \naccompanied by a certificate of authenticity; whereas the \ntariff quotas in question should therefore be opened for \n1991; \n\nWhereas, under Council Regulation (EEC) No 1 6 7 3 / 89 of \n12 June 1989 totally suspending certain customs duties \napplied by the C o m m u n i ty of T en to imports from Spain and \nPortugal (3) the customs duties envisaged for plum spirits \ncoming from Spain and Portugal are totally suspended; \nwhereas it is advisable to apply the same rate of duty to \nimports of these products originating in Yugoslavia; \n\nWhereas importation into the C o m m u n i ty of the wines in \nquestion is subject to compliance with the free-at-frontier \nreference price; whereas the said wines qualify for these tariff \nquotas only if Article 54 of Regulation (EEC) No 8 2 2 / 8 7. is \nadhered t o; \n\nI ( 4) \n\nter not exceeding 18,9 millimetres, stoned, in \ntended for the manufacture of chocolate products \nfalling within CN code ex2008 60 39; \n\n\u2014 545 000 hectolitres of certain fresh grapes wine, falling \n\nwithin combined nomenclature Chapter 2 2, \n\n\u2014 5 420 hectolitres of plum spirit marketed under the name \nof 'Sljivovica', falling within CN code ex 2208 90 3 3, \nand \n\n\u2014 J 500 tonnes of tobacco of the 'Prilep' type, falling within \nCN code ex 2401 10 60 or 2401 20 6(), as defined in an \nagreement in the form of an exchange of letters of 11 July \n1980, \n\noriginating in Yugoslavia; \n\nWhereas, within the limits of these tariff q u o t a s, customs \nduties are to be phased out over the same periods and at the \nsame rates as provided for in Articles 7 5, 2 43 and 268 of the \nAct of Accession of Spain and Portugal; whereas, however, \nthe Kingdom of Spain and the Portuguese Republic \nshall apply duties calculated in accordance with \nthe relevant provisions of \nt uiiKil Regulation (EEC) No 41M>/87 of 21 December \n1'>'87 laying down arrangements for Spain's and Portugal's \ntrade with Yugoslavia MUI amending Regulations (EEC) \nNo 4 4 9 / 8h and (EEC) No 2 5 7 3 / 87 H \n\n(! 0| No I ,l,X9, M. 12. i''K~. p. 7. 1. O) No I. W>, U. 12. 19X7, p. I. the quotas are exhausted; whereas \nto provide \n\nWhereas all C o m m u n i ty importers should be ensured equal \nand continuous access to the said quotas and the duty rates \nlaid d o wn for the quotas should be applied consistently to all \nimports of the products in question into all Member States \nthe necessary \nuntil \nmeasures \neffective \nfor \nC o m m u n i ty management of the q u o t a s, so that the Member \nStates may d r aw against the quotas such quantities as they \nmay need, corresponding to actual imports; whereas this \ncooperation \nmethod of administration \nbetween the M e m b er States and the Commission; \n\nshould be \n\nrequires \n\ntaken \n\nclose \n\nWhereas, since Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg \nare united within, and jointly represented by, the Benelux \nthe \nEconomic \nadministration of these quotas may be carried out by any one \nof its members, \n\nconcerning \n\noperation \n\nUnion, \n\nany \n\nHAS ADOPTLD THIS REGULATION: \n\nArticle 1 \n\nI. (a) T he customs duties applicable to imports into the \nCommunity of the following products, originating in \nYugoslavia, shall he suspended during the periods, at \nthe levels and within the limits of the Community \ntariff quot >s :\u00bbs shown below for each one: \n\nC3)OJ No I 164, 15. . i S07 \n\n; ex 0701 20 00 \n\n| (iarlic, from I February to 31 May WJ \n\n300 tonnes \n\nRjte of \ndury \n\n(5) \n\n5,4* \n\n09. 1509 \n\nex 0709 60 J0 \n\nSweet peppers, from 1 January to 31 December \n1991 \n\n1 200 tonnes \n\n2,81 \n\n\u2022W; 1. 5 II \n\n0710 2 J 00 \n\nPeas (Pisum sativum), \nDecember W1 \n\nfrom \n\nJanuary \n\nto 31 \n\nI 300 tonnes \n\n4>5X \n\n09. 1517 ex20u8 60 39 , Sweet clear-fleshed of a diameter not \n\nexceeding 18,9 millimetres, stoned, \nintended for the manufacture of \n' \nchocolate products, from 1 January t o, \n31 December 1991 \n\n3 000 ton. 8 I \n\n09. 151-5 \n\nWine of fresh grapes, including fortified wines; \ngrape must other than that of code 2009: \n\n- Other wine; grape must with \nprevented or arrested by \nalcohol : \n\nfermentation \nthe addition of \n\n- \n\n- \n\nIn containers holding 2 litres or less: \n\nOther: \n\n_ _. _ \u2022 _ of an actual alcoholic. strength by \n\nvolume not exceeding 1 3% vol: \n\n2204 21 25 \n\nex 2204 21 29 \n\n_ \n\n-\n\n- \n\n_ Other: \n\nWhite \n\n-\n\n-\n\n-\n\n-- Other wines \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- Of an actual alcoholic strength by \nvolume exceeding 1 3% vol but not \nexceeding 15 % vol: \n\n2204 21 35 \nex 2204 21 39 \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- \n\n-r Other: \n\n- \n\n- White \n\n- \u2014 \u2014. -?. \u2014 \u2014 Other wines \n\n- \n\n- Other: \n\nECU \n4,8 /W \n\n} 545 000 hi \n\nECU \n/hi \n\n5 ,6 \n\n' \n\nOther: \n\n- \n\u201e _ _ _, of an actual alcoholic strength by \n\nvolume not exceeding 1 3% vol: \n\n2204 29 25 \nex 2204 29 29 \n\n- \n- \n\n-'. -\u2022'\u2022. - - Other: \n-. - ; _ -_ White \n\n- \u2014 - \u2014 \u2014 - Other wines \n\n- \u2014 \u2014 - Of an actual alcoholic strength by \nVolume not exceeding 1 3% vol but not \nexceeding 1 5% vol:. _ _ _ _ _ Other; \n\n2204 29 35 \nex 220429 39 \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- \n\n- ~ White \n\n> Other: \n\nfrom 1 January to 31 December 199-1 \n\nECU \n3,6 'hi \n\nECU \n4,4 hi \n\n09. 1 503 \n\nex 2208 90 33 \n\nPlum spirit marketed under the name of Stjivovica, in \ncontainers holding two litres or less, from i January \n\u00abo3l December 19*1 \n\n5 240 M \n\n\f- 3-\n\n(l) \n\n(2) \n\n(3) \n\n(4) \n\n(5) \n\n09. 1505 \n\nex 2401 10 60 \n\nex 2401 20 60 \n\nTobacco of the 'Prilep' type, from 1 January to \n31 December 1991 \n\n1 500 tonnes \n\n3,5 % \nMIN ECU 7 \nMAX E C U 1 7 ,5 \n100 kg/net \n\n(aj Notwithstanding the rules for the interpretation of the combined nomenclature, the wording for the designation of the products is to be considered as having no \nmore than an indicative value, the preferential scheme being determined, within the context of this Annex, by the application of the CN code. Where ex CN code \npositions are indicated, the preferential scheme is to be determined by application of the CN code and corresponding description taken together. (b) Taric codes \n\nOrder No \n\nCN code \n\nTaric code \n\n09. 1507 \n\nex 0703 20 00 \n\n0703 20 00\u00bb 10 \n0703 20 00 \u00bb 20 \n0703 20 00 \u2022 30 \n\n09. 1517 \n\nexidJUo 60 39 \n\naXJ8 60 39*10 \n\n09. 1515 \n\nex 2204 21 29 \n\nex 2204 21 39 \n\nex 2204 29 29 \nex 2204 29 39 \n\n2204 21 29 \u2022 95 \n2204 21 29 * 96 \n2204 21 39 \u2022 94 \n2204 21 39 \u2022 95 \n2204 21 39 \u2022 96 \n2204 29 29 \u2022 91 \n2204 29 39 \u2022 93 \n\n09. 1503 \n\nex 2208 90 33 \n\n2208 90 33 \u2022 10 \n\n09. 1505 \n\nex 2401 10 60 \nex 2401 20 60 \n\n2401 10 60\u00bb 10 \n2401 20 60 \u2022 10 \n\n(b) Within the limits of these tariff quotas, the Kingdom of Spain and \n\nArticle 3 \n\nt he Portuguese Republic shall apply duties calculated in accordance \nwith the relevant provisions of Regulation (EEC) \nNo 4150/87. importer enters a product covered by this \nWhere an \nRegulation for free circulation in a Member State and applies \nto take advantage of the preferential arrangements and that \nentry is accepted by the customs authorities, the Member \nState concerned shall, by notifying the Commission, draw an \namount corresponding to its requirements from the quota \nvolume. 2. Importations of the wines in question shall be subject \nto compliance with the free-at-frontier reference price. They \nshall qualify for the tariff quotas only if Article 54 of \nRegulation (EEC) No 822/87 is adhered to. 3. Imports of plum spirit and tobacco of the 'Prilep' type \nmust be accompanied by certificates of authenticity issued by \nthe competent Yugoslav authority and conforming to the \nmodels annexed to this Regulation. Requests for drawings, indicating the date of acceptance of \nthe said entries, must be sent to the Commission without \ndelay. The drawings shall be granted by the Commission by \nreference to the date of acceptance of the entry for free \ncirculation by the customs authorities of the Member State \nconcerned, to the extent (hat the available balance so \npermits. Articlr 2 \n\nThe tariff quotas referred to in Article 1 shall be administered \ntake all appropriate \nby the Commission, which may \nadministrative measures \nto ensure efficient \nin order \nmanagement thereof. If a Member State does not use quantities drawn, it shall \nreturn them to the corresponding quota volume as soon as \npossible. If the quantities requested are greater than the available \nbalance of the quota volume, the balance shall be allocated \n\n\f- 4-\n\n-? \n\non. 1 pro rata basis. The Commission shall inform the \nMember States of the drawings made. Artick S \n\nArticle 4 \n\nEach Member State shall ensure that importers of the \nproducts in question have equal and continuous access to the \nquotas for as long as the balance of the relevant quota volume \nso permits. The Member States and the Commission shall cooperate \nclosely to ensure that this Regulation is complied with. Article 6 \n\nThis Regulation shall enter into force on 1 January 1991. This Regulation shall be binding in its entirety and directly applicable m all Member \nStates. Done at Brussels, \n\nFor the Council \n\nTh\u00e9 Pr\u00e9sident \n\n\f-5-\n\n\u2022\\M \\() \n\nMl AC. - AMIAS\u00efi \n\n- IIAI'AI'IHMA \n\nANSLX \n\n- AMI:XI-: \n\nAI IIX. ATO \u2014 BIJLAGE \u2014 ANtXO \n\n1 Exporter (name, full address, country) \n\n2 No \n\nORIGINAL \n\nExportateur (nom. adresse compl\u00e8te, pays) \n\n3 Quota year \n\nAnn\u00e9e contingentais \n\n4 Country of destination \nPays de destination \n\n5 Consignee (name, full address, country) \n\nDestinataire (nom. adresse compl\u00e8te, pays) \n\n6 \n\nIssuing authority \nOrganisme \u00e9metteur \n\n8 Place end date of shipment \u2014 Means of transport \n\nLieu et date d'embarquement \u2014 Moyen de transport \n\n7 \n\nCERTIFICATE OF AUTHENTICITY \nCERTIFICAT D'AUTHENTICIT\u00c9 \n\nPlum spirit '&ljivoyica' \nEau-de-vie de prunes \u00abSljivovicft\u00bb \n\n(CN Code ex 2208 90 33) \n\n(Code NC ex 2208 90 33) \n\n9 Marks and numbers \u2014 Number and kind of packages \nMarques et num\u00e9ros \u2014 Nombre et nature des colis \n\n10 \u00abbvolof \neteohof \n\u2022A vol \nd'alcoo) \n\n11 Litres \nLitres \n\n12 vol of alcohol and litres (in words) \n