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"On December 25, 0 BC, Jesus was born in a little stable in a town called Bethlehem." This is a summation of the traditional story we often hear around this time of the year, but is not entirely based in Scripture. Jesus was likely not born in December, and was not born in 0 BC, as such a year is non-existent. While Scripture conveys that Jesus Christ was born to Mary in Bethlehem, also known as the City of David, it does not state exactly when Jesus was born. But some have suggested that Christmas itself, particularly the date of December 25, is not of Christian origin, but of pagan. The word pagan can be defined as "a member of a group professing a polytheistic religion or any religion other than Christianity, Judaism, or Islam; a person without any religion; irreligious." Does Christmas actually have pagan origins? If so, how do these origins apply to the modern celebration of Christmas? *Note: This is not intended to be a comprehensive, in-depth examination of the origin of certain traditions, merely an overview. (No copyright infringement intended, photo credit: Saturnus, Caravaggio 16th century; Alex Petrov, St. Nicholas "Lipensky," orig. AD 1294) Christmas is the annual celebration of the birth of Jesus, and is traditionally celebrated on December 25. In Old English, it is Crīstesmæsse, which literally means "Christ's mass." Interestingly, research has suggested that it is celebrated by an increasing number of non-Christians. Historically, the birth of Jesus is estimated to have occurred sometime between 7-2 BC. The BC/AD system of dating, although the BCE and CE designation is seemingly becoming more utilized, even by some Christians, came about in AD 525 by a monk named Dionysus Exiguus (c.AD 470-544). It is widely thought that Dionysus was incorrect in his estimation of the birth of Christ, so that Jesus was actually born in BC (Before Christ) times, according to the Anno Domini dating system. Rather ironic, and there is no zero year in this system, with the year 1 BC being followed by the next year as 1 AD. Anno Domini itself does not stand for After Death, as Christ is believed to have been crucified c. AD 30-33. The term itself, Anno Domini, is Medieval Latin, translated as "In the year of the Lord" and "In the year of our Lord."[3-4] Sometimes, it is translated as "In the Year of Our Lord Jesus Christ," or "Anno Domini Nostri Iesu (Jesu) Christi." |Saturn (16th century)| It has come to the attention of some that around the time which we celebrate the birth of Christ was also the celebration of an ancient pagan holiday. Is there any credence to this idea? Actually, "This celebration was the pagan holiday Saturnalia, which was the Roman festival for their god Saturn. It ran from about December 17–23. Saturn is the Roman god analogous to the Greek god 'Cronus' or 'Kronos.'" To note, in Greek mythology, Cronus was the father of Zeus, Hera, Demeter, Hades, Poseidon, Hestia, and Chiron. Cronus (or Cronos) was the offspring of Gaia (mother earth) and Uranus (sky), also spelled Ouranos. Now, Greece itself was inhabited by the descendants of Noah's grandson, Javan. Javan was the fourth son of Japheth. The Hebrew name for Greece is still Javan. "Alexander the Great is called the 'king of Javan' (rendered 'Grecia,' Dan. 8:21; 10:20; compare 11:2; Zech. 9:13). This word was universally used by the nations of the East as the generic name of the Greek race." Javan's sons were Elisha, Tarshish, Kittim (Cethimus) and Rodanim (Dodanim). Greek landscape and surrounding areas retain these names in many forms. According to Bodie Hodge, "Eliseans was the old name of the ancient Greek tribe now called the Aeolians. Cethimus inhabited the island Cethima, from which the name of the island Cyprus was derived. (Josephus, a Jewish historian about 2,000 years ago, elaborated on these relationships in more detail.) Many of the characters of Greek mythology are based on real historical figures who were raised up to godlike status. One example here is 'Hellen,' the alleged mythological patriarch and god of the Aeolians (or Elisians). Hellen (Ἕλλην) is likely a variant of Elishah. Even in other cultures, ancestors were often deified; for example, in Germanic and Norse mythologies there is Tiras (Tyras, Tiwaz, Tyr), who was the king of the gods and also happens to be one of Noah’s grandsons (Genesis 10:2)." There are several other examples, yet the intended point is that although the pagan holiday is rooted in both Roman and Greek mythology, it traces back to a biblical figure. This figure is Cronos. "Cronus/Kronos (Κρόνος), a variant of Cethimas/Kittem, could have been raised up to godlike status. Considering that Noah and his early descendants were living such long lives, it should be obvious why many of these ancestors were raised up to be 'god-like.' Not only did they live long lives, but they were obviously the oldest people around and would seem to be the people (gods, demigods) that started civilization. Noah would have been roughly 500 years older than anyone else and his sons approximately 100 years older. We know this was because of the Flood, but the true message would quickly be changed to fit the pagan ideas. Thus it is interesting that this pagan festival was likely born as a result of a suppressed view of a biblical character." It is also worth noting, and indeed rather telling, that in Plato’s Euthydemus, he referred to Zeus, Athena, and Apollo as his "gods" and his "lords and ancestors." If Saturnalia was celebrated December 17-23, and in some cases December 17-24, this does not yet answer why we celebrate the birth of Jesus around the 25. What did the early church fathers say about the notion? Some of the early church leaders did not wish to celebrate the birth of Jesus. Their reasoning was that he was not merely a pharaoh, a pagan god, or Herod. We see this in use by Origen in the AD 200s. Others, however, disagreed with this and as a result provided their own dates. Hippolytus (c. AD 170-236) pitched January 2, a Latin essay (c. AD 243) contended that it was March 21, which the writer(s) insisted was when God created the sun, and May 20, as proposed by Clement of Alexandria (c. AD 150-215). By AD 336, as far as we can tell, when Constantine legalized Christianity in the Roman empire, December 25 was used as the celebration of Jesus' birthday. "Many scholars say that church leaders picked this date to bump aside a trio of winter solstice holidays that were popular among Romans. Winter solstice is when the sun starts to make its comeback, when the long nights of winter begin to shorten and move toward the long days of summer." Psychologically, during the winter months, "depression seems to set in during the winter months and goes away with the coming of spring and summer. Seasonal affective disorder (SAD) is a mood disorder that is caused by the body's reaction to low levels of light present in the winter months." Another reason which we have Christmas in the winter months is to give people something to look forward to during the long winter months, where SAD can set in. Celebrations seem to promote a general "good feeling" in people. Concerning the "trio of winter solstice holidays," the first is Saturnalia, aforementioned. Interestingly, on this holiday, "Businesses, schools, and public offices closed to allow people to party hearty and exchange gifts. Here's how Seneca, a Roman philosopher writing in AD 50, describes the flurry of activity: 'It is now the month of December, when most of the city is in a bustle... Loose reins are given to the public for their wild parties; even where you may hear the sound of great preparations." Second of these three winter solstice holidays is the Birthday of the Unconquered Sun. In Latin, it is called Natalis Solis Invicti. It marked the start of the end of winter and the coming of spring and summertime. The third of the holidays is the Birthday of the Sun of Righteousness. This holiday is referred to in a past article, "Is Christianity Derived From Mithraism?", and is the celebration of the birthday of Mithras, the sun god born with a knife, who later rode and killed a great cosmic bull, whose fertilized blood is responsible, according to the mystery religion, for giving vegetation to the earth. Members of this cult worshiped the god by slaughtering a bull and bathing in its blood by standing in a pit below the corpse, literally washing themselves in the blood of bulls. Eventually, Christians contended that the celebration on December 25 of Christ's birth was not an attempt to "Christianize" pagan sun worship or the other festivals. An anonymous Christian in the AD 300s once said, "We hold this day holy, not like the pagans because of the birth of the sun, but because of him who made it." It has been claimed by some that the Christmas tree has its roots in pagan origins. Despite attempts to connect pagan traditions to this Christmas tradition, the modern custom does not come from paganism. During Saturnalia, bearing in mind that Saturn was the god of agriculture, Romans decorated their houses with greens and lights, and exchanged gifts, as aforementioned. "Late in the Middle Ages, Germans and Scandinavians placed evergreen trees inside their homes or just outside their doors to show their hope in the forthcoming spring. The first Christmas tree was decorated by Protestant Christians in 16th-century Germany. Our modern Christmas tree evolved from these early German traditions, and the custom most likely came to the United States with Hessian troops during the American Revolution, or with German immigrants to Pennsylvania and Ohio." The modern custom of putting up a Christmas tree and decorating it is derived from this. While there are Christians who believe that the Bible teaches against putting up a Christmas tree during the season, it does not state that we cannot put up a tree - but it does state that it is sinful to worship the tree. Decorating and worshiping are two separate things. Other Christmas traditions, such as ringing bells, do harken back to certain pagan celebrations and traditions. Ringing bells is generally believed to have its origin in a winter pagan festival where ringing bells would drive out evil spirits. In latter times, ringing bells on Christmas Eve symbolized the welcoming of Christmas with a joyful noise, a form of celebrating Jesus' birth. In like manner, there was an ancient pagan tradition of lighting candles to drive out forces of cold (which is simply the absence of heat) and darkness (which is simply the absence of light). As for the tradition of gift-giving, while it is true that Druids would offer up his goat as a type of pagan ritual, we give not because of this, but we give because He gave. At the same time, it is important to bear in mind that the wise men (magi) brought gifts to Jesus. Matthew 2:11 records, "On coming to the house, they saw the child with his mother Mary, and they bowed down and worshiped him. Then they opened their treasures and presented him with gifts of gold, frankincense and myrrh." What of Santa Claus? The modern Santa Claus legend is actually based on a fourth century Christian. He is known as Saint Nicholas, or Nikolaos of Myra (AD 270-343), a Greek bishop of Myra, which is part of modern-day Turkey. He is also known as Nikolaos the Wonderworker (Νικόλαος ὁ Θαυματουργός, Nikolaos ho Thaumaturgos), as he is alleged to have performed certain miracles. For example, during a famine that Myra experienced, there was a ship in the port which had been loaded with wheat for the Emperor in Constantinople. Nikolaos asked the sailors to unload part of their wheat to help in the time of need. While at first the sailors did not like the request, after Nikolaos promised that they would not take any damage for their consideration, they agreed, and unloaded wheat. After later arriving at the capital, the found that the weight of the load had not changed (having previously weighed it), even though the wheat they had unloaded in Myra was enough for two years, and could also be used for sowing. Some call this the miracle of the multiplication of wheat. Other legends exist concerning Nikolaos. During a famine, three children were lured by a butcher into his home, where he murdered them and butchered them, putting their remains in a barrel to cure, intending to sell them as ham. Nikolaos was visiting the region, caring for the hungry, saw through the butcher's gruesome crime. He sought the butcher's cottage for rest. The butcher asked Nikolaos if wanted some ham, and judging by his reply, the butcher understood that Nikolaos knew what he had done, and turned to flee. Nikolaos prayed, and the three children were resurrected. Other versions exist, but this gruesome legend demonstrates the kindness of Nikolaos and caring for others, a familiar characteristic of the modern Santa Claus. Perhaps the most infamous legend concerning Nikolaos is that of a poor man and his three daughters who could not afford a proper dowry for them ("the money, goods, or estate that a wife brings to her husband at marriage"). In other words, the poor man's daughters would remain unmarried, and, having to earn money, would likely become prostitutes. As a result, having heard of the situation, Nikolaos decided to help the man. However, he did not wish to help the man in public, as he wanted to remain modest and save the poor man from having to take charity, so he waited until nighttime, when he took three money purses filled with gold coins and tossed them through the window into the man's house. Variants of this legend exist. For example, one version has him throwing a purse into the house for three nights in a row. In another, the poor man wants to find the identity of the man, confronting Nikolaos, who said to give glory to God, and not him. In yet another, Nikolaos learns of the man's plan to confront him, and instead drops the money down the chimney, with one variant saying that one of the daughters had hung her stockings to dry, having washed them, and the gold fell into the stocking. Where did the name Santa Claus come from, however? |Saint Nicholas (c.1294)| "Santa Claus" comes the Dutch Sinterklaas, which itself is a corruption of transliterations of "Saint Nikolaos." In Dutch, he is also referred to as Sint Nicolaas. Some have claimed that there are parallels between the Dutch Sinterklaas and the Norse god, Odin. For example, Sinterklaas rides on rooftops with his white horse, and Odin rides the sky on his grey horse. Sinterklaas carries a staff and has mischievous helpers who have black faces, and Odin has a spear and black ravens as helpers. However, similarity does not prove that some of the Sinterklaas traditions are derived from Norse mythology. There are various explanations as to how Sinterklaas become the North American Santa Claus, one of which is that, during the American Revolution, a former Dutch colony (New York City) reinvented the Sinterklaas tradition. Not everyone agrees with this, and advocate other theories, but the fact remains that the Santa Claus legend is derived from Sinterklaas, which in turn is derived from the historical figure, Nikolaos of Myra, a fourth century Christian. Where various Christmas traditions come from, scholars and historians sometimes disagree on, yet many of our traditions are original, Christian traditions. While some have been derived in part from pagan traditions, others have purely Christian origins. Historically, Jesus is indeed the "reason for the season," and it is important to remember our roots, but if it is claimed that Christmas is a pagan holiday and Christians should not celebrated, bear in mind that while certain traditions have pagan roots, we do not celebrate those pagan ideas or deities now, but the birth of Jesus Christ, the Creator in the flesh (John 1; Philippians 2:6-11; Colossians 1:15-19, 2:9; 1st Timothy 3:16). Roots are important, but it is also important to understand why we celebrate today. We do not give gifts because a Druid somewhere, at some time offered a goat to his god, but because the Savior of Mankind was born in human form, being both man and divine: the God-man. The Truth Ministries would like to thank you for taking the time to read this article of "The Truth." Feel free to email us at [email protected] or [email protected], visit our facebook page, or visit our ministry website. It is the mission of this ministry to "demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ" (2nd Corinthians 10:5). We understand that many will disagree with our position, our claims and our ministry, and we recognize the individual's right to believe what he or she wills, and that some will disagree on our position regarding this particular topic. However, understand that we stand firm upon the Bible as God's Word, which we believe to be historically accurate and reliable, and hold to our conviction that this conclusion was arrived at based on what His Word tells us, and through a Biblical worldview, and hope that if you have not already, will come to faith in Jesus. Take care, and God bless you reader. Troy Hillman "pagan." Collins English Dictionary - Complete & Unabridged 10th Edition. HarperCollins Publishers. 08 Dec. 2011. "Christmas as a multi-faith festival." BBC Learning English. BBC World Service, 29 Dec 2009. Web. 08 Dec 2011.; Tood, Liz. "Why I celebrate Christmas, by the world's most famous atheist." MailOnline. Associated Newspapers Ltd, 23 Dec 2008. Web. 08 Dec 2011.; Hytrek, Nick. "Non-Christians focus on secular side of Christmas." Sioux CIty Journal. Sioux City Journal, 10 Nov 2009. Web. 08 Dec 2011. "Anno Domini". Merriam Webster Online Dictionary. Merriam-Webster. 2003. Blackburn, Bonnie; Holford-Strevens, Leofranc. The Oxford companion to the Year: An exploration of calendar customs and time-reckoning. Oxford University Press, 2003. 782. Print. Hodge, Bodie. "Feedback: The Origin of Christmas." Answers In Genesis, 19 December 2009. Web. 11 December 2011. "Javan." WebBible Encyclopedia. Christian Answers Network, n.d. Web. 11 Dec 2011. Ibid, . Plato, Euthydemus, from: The Dialogues of Plato, Jowett, B. (Translator), 3rd ed., Vol. I, Oxford at the Clarendon Press: Oxford University Press, Humphrey Milford Publisher, 1892. 302d. Print. Miller, Stephen M. The Jesus of the Bible. 1st ed,. Uhrichsville, Ohio: Barbour Publishing Inc., 2009. 48-49. Print. Saundra K. Ciccarelli and J. Noland White. Psychology. 3rd ed. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2009. 548. Print. Ibid, . "Should we have a Christmas Tree? Does the Christmas Tree have its origin in ancient pagan rituals?." Got Questions.org. Got Questions Network, n.d. Web. 13 Dec 2011. "Do some Christmas traditions have pagan origins?." Got Questions.org. Got Questions Network, n.d. Web. 13 Dec 2011. The Holy Bible, Today’s New International Version. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2005. Print. Cunningham, Lawrence. A brief history of saints. Wiley-Blackwell, 2005. p. 33. A companion to Wace, Françoise Hazel Marie Le Saux. Cambridge Brewer, 2005. Print. "Saint NICOLAS." St. Nicholas Center. St. Nicholas Center, 2011. Web. 15 Dec 2011. "dowry." Dictionary.com Unabridged. Random House, Inc. 15 Dec. 2011. William J. Bennett. The True Saint Nicholas. Howard Books, 2009. 14-17. Print. McKnight, George Harley. St. Nicholas - His Legend and His Role in the Christmas Celebration, 1917. Print. Lendering, Jona. "Saint Nicholas, Sinterklaas, Santa Claus". Livius.org, 20 Nov 2008. Web. 15 Dec 2011.

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Pamphlet reprinted from Socialist Worker, August 1970. Second printing June 1975. Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive. In May 1940 Leon Trotsky wrote an article entitled Stalin Seeks My Death. It was an accurate forecast. Three months later, on 20 August, the Stalinist agent Ramon Mercador, alias Frank Jacson, drove an icepick into Trotsky’s brain in Coyoacan, Mexico. The assassination was the last of the wholesale murders by which the Stalinist bureaucracy destroyed the Bolshevik old guard. Rykov, Lenin’s successor as Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars, was shot. Zinoviev, President of the Communist International in Lenin’s day, was shot. Bukharin and Piatakov, “the most able of the younger members of the Central Committee”, according to Lenin’s Testament, were shot. Rakovsky and Radek both perished. Tens of thousands of old party members disappeared for ever in Arctic “labour camps”. The militants who made the October Revolution were practically annihilated. Only one of the leading figures of the years of revolution and civil war survived. Joseph Stalin, the man Lenin proposed should be removed from office as General Secretary, now ruled Russia more despotically than Ivan the Terrible had ever done. Trotsky’s final verdict on these events was written in the year before his death. Stalinism had first to exterminate politically and then physically the leading cadres of Bolshevism in order to become that which it now is: an apparatus of the privileged, a brake upon historical progress, an agency of world imperialism. The hopes of the October Revolution had been buried by the Stalinist terror. There had been no simple counter-revolution. The landowners, capitalists and courtiers of Tsarist times had not recovered their possessions. Stalin founded no dynasty and the leading members of the bureaucracy acquired no legal title to the “public” property. Yet the working people, the officially proclaimed “ruling class”, were deprived of all political rights, even such minimal rights as they had won under Tsarism. The trade unions had become a machine for disciplining the workforce. And what a discipline. On 28 December 1938, Stalin signed a decree which laid down that “workers or employees who leave their jobs without permission or are guilty of grave offences against labour discipline are liable to administrative eviction from their dwellings within 10 days without any living quarters being provided for them”. The conditions of a 19th century company town were imposed on the workers in the “workers’ state”! The same decree abolished the right of a worker to a paid holiday after five and a half month’s employment and dealt with bad time-keeping as follows: “A worker or employee guilty of coming late to work, of leaving for lunch too early or returning too late or idling during working hours is liable to administration prosecution.” Managers failing to bring prosecutions “are themselves made liable to dismissal or prosecution”. All this, of course, applied to “free” workers. For the really obstinate offenders there were the labour camps. Big inequalities in wages were introduced. There was no question of negotiation, of course. Incentive payment schemes became general. The privileged bureaucrats and managers got bigger and bigger differentials plus the familiar fringe benefits – cars, houses in the country, free holidays in the Crimea and so on. As Stalin said, “We must not play with phrases about equality. This is playing with fire.” Out of the first successful nationwide workers’ revolution had grown a society that reproduced the inequalities and oppression of capitalism and was ruled by an iron dictatorship, a dictatorship not of the working class but over the working class. The whole of the latter part of Trotsky’s political life was spent in fighting this reaction, in analysing it and explaining its causes and in struggling to keep alive the revolutionary socialist tradition against the crushing pressure of Stalinism in Russia and internationally. Trotsky was born in the Ukraine in 1879, the son of a Jewish farmer. At that time the labour movement did not exist in the Tsarist empire. In fact an industrial working class hardly existed. There were a few great nobles, a more numerous lower nobility who officered the army and the state machine, a middle class of merchants, lawyers, doctors and so on and a vast mass of peasants. That was the Russian Empire of the time, and over it the Tsar ruled as absolutely as Louis XIV had ruled France. There was no parliament, no free press, no freedom of movement, no equality of citizens before the law. Until 1861 the great mass of the Russian people – the peasants – had been legally unfree serfs, unable to leave the estate they were born on, bought and sold by their masters along with the land. Russia was backward, medieval, so backward that in many ways it was more like France before the great revolution of 1789 than the capitalist countries of western and central Europe. But a great change was coming. In the years of Trotsky’s boyhood and youth industry was developing fast in Russia, fuelled by foreign loans and foreign technicians. New classes were developing, a capitalist class, still much weaker than in the west, and a real industrial working class. The growth of these classes meant, in the long run, that the Tsarist regime could not last. As late as 1895 the Tsarist minister of finance could write: “Fortunately Russia does not possess a working class in the same sense as the West does; consequently we have no labour problem.” He was already out of date. By 1887 there were already 103,000 metal workers in Russia, by 1897, 642,000. By 1914 there were 5,000,000 workers out of a population of 160,000,000. This young working class developed a militancy and record of mass struggle unparalleled since the heroic period of the British working class in the 1830s and 1840s. In the early years this century a wave of mass strikes shook Tsarism to its foundations, leading to the explosion of 1905. A new form of working class self-government, the “Soviet” or workers’ council, was invented by unknown Russian working men. For a time there was a “dual power”, the power of the workers organised in Soviets confronting the panic-stricken government of the Tsar. The whole regime tottered. But in the end it was able to re-establish its power. The revolutionary workers confronted the peasant army and the peasants were still loyal to the Tsar. A murderous repression followed. Trotsky grew up with the movement. While still in his teens he joined a revolutionary group in Nikolayev, the South Russian Workers Union. In 1898 he was arrested and kept in various jails until, in 1900, he was deported to Siberia. In the summer of 1902 he escaped and by the autumn he had joined Lenin in London. By this time Trotsky had become a marxist and a writer of some fame. Lenin welcomed him and proposed that he join the editorial board of Iskra (The Spark), the socialist party paper which was printed in London and smuggled into Russia. The proposal was vetoed by the senior member of the board, Plekhanov, one of the founders of the party and a future Menshevik. For the split in the Russian socialist party was only a few months ahead and relations between Lenin and some of his co-editors were already tense. The party at that time consisted of a handful of emigrés in London, Zurich and other European cities and a number of illegal groups of workers and students in some of the Russian industrial centres and in Siberian exile. The split, which came at the second congress, held in Brussels and then London in 1903, was on the face of it about a comparatively unimportant organisational question. In fact the underlying differences were of vital importance. Lenin and his group (who became the Bolsheviks, or majority) stood for a tightly organised revolutionary party, able to survive illegality and repression. They believed that only the working class, in alliance with the peasantry, could overthrow Tsarism and “supplant it by a republic on the basis of a democratic constitution that would secure the sovereignity of the people, i.e., the concentration of all the sovereign power of the state in the hands of a legislative assembly composed of the representatives of the people.” (Lenin’s Draft Programme of the Social Democratic Party of Russia, 1902). The minority (Mensheviks) were moving towards the view that the Russian capitalist class could lead this struggle and consequently tended to favour a looser organisation oriented to semi-legal work. Neither side supposed that a socialist revolution was possible in a country as backward and under-developed as Russia. That would come later after a period of capitalist economic development under a democratic republic. In 1903 the differences were not as clear cut as they became later. Not everyone fully understood the implications of the choice they were making. Plekhanov, later leader of the extreme right wing of the Mensheviks, sided with Lenin. Trotsky opposed Lenin. It was a decision he was later to call “the greatest error of my life”. In 1905 the revolutionary exiles were able to return. Trotsky, now a Menshevik, played a big part in the unsuccessful 1905 revolution. Towards the end of the year he became President of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers Deputies, then the most important workers organisation in Russia. Its liquidation by the reviving Tsarist military and police machine marked the turning point in the revolution. Trotsky was imprisoned again. Put on trial for his life, he defied the Tsar from the dock: “The government has long since broken with the nation ... What we have is not a national government but an automaton for mass murder.” The still smouldering revolutionary movement made the government cautious. The main charge – insurrection – was dismissed. But Trotsky and 14 others were sentenced to deportation to Siberia for life with loss of all civil rights. In the years of reaction after 1906, the revolutionary organisations, harassed by police spies and unremitting repression, withered and decayed. The Menshevik organisations in Russia virtually disappeared. Even Lenin’s Bolshevik group, now split in to two, a left and a right (with Lenin on the right), shrank into a shadow fits former strength. In the emigré circles bitter factional disputes developed. Trotsky escaped again from Siberia in 1907 and soon found himself nearly isolated. Repelled by the Menshevik drift to the right and unable to overcome his hostility to the Bolsheviks, he became a lone wolf. His one positive achievement in these years was the elaboration of his theory of “permanent revolution”. Its central idea was that the coming revolution in Russia could not stop at the stage of a “democratic republic” but would spill over into a workers’ revolution for workers’ power and would then link up with workers’ revolutiowitrthie more advanced capitalist countries or be defeated. It was not so very different from Lenin’s later conception, but Trotsky’s distrust and dislike of Lenin prevented him from joining forces with the only real revolutionary organisation – the Bolsheviks. On 4 August 1914 the world was transformed. The long predicted imperialist war broke out and the leaders of the big social democratic parties forgot about their marxism and internationalism and capitulated to “their own” governments. The Socialist International broke into pieces. In every belligerent country, the movement split between the renegades and the internationalists. In September 1915,38 delegates from 11 countries met at Zimmerwald in Switzerland to reaffirm the principles of international socialism. Trotsky wrote the internationalist manifesto issued by the conference. There were both revolutionaries and pacifists at Zimmerwald. They were soon to split. The revolutionary nucleus became the forerunner of the Third (Communist) International. Revolutionary opposition was growing in all the warring states but it was in Russia that the break came. In February 1917 mass strikes and demonstrations overthrew the Tsar. It was the working-class militants of Petrograd – many of them Bolsheviks – that led the movement. From the beginning the leaders of the Soviets of workers, peasants and soldiers deputies were in a position to sweep away the crumbling facade of the “Provisional government” and take power. But they did not do so, because they were, in the majority, Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries (the peasant party) who believed that a “democratic republic” was necessary to permit the growth of capitalism so as to lay the basis for socialism in the distant future. This meant continuing the war and “disciplining” the workers and peasants. Even some of the Bolsheviks wavered, notably Kamenev and Stalin, the two central committee members who had escaped from Siberia to take charge of the party in Petrograd. But when Lenin returned in April he would have none of this. “Down with the Provisional government”, “Peace, Land and Bread” were his slogans. At first a minority in his own party, Lenin won first the party and then the majority of the Soviets for his revolutionary position. It was essentially the same as Trotsky’s “permanent revolution” and in July Trotsky, together with a group of ex-left wing Mensheviks, entered the Bolshevik Party. By the autumn the majority of the workers were supporting the Bolsheviks. Under the slogan of “All power to the Soviets” the Provisional Government was overthrown. In Petrograd hardly a hand was lifted to support it. The next years were the years of Trotsky’s greatest fame. First as People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs and then as People’s Commissar for War, he was second only to Lenin as the moving spirit of the revolution. These were the years of revolutionary optimism. Everything seemed possible. Though the Soviet government had to fight desperately against massive foreign intervention – the armies of 14 powers fought against the revolution – and against foreign armed and financed White armies, the whole of Europe seemed on the verge of revolution. Revolutionary Soviet regimes were actually established in Hungary, in Bavaria, in Finland, in Latvia. The German Kaiser, the Austrian Emperor, the Turkish Sultan were all overthrown. The whole of Germany seemed on the brink of red revolution. In Italy mass strikes and violent demonstrations paralysed the capitalist state. Even the sober Lenin could write in 1918: “History has given us, the Russian toiling and exploited classes, the honourable role of vanguard of the international socialist revolution; and today we can see clearly how far this revolution will go. The Russians commenced; the Germans, the French and English will finish and socialism will be victorious.” For Trotsky there were no doubts. The “final conflict” was now. When the Third International was founded in 1919 he wrote in his first manifesto: The opportunists who before the world war summoned the workers to practice moderation for the sake of gradual transition to socialism ... are again demanding self renunciation of the proletariat ... If these preachments were to find acceptance among the working masses, capitalist development in new, much more concentrated and monstrous forms would be restored on the bones of several generations-with the perspective of a new and inevitable world war. Fortunately for mankind this is not possible. In fact the success of the German revolution hung in the balance. The opposing forces were nearly equal. Success would have changed the course of European and world history. Failure meant the eventual triumph of reaction not only in Germany but also in Russia. For the civil war ruined the already backward Russian economy and dispersed the Russian working class. The White counter revolution was beaten because the great majority of the Russian people – the peasants – knew that the revolution had given them the land and that a restoration would take it back again. Yet by the end of the civil war the workers had lost power because, as a class, they had been decimated. By 1921 the number of workers in Russia had fallen to 1,240,000. Petrograd had lost 57.5 per cent of its total population. The production of all manufactured goods had fallen to 13 per cent of the already miserable 1913 level. The country was ruined, starving, held together only by the party and state machines developed during the civil war. It was a situation that had not been foreseen. At the time of the Brest Litovsk peace with Germany in 1918 Lenin wrote: “This is a lesson to us because the absolute truth is that without a revolution in Germany we shall perish.” For, of course, there could be no question of the Russian working class, a small minority with a weak economic base, maintaining a workers’ state for any length of time without integrating the Russian economy with that of a developed socialist country. Later at the third Congress of the Third International in 1921 Lenin returned to the point: It was clear to us that without aid from the international world revolution, a victory of the proletarian revolution is impossible. Even prior to the revolution, as well as after it, we thought that the revolution would occur either immediately or at least very soon in other backward countries and in the more highly developed capitalist countries, otherwise we would perish. Notwithstanding this conviction, we did our utmost to preserve the Soviet system, under any circumstances and at all costs, because we know we are working not only for ourselves but also for the international revolution. By 1921 the international revolution had been beaten back and the communist regime in Russia faced another desperate crisis. The peasant masses, freed from the fear of landlordism were moving into violent opposition. Peasant riots in Tambov, the Kronstadt rising and the strikes in support of it showed that the regime no longer enjoyed popular support. It was becoming a dictatorship over the peasantry and the remnants of the working class. A retreat was essential. The New Economic Policy, from 1921 onwards, recreated an internal market and gave the peasantry freedom to produce for profit and to buy and sell as they wished. Private production of consumer goods for a profit was also permitted and the publicly-owned large-scale industry was instructed to operate on commercial principles. The result was a slow but substantial economic recovery, together with mass unemployment – never less than a fifth of the slowly reviving industrial working class – and the development of a class of capitalist farmers, the kulaks, out of the ranks of the peasantry. By the middle 1920s the economic output levels of 1913 had been reached and in some cases passed. By that time the balance of social forces had altered fundamentally. What sort of society was emerging? As early as 1920 Lenin had argued: Comrade Trotsky talks about the “workers’ state”. Excuse me, this is an abstraction. It was natural for us to write about the workers’ state in 1917 but those who now ask “Why protect, against whom protect the working class, there is no bourgeoisie now, the state is a workers’ state” commit an obvious mistake ... In the first place, our state is not really a workers’ state, but a workers’ and peasants’ state ... But more than that. It is obvious from our patty programme that ... our state is a workers’ state with bureaucratic distortions. Since then the “bureaucratic distortions” had grown enormously and the ruling party itself had grown enormously and the ruling party itself had become bureaucratised. In the absence of a working class with the strength, cohesion and will to rule, the party had had to substitute for the class and the party apparatus was increasingly substituting for the party membership. A new group of “apparatchniks” had grown up alongside the kulaks and the “nepmen” (petty capitalists). Trotsky, in one of his most striking phrases, described politics as “the struggle for the surplus social product”. Between these three groups such a struggle developed over the heads of the mass of the poorer peasants and against the working class. The struggle was reflected in the ranks of the now bureaucratised party, especially among its leaders. Trotsky, by now thoroughly alarmed at the rightward trend, became the chief spokesman of a tendency that took up the fight, started by Lenin in the last months of his life, for the democratisation of the party and the revival of the Soviets as real organs of the workers and peasants. An essential part of the programme of the Left Opposition (as Trotsky’s group was called) was the more rapid and planned development of Russian industry. For marxists it was out of the question for democratisation to succeed without an increase in the numbers, self confidence and specific weight’ of the working class. Opposed to the left was a right wing tendency for which Bukharin became the spokesman. This argued for stability, for accumulation “at a snail’s pace”, and for giving priority to keeping the peasantry happy, including the kulaks. There was a third tendency, the “centre”, representing the apparatchniks, the bureaucracy. It was then allied to the right. Its leading figure was J.V. Stalin, an old Bolshevik, a capable organiser and a man of unbounded ambition and iron will. Stalin was welding the bureaucracy into a class, conscious of its own interests and with its own ideology – “Socialism in a single country”. The perspective of the opposition was one of peaceful reform. The pressure of events and of the opposition could reform the party and the country, it thought. In the event, the extent of the bureaucratic degeneration was shown by the ease with which the opposition was defeated. Though it included some of the most distinguished members of the party and was joined, after 1926, by the group around Zinoviev, Lenin’s closest collaborator in exile, and Krupskaya, Lenin’s widow, as well as by the “ultra-left” democratic centralist group, it was overwhelmingly voted down in party meetings packed by Stalin’s yes-men. In October 1927 Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled from the party. Soon they arid thousands of other oppositionists began the journey into exile. The opposition had been smashed and from their places of exile its leaders predicted a dire danger from the right. The Soviet “Thermidor”, the overthrow of the party by the representatives of the kulaks and nepmen, was imminent. And indeed the regime did face a danger from the right. In 1928 the kulaks, encouraged by the liquidation of the left, engineered a “grain strike”, a hoarding operation which faced the cities with starvation. The sequel showed how grossly they – and the opposition – miscalculated the strength of the rival forces. The bureaucracy executed a violent change of course. After years of appeasing the rich peasants they resorted to forced collectivisation, to the “liquidation of the kulaks as a class”. Under the guise of one-party rule, a narrow clique of bureaucrats ruled Russia. And they were soon to become the puppets of one man. By 1930 Stalin was the new Tsar, in fact if not in form. With the forced collectivisation came a frenzied programme of forced industrialisation. Schemes far exceeding the most ambitious plans of the most optimistic members of the opposition were put in train, only to be superceded by others still more far-reaching. “Fulfil the five year plan in four years” became the slogan. The man who yesterday ridiculed the moderate plans of the opposition as utopian now wished to “catch up and outstrip” the advanced capitalist countries in a few years. The first five year plan did succeed in laying the basis for an industrial society. It did so on the basis of the most brutal exploitation of the workers and peasants. Real wages fell drastically. The draconically regimented “free” workers were supplemented by an army of slave labourers, mostly ex-peasants, employed on large scale construction jobs under appalling conditions. All vestiges of democratic rights disappeared. A fully fledged totalitarian regime emerged. These events disintegrated the exiled opposition. Many of its most prominent members made their peace with Stalin. At the other extreme, many rank and file oppositionists came to agree with the “democratic centralists” that a new revolution was necessary. “The party,” wrote Victor Smirnov, a democratic centralist leader, “is a stinking corpse.” The workers’ state had been destroyed years earlier, in his opinion and capitalism restored. Trotsky would accept neither of these positions. Against the capitulators he insisted on the need for Soviet democracy. Against the left he insisted on the possibilities of peaceful reforms. It was an unreal assessment and Trotsky was to abandon it 18 months later. The impetus for the change came from events in Germany. The left opposition had been concerned at least as much with the International as with Russia. The Third International in its early years had been far from being the tool of Moscow. But with the receding of the revolutionary mood in Europe the parties became more attached to the one surviving “Soviet” regime and more dependent on it. Advice from Moscow became the most important source of their political ideas. Increasingly the Russian, and hence apparatchnik, dominated executive of the International began to interfere with the national life of the parties. The myth of the “Soviet Fatherland” became more and more important to European and Asian Communists. Gradually the more independent spirits and the more serious marxists were eliminated from the leaderships. It took 10 years to reduce the world movement to the position of Moscow’s foreign legion. By 1929 the process was complete. While the right-centre bloc ruled Russia the policy of the International was pushed to the right. Semi-reformist policies were promoted and they led to a number of avoidable defeats. The opposition sharply criticised the Comintern policies and sought to develop contacts with dissident members of the foreign parties. But after Stalin had eliminated his former “rightist” allies in Russia, the Comintern was swung violently to the left, to the lunatic left in fact. A period of “general revolutionary offensive”, the “third period” was proclaimed. The theory of “social fascism” was invented. The social democratic and labour parties were “social fascists”, groups to the left of them like the ILP were “left social fascists”. In Germany, where the danger of fascism was very real, this led to the rejection of any joint anti-fascist resistance with the social-democrats and the trade unions under their influence. For these were themselves fascists! In fact everyone who was not a loyal Stalinist was a fascist: “Germany is already living under fascist rule”, said the German Communist daily. “Hitler cannot make matters worse than they already are.” Against this insane policy Trotsky, from 1929 an exile in Turkey, wrote some of his most brilliant polemics. If reason could have moved the Stalinised leaders of the German Communist Party, Hitler would have been beaten, for the opportunity was there. A victorious united front was possible. But they were beyond reason. The only voice they heard was tat of Stalin intoning “Social democracy and fascism are not opposites: they are twins.” The German workers’ movement was smashed. The Communist Party surrendered without a fight. Hitler came to power and preparation for the Second World War began. This terrible defeat caused Trotsky to break with the International. “An organisation which has not been awakened by the thunderbolt of fascism ... is dead and cannot be revived.” Soon after this he abandoned his reformist position on Russia. A new revolution was necessary to remove the bureaucratic dictatorship. Yet he did not modify his view that Russia was a “degenerated workers’ state”. For the few years left to him he clung to that abstraction – a “workers’ state” in which the workers were not only not in power but were deprived of the most elementary political rights. It was an error that was to have a lasting and pernicious influence on the revolutionary left. Trotsky was now nearly alone. Soon after the German catastrophe the great purges began in Russia. Stalin consolidated his personal rule by the mass murder of the former capitulators, of the former rightists and of most of his own early supporters. All alike were denounced, along with Trotsky, as agents of Hitler, counterrevolutionaries, spies and saboteurs. A series of grotesque “show trials”, at which prominent leaders of the revolution in Lenin’s time were made to confess their guilt – and that of the monster Trotsky. A climate of opinion was created in which it was impossible for Trotsky to influence left wing workers. “The Stalinist bureaucracy had actually succeeded in identifying itself with marxism ... Militant French dockers, Polish coalminers and Chinese guerrilla fighters alike saw in those who ruled Moscow the best judges of Soviet interests and reliable councillors to world communism.” The Comintern was now swung rightwards again. Stalin’s foreign policy required an alliance with the “western democracies”. The “popular front” – the subordination of the workers’ parties to liberals and progressive’ Tories – was the new line. It enabled Stalin to strangle another revolution – Spain. Trotsky called the Spanish defeat “the last warning”. All his energies in the last years of his exile, in France, Norway and then Mexico, were spent in trying to create the nucleus of a new International, the Fourth. Its founding conference took place in 1938 under the shadow of multiple defeats for the working class. Trotsky now had less than two years to live. It was his imperishable achievement to keep alive the tradition of revolutionary marxism in the decades when it was all but extinguished by its pretended supporters. Trotsky was far from infallible. Lenin had written in his testament of Trotsky’s “too far-reaching self-confidence” and it was his misfortune, in his last years, that few among his adherents were capable of independent thinking. That he towered over his associates was at once his strength. and his tragedy. Perhaps no other man could have withstood isolation and attack as. he did. His contribution to revolutionary socialism and to the working class movement was unsurpassed. He was one of the handful of truly great figures the movement has produced. My high (and still rising) blood pressure is deceiving those near me about my actual condition. I am active and able to work but the outcome is evidently near. These lines will be made public after my death. I have no need to refute here once again the stupid and vile slanders of Stalin and his agents: there is not a single spot on my revolutionary honour. 1 have never entered, either directly or indirectly, into any behind-the-scenes agreements or even negotiations with the enemies of the working class. Thousands of Stalin’s opponents have fallen victims of similar false accusations. The new revolutionary. generations will rehabilitate their political honour and deal with the Kremlin executioners according to their deserts. I thank warmly the friends who remained loyal to me through the most difficult hours of my life. I do not name anyone in particular because I cannot name them all. However, I consider myself justified in making an exception in the case of my companion, Natalia Ivanovna Sedova. In addition to the happiness of being a fighter for the cause of socialism, fate gave me the happiness of being her husband. During the almost forty years of our life together she remained an inexhaustible source of love, magnanimity, and tenderness. She underwent great sufferings, especially in the last period of our lives. But I find some comfort in the fact that she also knew days of happiness. For forty-three years of my conscious life I have remained a revolutionist: for forty-two of them I have fought under the banner of Marxism. If I had to begin all over again I would of course try to avoid this or that mistake, but the main course of my life would remain unchanged. I shall die a proletarian revolutionary, a Marxist, a dialectical materialist, and, consequently, an irreconcilable atheist. My faith in the communist future of mankind is not less ardent, indeed it is firmer today, than it was in the days of my youth. Natasha has just come up to the window from the courtyard and opened it wider so that the air may enter more freely into my room. I can see the bright green strip of grass beneath the wall, and the clear blue sky above the wall, and sunlight everywhere. Life is beautiful. Let the future generations cleanse it of alt evil, oppression and violence, and enjoy it to the full. 27 February 1940, Coyoacan. Last updated on 4 February 2017

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In the history of cinema, few villains have captured the imagation of audiences’ as Hannibal Lecter did in “Silence of the Lambs.” Anthony Hopkins’ chilling portrayal of a cannibalistic serial killer earned him an Oscar, as well as a place in the nightmares of many. A king among cannibal killers, audiences could rest with the comfort that the character was only fiction. Unfortunately, this is not entirely true. When Thomas Harris wrote the Hannibal story, he borrowed elements from a real life cannibal killer, Albert Hamilton Fish. Much like Hannibal Lecter, Albert Fish appeared soft-spoken, fragile, and harmless – yet, behind the facade hid a monster who boasted of his molestation of hundreds of child, expressed disappointment at his inability to rape a girl before devouring her, and carried his instruments of hell with him in the form of a meat cleaver, a butcher knife, and a saw. Even with his elder exterior, Albert Fish’s perversions and sadism strengthened with age until his execution. Psychiatrists accentuate that when investigating psychological disorders, the most important formative stage is childhood. From this perspective, the development of Albert Fish becomes unsurprising. Born in 1870, his father was a 75 year old riverboat captain who passed when Fish was five. His family suffered a long history of alcoholism, abuse, and disorders. Compound that with the sadism Albert Fish claimed to experience when he was placed in an orphanage, and the lack of childhood innocence Fish was afforded explains much about his later disturbing compulsions. Many of the myths and truths of Albert Fish’s horrific tale as a cannibal killer merge in his adult life. Fish’s own testimony confessed that his molestation of children began when he moved to New York City in 1890, including raping and torturing children with his distinct paddle laced with sharp nails. Even though boasting of having “children of every state”, his claims never were verified. Only his later murders were proven to be connected to him. To the age of 50, Albert Fish worked primarily as a handyman and painter. Viewed as a turning point, his wife left him suddenly with John Straube, a fellow handyman. Personality of Albert Fish began deteriorating. His children later testified recalling him forcing them to participate in his masochist behavior by beating him and carrying folders of articles on cannibalism. But, his grandfatherly appearance allowed him to deceive more than his own children. The number of deaths he was responsible for remain a mystery. His original mutilations and torturing, he confessed, were to African-Americans and mentally-disabled children across the country, figuring they were less likely to be noticed than Caucasian children. However, his hazy memories of details created a source of uncertainty of his claim’s validity. In 1928, Albert Fish’s more infamous cannibal story took place involving 10-year old Grace Budd. Albert Fish, using a pseudonym ‘Frank Howard’, answered a classified ad of Edward Budd promising to hire Budd at his farm in the country. Albert Fish became friends with the family, even offering to take their daughter, Grace Budd, to a birthday party. Predictable with hindsight, Grace never did return. In 1934, Albert Fish wrote to the family detailing the horrific details of her death, including her struggle to break free, how he cut her up, and ate her body over nine days. His letter was ultimately traced back to him, and he was arrested and put to trial – ultimately given the electric chair. [ad#downcont]Grace Budd was not the only rape, murder, and feast on human flesh he was responsible for. His testimonies recalling devouring other children, such as Billy Gaffney in 1927, continue to shock. His tenure as a house painter to rape children continue to horrify. Albert Fish was an American cannibal killer that has inspired the cannibal films that have shaken whole audiences. Those cannibal films, however, were fiction. There are famous women serial killers in history as well as men. The women serial killers are cooler than men and can kill many people for decades without being caught. They are also more talented in playing their roles of innocent. One of the most famous women serial killers is the blackwidow Frau Elfriede Blauensteiner, who killed people because ‘they deserved’ or ‘to help them’. Frau Elfriede Blauensteiner was a very tenderhearted woman. Even, she helped her upper floor neighbor commit suicide in order to save his wife and child being abused by him. When her neighbor said, “I can’t refrain from beating my wife and child. I tried to jump in front of a moving train but I couldn’t,” Frau Elfriede said, “Wait, I’m coming.” Of course no one saw how the poor man fluttered after he drank the ‘special cocktail’ Frau Elfriede prepared for him. A note saying, ‘I am sickened with this life. Goodbye.’ helped policemen to decide that it was a suicide. Frau Elfriede cried too much during the funeral of Mr Erwin, as much as she cried during the funeral of her stepfather Otto Reinl. Blackwidow- Serial Killer Frau Elfriede Otto was an old, lonely man, suffering from diabetes, he needed for care. He was using a medicine called Euglucon which contains sulfonylurea. Euglucon increases the insulin secretion of pancreas and decreases blood sugar. When Elfriede said, “I can take care of you, move to my home,” poor man was very happy. However Elfriede was happier when she read the patient information leaflet. She was careful enough to give his medicine everyday on time and she was sneaky enough to increase the dose of Euglucon each day. Occasionally Otto was losing his consciousness due to low blood sugar level. One day, Otto died. An autopsy was performed but nobody checked Euglucon or insulin amount in his body. In 1986, Elfriede learnt two things: First, excessive amount of Euglucon cause death and secondly, Euglucon is not checked during autopsy. Elfriede was 55 years old when she married Rudolf Blauensteiner. She prepared his coffee every morning and his tea every evening. He was unaware that she was adding Euglucon to his drinks. Within six years of his marriage, he went into coma 13 times. In 1992, Elfriede was fed up with this situation and at the end, she made his last coffee, a deadly one. She wanted to bury him next to her dear stepfather. And she cried madly while her husband’s ashes were buried. Her next victim was 84 years old lonely neighbor, Mrs Fransizka Köberl. Elfriede complaint about loneliness after her husband’s death and wanted to move to Mrs Köberl’s home. She proposed taking care of her. It is not difficult to guess how she took care of the old woman. After transferring all her money to her own account, Elfriede made her sign her will. Thus, Elfriede guaranteed to inherit all her possessions after her death. However, it was not so easy to kill the old lady. She inceased the dose of Euglucon in her coffee gradually but she was surprised that it had no effect on Mrs Köberl. Then she noticed that the old lady was eating too much chocolate and candies that increased her low blood sugar level. She cried too much at her funeral, too. Two years later, she was one of the regular customers of Esterhazy Palace in Vienna, which was turned into a gambling house. She was wearing expensive clothes and jewelries. But she was worried about what to do after spending all her money. Therefore, she prepared a newspaper ad, “A widow, faithful spouse and a nurse looking for a peaceful aging with a well-of widower.” Through this ad, she met 64 years old Friedrich Döcker and married him within three days. Her new husband transferred the ownership of his house to Elfriede right after their marriage. Friedrich Döcker died in 11th of July, 1995. However, a newspaper published an ad four days before his death, saying that a widow is looking for a man over 80. Elfriede, knowing that her husband would have died in a few days, had begun to look for the next victim. Elfriede chose Alois Pichler who was well-off and had no relatives except his 91 years old nun sister. In October 1995, she moved to his house and around two weeks later there was an ambulance at the door. Alois, who had no health problem until that day, had suddenly low blood sugar level problem. One month later, Alois was still alive. Therefore, Elfriede gave him Anafranil, an antidepressant, as well as Euglucon. However she could not success. She asked her lawyer to write a false will of Alois to collect his $100,000 inheritance. They made exhausted, old man sign the falsified will and then they left him in a cold bath with all the windows open although it was snowing outside. That night, Elfriede and her lawyer went out to the gambling house. Her plans were destroyed by the poor old man’s nun sister who visited her brother Alois with a few of her friends and found him stock-still in the bathtub. Elfriede was dressed elegantly as usual during his funeral. She left a red rose in the same color as her lipstick on the coffin and cried. After thee funeral, she prepared her nex newspaper ad. However she did not take two points into account: Alois had a real will and all his possessions passed to his nephew according to his will. Secondly, traces of Anafranil was easily found during autopsy. [ad#downcont]Elfriede was sentenced to lifetime prison in 1997. Her lawyer and the young doctor, who supplied 1100 tablets of Euglocon and 200 tablets of Anafranil within a month, were also sent to prison. At the trial, Elfriede, dressed in an elegant beige suit, said that she was innocent. She was charged with the murder of poor Alois only. As she visited Esterhazy Palace 1600 times in three years until she was arrested and spent 18 million Austrian Schillings at the gambling house, she was on trial once more in 2001. However, she had already been sentenced to lifetime prison. Elfriede Blauensteiner was 72 when she died due to a brain tumor in 2003 in an hospital in Vienna. The blackwidow, the serial killer said that she had done nothing evil, but helped her husbands. And proclaimed: “Death is only the beginning of eternal life.” Killers come in all forms. Some killers do it on large scale, some on small; some do it for hate, some for pleasure; some accredit it to mental illnesses such as schizophrenia, some to disenchantment of their social environment. Legally speaking, there are three dimensions by which to measure the murder’s offense: the methodology, the scope of the murder, and its motive. Depending on the combination between these three criteria allows for a standard of punishment to be assigned, and for killers to be given a label in the history book. First, one has to look at the micro or individual level killers. Spree killers, for example, are killers that embark on a murder rampage in a short period of time. The scope of their location is unimportant; the ambition is to maximize the damage in such a way that the goal of the spree killers is rarely to escape alive or be subtle about their murders. The Virginia Tech massacre in 2007 where Seung-Hui Cho killed 32 in a shooting rampage at the university is an example of a rampage killing. It is random, the motives of spree killers often bred out of revenge, and characterized by individuals suffering from a history of mental illness. Murders and Killers The most common form of individual murderer title is the serial killer. At its most rudimentary definition, the FBI defines a serial killer as a person who kills three or more people over a month period. Unlike mass murderers, a serial killer is more strategic and quiet about their murders. As Albert Fish, himself a cannibal killer, said, many of his victims were African-American or mentally-challenged because he figured they would be less noticeable. The serial killer wants to extend his killing spree and is more systematic in that sense. Even within these types of killers, another dimension that is investigated are motivations. Spree killers, for example, are commonly associated to kill out of anger and revenge. It is a quick and damage maximizing strategy that is not looking for an escape. By contrast, the motives of serial killers vary drastically: Some serial killers do it out of anger at the world, but that is actually the minority of cases. Many do it out of hedonistic urges; sexual arousal achieved by the torturing and absolute dominance over others. Some are mission oriented killers. These killers convince themselves that external or internal voices in their heads command mission oriented killers to murder. These hallucinations are often a symptom of schizophrenia or other mental illnesses. On a more macro level of killers are the mass murderers. Mass murderers can range from very effective spree killers to those responsible for genocide. The perpetrators are commonly associated with the political – the Killing Fields in Cambodia are viewed as mass murder, for example. However, the technical definition limits ‘mass murder’ to signify the death of four or more in a particular event – a level above more isolated serial killers or small-scale spree killers. The motives for mass murders vary from the political to revenge to the thirst for fame. [ad#downcont]Though killers are not uniform, each is equally reprehensible in its own way. However, it is impossible not to internally weigh different actions against one another even if each is individually heinous. Can a drive-by shooting for revenge be equated to torture and death for sexual pleasure? Can a massacre of a village truly be equal morally and legally to a working place shooting? Mass murderers, serial killers, spree killers, mission oriented killers or cannibal killer… All of these are horrifying in their own way, but it demonstrates defining a killer as only a killer is only part of the equation. While the name “cannibal nerd” may appear to be a term of endearment, it is assigned to an individual that became Japan’s most reviled cannibal serial killer. When the cannibal killer Tsutomu Miyazaki was hanged in June 2008, it brought closure and resolution to a most horrifying chapter in Japanese history. While niches of Japanese society have strange fixations on schoolgirl panties and sadistic game shows, manga strips, these perversions are viewed by outsiders to be more comical than horrifying. This is only because these odd perversions are taken at face value. The story of Tsutomu Miyazaki demonstrates when these perversions are perverted; his story has elements of the universal regarding cannibal killers, but also something very distinctly Japanese. Tsutomu Miyazaki and his cannibal stories continue to horrify even in death. The background of Tsutomu Miyazaki reads like a manual of how the habits of serial killers are cultivated and developed. Born prematurely with a deformity to his hands, Tsutomu Miyazaki was a loner and exhibited antisocial behavior throughout his life. Discovered only following his arrest was his addiction to hardcore pornography – chiefly, graphic cartoons known as Hentai and manga strips characterized him as a “cannibal nerd” by the media. However, his desires and fetishes reveal a common trend universally involving serial killers, and especially cannibal killers – they do not kill or eat human flesh out of hate or malice. Psychologists argue that cannibal killers lose their control in channeling their sexual fetishes that only become compounded and exaggerated the more repressed and isolated they become from society. Tsutomu Miyazaki is not the first serial killer to fit this description, and, unfortunately, he likely will not be the last. Miyazaki’s sadistic murders took place between 1988 and 1989, where his actions shot a massive blow to Japanese self-perception of being a harmonious society. During this brief period, blood lust Tsutomu Miyazaki mutilated and murdered four girls, which included two four year olds, one five year old, and one seven year old. After murdering them, he sexually molested their corpses, ate portions of their bodies, and reportedly drank their blood, which earned him a nickname of “Dracula.” His murders were not systematic or strategic – they were dictated by opportunity and impulses he claimed he had to listen to. When he was captured engaging in an act of molestation, he was put on trial in 1990. His trial offered unique, yet oddly familiar, characteristics of cannibal stories. During his trial, Tsutomu Miyazaki showed signs of suffering from severe schizophrenia. One psychiatrist argued that Tsutomu Miyazaki confessed that he drank blood of children to resurrect his deceased grandmother – an excuse of suffering from delusions and acting out of necessity seen in other cannibal killers, such as the “Vampire of Sacramento” Richard Chase. During his trial, he often sketched cartoons of his alter-ego – Rat man – that he claimed forced him to do such things. While his defense rested on insanity and schizophrenia, other statements and psychiatrists assert that there are signs that he was very aware of his blood lust actions and was absolutely remorseless about them. As a result, he was hanged in 2008, to which even the staunchest critics of capital punishment remained silent. [ad#downcont]Tsutomu Miyazaki was shattering to Japanese society. He was a breed of serial killer seen in other places, but not Japan. Blood lust Tsutomu Miyazaki and his cannibal murders represented the worst in serial killers – random yet systematic; hedonistic yet vengeful; insane yet aware. These contradictions offer a window into why someone like Tsutomu Miyazaki has never been understood by society, and likely never will. Though their actions may suggest otherwise, serial killers and cannibal killers often do not murder out of malice. The habits of serial killers are dictated more often out of pleasure they derive from the hunt than out of any animosity towards the prey. Understandably, that explanation is little comfort to those who have had loved ones taken away by their lunacy. But, the tale of Richard Chase and his brief, but horrifying, killing spree suggests that the reasons for their actions are often not obvious. The absurd tale Richard Chase wove that drove him to commit six murders- and subsequently be characterized as the Vampire of Sacramento – combines many mundane elements of serial killers profile with their most sensationalist. Richard Chase, much like many serial killers and cannibal killers before and after him, claims to have suffered from abuse as a child. As childhood became adulthood, the antisocial characteristics prevalent in many would-be killers began to show – from massive drug and alcohol abuse as a teenager to claims by friends of self-imposed isolation. In perhaps a foreshadowing into his psychological descent, he even injected himself with rabbit blood. His parents sent Richard Chase to a clinic where he was diagnosed with schizophrenia. During his stay in the clinic, tales of zoosadism were linked to his increasing schizophrenia. His obsession with the blood of animals and their organs as a means to preserve his own body, as he would explain in later testimony, was a neon sign of his worsening mental health. Still, denial leaves room for excuses. His mother sought to take him off anti schizophrenia medications, and Richard Chase was deemed sane enough to leave the clinic in 1976. As is characteristic of serial killers, their urges often escalate if left unchecked. Removed from medication and an increased distrust of others made for a terrible combination. Thus, Richard Chase began his random murder spree. In December 1977, he shot 51 year-old Ambrose Griffin dead in a drive-by shooting. The murder of three-month pregnant Teresa Wallin weeks later was more calculating. After shooting Teresa Wallin dead, he engaged in perverse behavior, notably involving scenes of blood soaked cups from which Chase was said to have drunk her blood from. Days later, three dead bodies of his victims were discovered at a scene where Evelyn Miroth was, alongside friend Dan Meredith, minding her son and baby niece. The baby’s body was discovered dead elsewhere days later, while the others were discovered on the scene. Evelyn’s body was disemboweled with similar blood marks as Teresa Wallin. Richard Chase was soon captured as evidence from the scenes, combined with descriptions provided by those who knew him, cornered him. Vampire of Sacramento was sentenced to death in a gas chamber for 6 murders but he was found dead in his prison cell overdosed with antidepressants. [ad#downcont]His testimony and beliefs made his murders more chilling. Blood lust Richard Chase justified his cannibalistic urges by explaining that his blood was turning into powder and that a Nazi crime syndicate and his mother were out to murder him for being Jewish – which he was not. Thus, killing and consuming blood were the only way to replenish his blood. Richard Chase was not overtly calculating as a serial killer, but in other ways he was. He was disorganized and did not go out of his way to clean up the messes he created following his murders. His victims, he explained to prosecutors, were chosen if their “door was unlocked because that meant he was welcome.” But, what is important about the aptly-named “Dracula” is that rarely are the actions of serial killers truly systematic or based on revenge. There are serial killers who have been more subtle about their perversions than Chase; there have been killers who have been more conscious about their behavior than Richard Chase. What makes the case of blood lust Richard Chase, his cannibal stories, and his appetite for human and animal flesh the most disturbing is that it could have been prevented. But, it wasn’t. The age-old chicken-or-the-egg riddle applies when trying to understand mind of a killer: Is it the serial killer psychological makeup affirming itself through murder, or is it their environment that creates the capacity within them to kill others? Complicating the issue further is the various typologies of murderers – does a certain psychological condition make an individual more prone to become a mass murderer, as opposed to a serial killer? Psychologists research the differences of a normal brain and a mind of a killer and offer patterns explaining why killers express themselves the way they do: killers often suffer from depression or psychosis; they suffer from alcoholism or drug abuse creating delusions; they murder out of malice, for profit, for lust, or misguided compassion. The combinations and permutations of how and why killers do as they do suggests that killers are not uniform – that the mind of a killer is a delicate balance between their internal and external demons expressing themselves in the most repugnant way. The mind of a killer maybe shows the top point of the complexity of human mind. Mind of a Killer Popular imagination illustrates killers with broad strokes. It says that killers are alienated from society and, consequently, murder out of disenchantment with the ways of society. Certain types of killers do support this hypothesis that murder is derived from malice. Mission oriented killers are those who feel salvation is attained by eradicating the world of the impure. They murder with unswerving certainty that their virtuous mission to rid society of a certain group or demographic is justified. This form of killer is the result of a strange combination between their distorted interpretation of the world with the etiquette and ethics of popular society. For example, a popular choice of victims in this category of killers is prostitutes. Cultural lore suggests that prostitutes are often viewed as the embodiment of impurity. It is a strange combination of biological and sociological factors that create this hate within mission oriented killers. A lust murder, by contrast, is killing out of erotic stimulation. More than out of hate, they murder to satisfy their fetishes. Lust murder can take the form of an obsession with one particular victim, or serial lust murder can be more a matter of opportunity. For example, serial killer Jeffrey Dahmer’s strategy involved luring victims who were strangers from gay bars back to his apartment where he would torture them, murder them, and engage in cannibalism and necrophilia with their corpses. Another famous serial killer, Ted Bundy’s mode of operation involved feigning requiring help from female passersby, who he would then rape, murder, and engage in necrophilia. Necrophilia is a popular expression by lust killers because it is a reflection of their absolute control over others to act out their fetishes. Despite all of this, lust killers are often considered to be in touch with reality; understanding the consequences of their arousals if caught, but still engaging in their hedonistic urges nonetheless. The mind of visionary-motive killers offers a more deep-rooted psychological disorder than other forms of serial killing. These killers convince themselves that external or internal voices in their heads command them to murder. These hallucinations are often a symptom of schizophrenia. Unlike hedonists or mission oriented kilers, all of the visionary serial killers caught have been diagnosed to suffer from severe mental disorders. The tale of Herbert Mullin demonstrates how powerful these voices can be: Mullin murdered people with the belief that voices were telling him to kill to prevent California from suffering a great earthquake and sinking. Dr Jeckyll and Mr Hyde shows the dual lives of the serial killers. Those serial killers have normal lives with their families, friends, jobs,, etc. and on the other hand they are evil murderers. Most of the serial killers are very successful in having a normal life together with their evil lives. Think about Hannibal Lecter; he is a gentleman and a brilliant man, yet a brutal serial killer. It means that it is possible to have many Hannibal Lecter or Dr Jeckyll and Mr Hyde characters around us. Serial killers may kill many victims for years without getting caught. It is almost impossible for the families, neighbors and friends to understand mind of a killer in their lives. Another point about the mind of a killer is that a serial killer generally does not develop empathy with his victims and considers the victims as non-human objects. The cannibal killers are mostly homosexuals at the same time. The cannibal killers usually eat those who they admire to get their strengths, mostly the masculinity they lack. Some cannibal killers eat to overcome loneliness or to demonstrate their love. For example the German cannibal Armin Meiwes explained his motive as a desire for a younger brother and ate his victims because he wanted someone to be a part of him. Most of the cannibal killers have bad childhood stories. They feel more powerful when they consume the bodies of their victims. [ad#downcont]The mind of killers tells different stories. Considering this, it becomes self-evident that murderer’s motives, actions, and behavior are not uniform. There are definite shades of grey even within one individual killer. That is why forecasting the capacity for evil is impossible – it is impossible to understand the mind of a killer.

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How Can We Discover Better Antibiotics? The problem is antibiotic resistance: Infectious diseases are outpacing the ability of current drugs to fight them. Part of the challenge is in finding new antibiotic sources. Most current antibiotics come from bacteria found in the soil, but Kim Lewis, who directs Northeastern University’s Antimicrobial Discovery Center, says only about 1 percent of soil microbes can be cultured easily in petri dishes. “But then you hit upon the remaining 99 percent, also known in microbiology as the microbial dark matter, that does not readily grow in the lab,” he says. “And that is a big problem.” As of last fall, 40 new antibiotics were in clinical development for US markets, according to data from the Pew Charitable Trusts. But Lewis says these new drugs are mainly analogs of existing antibiotics — and while useful, the reprieve they provide will only be temporary. “Resistance develops much faster, of course, to analogs of existing compounds,” he explains. “If you look at completely new classes, there’s almost nothing in the clinic right now. So, the pipeline is really pretty dry.” But Lewis is part of a group of scientists that’s trying to change that — mining new methods and other crevices for better infection-fighting agents. So is Jon Thorson, who directs the University of Kentucky’s Center for Pharmaceutical Research. His team has even hunted microbes in Kentucky coal mines. “There’s a long tradition for microbes being a source for antibiotics,” Thorson says. “Drugs like tetracycline, macrolides like erythromycin, aminoglycoside antibiotics are all produced by bacteria. But one of the challenges in our field, really, is, how do you reduce the percentage of rediscovery?” “So, the way to do that is to go into areas where people haven’t explored. And that’s what brought us into coal mines and other environments that really have not been explored in this regard.” In the mine, Thorson and his team discovered an enzyme that could make an existing antibiotic more potent. “So, the source of these antibiotics, or these small molecules, are again bacteria,” Thorson explains. “And they produce not only molecules that have biological activity, but they also have enzymes that are responsible for making them. And sometimes, we can take advantage of those enzymes to do chemistry.” Meanwhile, Lewis’ research expands the field in another direction: the 99 percent of soil microbes that, so far, have proved too tough to culture in a lab. “My colleague, Slava Epstein, from Northeastern had a very simple idea: We will grow bacteria in their natural environment, where, of course, they do grow,” he explains. Scientists still aren’t quite sure why certain bacteria are so hard to cultivate in the lab. Lewis says some bacteria depend on growth factors from other bacteria to get iron and other nutrients from the environment. “But that explains about 10 percent of the ‘uncultivability,'” he says. “We still don’t know why 90 percent of the microbial dark matter doesn’t grow.” Needless to say, Lewis and Epstein developed a workaround. They built a box, called a diffusion chamber, to sequester the bacteria inside its native soil. “Essentially, we take a sample of bacteria from soil, we sandwich it between two semipermeable membranes, and then that diffusion chamber goes back into the soil,” Lewis says. Nestled cozily inside their home dirt, bacteria in the diffusion chamber don’t know they have been tricked into growing in a lab environment. “And so they start forming colonies,” he says. The diffusion chamber is already giving up secrets: In 2015, Lewis and his colleagues announced that bacteria from a grassy Maine field yielded an antibiotic they called teixobactin. Still in development, the antibiotic is active against deadly infections like MRSA and tuberculosis. But Lewis says that in the ever-changing battle against bacteria, we need to stay nimble — and we still have a lot left to learn. “Our best antibiotics, like penicillin, for example, they bind several related targets,” Lewis says. “But if you’re developing a new compound, and it binds only one target, then that will be a problem.” “And the other very big problem is penetration. So, bacteria evolved a terrific penetration barrier, their cell envelope, that restricts penetration of compounds that look like drugs. So, some antibiotics, of course, are molecules that evolved to penetrate. But we still do not have a very good understanding of which molecules will and which will not penetrate.” Kim Lewis is University Distinguished Professor and director of the Antimicrobial Discovery Center at the Department of Biology at Northeastern University in Boston, Massachusetts. Joe Larsen is director of the Biomedical Advanced Research Development Authority in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Washington, D.C. Jon Thorson is director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Research and Innovation and a professor of Pharmaceutical Sciences at the University of Kentucky in Lexington, Kentucky. IRA FLATOW: This is Science Friday. I’m Ira Flatow. A bit later in the hour, seven newly discovered exoplanets, all in the sweet spot. We’ve been hearing about it all week. We’ll get the details. But first, in January, a woman in Las Vegas died from a superbug, an infection that antibiotics were powerless to treat. The bacteria were resistant to the 14 different antibiotics available at the hospital. That’s the latest report of a superbug, but not the first time you’ve heard that we’re heading into a post-antibiotic world. Bacteria are outpacing the roster of drugs that we currently have. The obviously simple question is, why don’t we make more antibiotics? If only the answer was that simple. It involves more questions like, where should we look for these new drugs? And what is the trick to formulating a drug that can get past the defenses of a bacterium? Of course, there’s always the money. My next guests are here to talk about that. Kim Lewis is the director of the Anti-microbial Discovery Center at Northeastern University in Boston. John Thorson is the director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Research and Innovation at the University of Kentucky in Lexington. Welcome to Science Friday. JOHN THORSON: Good to be here, Ira. IRA FLATOW: John, you hunt for antibiotics in places that people wouldn’t even think to visit. You go to coal mine fires, right? JOHN THORSON: That’s right. IRA FLATOW: What about the environment made you think there might be valuable antibiotics down there, for example? JOHN THORSON: Well, microbes, or bacteria– there’s a long tradition for microbes being a source for antibiotics, drugs like tetracycline, macrolides like eurythromycin, the aminoglycocide antibiotics are all produced by bacteria. But one of the challenges in our field really is how do you reduce the percentage of rediscovery? And so the way to do that is to go into areas where people haven’t explored, and that’s what brought us into coal mines and other environments that really have not been explored in this regard. IRA FLATOW: And what you found in the coal mine wasn’t a new antibiotic, was it? It was kind of an add-on? JOHN THORSON: That’s right. So the source of these antibiotics are these small molecules– again, bacteria. And they produce not only molecules that have biological activity, but they also have enzymes that are responsible for making them. And sometimes we can take advantage of those enzymes to do chemistry. And that’s really the basis of the study that we recently published. IRA FLATOW: So it actually improved how the antibiotic worked? JOHN THORSON: That’s right. That’s right. So it really enabled the chemistry and led to an improvement to an existing antibiotic. IRA FLATOW: Kim, for how complicated these drugs are, we’re still searching for them in pretty basic places in a pretty basic way. We’ve only isolated– I think this is one of the most interesting statistics I’ve been following over the years– we have only isolated a really tiny amount of bacteria from soil bacteria, right? You and your colleagues developed a device that helps with that problem. First, tell us how difficult it is to get bacteria out of soil. KIM LEWIS: Right. So it is very easy to get to about 1% of bacteria from soil to grow in our Petri dishes. But then you hit upon the remaining 99%, also known in microbiology as the microbial dark matter that does not readily grow in the lab. And that is a big problem. IRA FLATOW: And you found a way around that, a unique way. Tell us about that. KIM LEWIS: So my colleague Slava Epstein from Northeastern and I had a very simple idea. We will grow bacteria in their natural environment where, of course, they do grow. So we came up with a gadget, which is called the diffusion chamber. Essentially we take a sample of bacteria from soil, we sandwich it between two semi-permeable membranes, and then that diffusion chamber goes back into the soil. So now everything diffuses through this chamber, meaning nutrients, signaling molecules, and bacteria don’t know that we tricked them. And so they start forming colonies. So that is the basic principle of our device. IRA FLATOW: Do we know why they need to be in their native environment for them to grow? KIM LEWIS: We know a little bit about it. So one thing that we discover is that at least some uncultured bacteria require growth factors from their neighbors. And so we isolate it, at least one class of such growth factors, and found that they are necessary for bacteria to acquire iron from their environments. But that explains about 10% of the uncultivability. We still don’t know why the 90% of the microbial dark matter doesn’t grow. IRA FLATOW: That’s fascinating. I know there are 40 antibiotics in clinical development, compared to 700 cancer drugs. Is this really harder than cancer? I mean, why are bacteria so difficult to defeat? KIM LEWIS: Well, Ira, first of all, these 40 is an overestimate. These are mainly analogs of existing antibiotics. And while that is useful, it only gives us a temporary reprieve, because resistance develops much faster, of course, to analogs of existing compounds. If you look at completely new classes, there’s almost nothing in the clinic right now. So the pipeline is really pretty dry for that. And to address your question why, well, there is an interesting paradox in our field of anti-microbial discovery is that we did have once a golden era, as we already discussed. We once had an ability to discover new antibiotics from soil microorganisms, and then that was overmined, and that source dried up. And so now the question is where to go and look. And we also look for things that people have not seen before. But we like to look around Boston in our backyards, and then places in New England in general. So we’re working with a start-up company, NovaBiotics, collecting soils and growing uncultured bacteria from them. And it is then those bacteria that come from very common environments but have been uncultured, so have not been seen before, that are producing interesting new chemical compounds. IRA FLATOW: John, when you take an antibiotic, are you just releasing out millions of molecules, hoping that one will encounter a bacterium? I mean, do they have surface proteins to help the antibiotic recognize it? JOHN THORSON: We’re doing a number of focused screens, looking for targeted activities. We’re also doing general antimicrobial activity measures as well. We’re looking at these new bioactive molecules to try to understand their function. IRA FLATOW: But so it’s sort of like– I’m trying to understand the fascinating mechanism of how drugs work. You take a drug. You take an antibiotic. You release it into the blood. It’s just like, do you flood the blood, hoping that it links up with the bacterium, and it’s sort of hit or miss you get enough antibiotic in there? JOHN THORSON: Well, the fundamental mechanism and the reason why most antibiotics work is they have a mechanism that specifically targets machinery in the target bacterium and don’t have any effect on human processes, right? That’s what gives you the safety, that gives you the effectiveness of these types of molecules. IRA FLATOW: Mm-hmm. And John, why is a bacterium– well, let me ask either one of you. Why is it so hard? Why are they so strong at resisting? What’s going on inside the bacterium that’s so strong in resisting these drugs? JOHN THORSON: Well, bacteria, they have a– go ahead. KIM LEWIS: So there are two aspects to this. One is that bacteria very rapidly acquire resistance. So if, let’s say, you have a wonderful drug that hits a particular protein, then that is going to mutate and your protein is not going to bind the antibiotic any longer. So our best antibiotics like penicillin, for example, they bind several related targets. But if you’re developing a new compound that binds only one target, then that will be a problem. And the other very big problem is penetration. So bacteria evolved the terrific penetration barrier, their cell envelope, that restricts penetration of compounds that look like drugs. So some antibiotics, of course, are evolved molecules that evolved to penetrate, but we still do not have a very good understanding of which molecules will and which will not penetrate. IRA FLATOW: Now, Kim, I understand the bacterium have like pumps. They just pump out the stuff once they get in there, right? KIM LEWIS: That’s right. So those compounds that leak through this barrier of permeability, then those will be picked out by pumps and pumped out. And the pump will recognize chemically-unrelated compounds. That was a big surprise for us when we found such pumps. IRA FLATOW: What about the idea of instead of killing the bacteria we trigger our own immune system to do that for us, Kim? KIM LEWIS: Well, in principle, that is a good idea. That’s a promising direction. But our immune system is enormously complex, of course. The immune system, as you know, Ira, if you over-excite the immune system, you’re going to get either septic shock or auto-immune conditions. So it’s a very dangerous tool. We really need to know what we’re doing to do that. But another aspect of that is, of course, vaccines. Well, vaccines have been around for a long time. Vaccines and therapeutic antibodies are the things that we are using right now. IRA FLATOW: Mm-hmm. And so what about, John, about new ideas about how we could administer antibiotics differently? Could we give them differently? JOHN THORSON: Well, I think one could take a lesson from the approaches we’re taking in anti-viral therapy, and that would be to combine drugs with different mechanisms. One of the points that wasn’t addressed previously is that bacteria rapidly grow, and that contributes to the resistance mechanism. And so when you put them under selective pressure, they have a way to– you know, you kill off a large portion of the organisms, but there is a small population that has mutated to get around a particular drug. But if you’re hitting them with multiple agents at one given time, that could be advantageous. IRA FLATOW: All right. Well, there’s a lot more to talk about with Kim Lewis, director of Anti-microbial Discovery Center at Northeastern, and John Thorson, director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Research and Innovation, University of Kentucky in Lexington. If you want to join us, please. Our number, 844-724-8255. And Twitter– you can tweet us @scifri. We’ll come back and talk lots more about this after the break. So stay with us. This is Science Friday. I’m Ira Flatow. We’re talking about the science behind discovering and developing new antibiotics with my guests Kim Lewis at Northeastern University, John Thorson, University of Kentucky in Lexington. Now, to develop and distribute a new drug takes a lot of money. To find new antibiotics, we may need a new way to put money behind these drugs. There is a small government agency called Biomedical Advanced Research Development Authority– we’ll call it BARDA– which came together after the anthrax attacks in 2001. The agency is taking a different approach when it comes to funding. Joe Larson is director of BARDA at the US Department of Health and Human Services in Washington. Welcome to Science Friday. JOE LARSON: Thanks for having me. IRA FLATOW: Would it be fair to say that BARDA is sort of the DARPA for antibiotics? KIM LEWIS: You could say that. I think another way to put it is that we’re almost like a government-backed investment firm who makes investments in products that help us deal with public health emergencies on behalf of the American public. IRA FLATOW: Ah ha. So the agency started CARB-X which is like an X-prize for antibiotics. How does that work? KIM LEWIS: So CARB-X is a novel– basically a global innovation fund that we established to promote innovation in anti-bacterial drug, vaccine, and diagnostic development. And you know, what we recognized was that this is a global problem that has a very far reach. And in order for us to be able to adequately address it, we needed globally coordinated solutions. And so CARB-X brings together two funders of biomedical research in the US, BARDA, as well is the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Diseases. And it also forms a trans-atlantic partnership with the Welcome Trust, which is one of the premier funders of biomedical research, both in the UK and in the EU. And together, we’ve pooled resources to be able to invest, basically, $450 billion projected over the next five years at developing early stage antibiotic candidates so that they’re able to enter into clinical development. But in addition to just providing funding, we also have put together a network of life science accelerators that, in addition to providing funding and technical support, also provide business and entrepreneurial support to help these kind of early stage startup companies become more sophisticated enterprises. IRA FLATOW: So you sort of have a private-public partnership raising this money, from the government you and from venture capital firms, to get the research funded, I mean, the basic research. What areas most concern you now, and where you’re looking to fund? KIM LEWIS: Right. So our model is innovative public-private partnerships, and we started this program back in 2010. Since then, we’ve supported nine different companies. We’ve been able to advance six different candidate antibiotics into Phase 3 clinical development. Our first BARDA-supported antibiotic candidates are projected to enter into the market into 2017, as well as 2018. Historically, the way that we’ve invested is we invest where there’s the greatest unmet medical need. And to date, right now that’s gram-negative bacterial infections, which are these type of superbugs that you described before. Many of our products that we’re developing are analogs of existing antibiotics that overcome the known resistance mechanisms. And through our investment through programs like CARB-X, we’re hoping to inject some new innovation and some new ideas for new and novel antibiotics, because, to be frank, there is a significant dearth of innovation in this space. And you ask the question is this really harder? It is harder from a technical perspective. But the underlying basis behind that is really an economic problem. IRA FLATOW: Kim Lewis, what are your thoughts about– would BARDA have helped you? KIM LEWIS: The short answer is no. Although of course it’s terrific that there is money being poured into this general area, and I’m sure that BARDA supports useful work. But having said that, I participated in several of workshops. One was called by the National Institutes of Health, the other by Pew Charitable Trust, where a group of experts were asked to identify the bottleneck in the overall process of developing an antibiotic. And there was a consensus, a rare consensus– the bottleneck is not in development. The bottleneck is in discovery. We do not have enough leads to develop. So first, we need to figure out how to discover new antibiotics, and then there will be things to develop. So I would really be hopeful that the money will be put into discovery. And there are very specific science challenges and gaps that we identify that need to be solved to provide us with a long-term solution to the problem of discovering new antibiotics, such as figuring out the rules that govern the penetration of molecules in the bacterial cell, or how to better access antibiotics or monocultured bacteria and the silent operands that they harbor, where the genes code for antibiotics but we cannot easily turn them on in the lapse. And these are some of the examples that we identified as key areas, where investment would be very helpful. IRA FLATOW: John Thorson, where do you think the major bottleneck is developing new ones, new antibiotics? JOHN THORSON: I think– so I agree with Kim that investment in discovery is an important component. I believe that also on the academic research side, we have to be realistic about thinking once you discover a molecule, you have a putative hit. You have to advance that to a certain component, and not all academic research labs, or even institutes, are sort of set up in thinking in that regard. You know, the end goal here is to position a potential early stage lead for support by a program like BARDA so that you can put together a compelling data package that says these molecules have suitable in-vivo properties and show suitable efficacy in an animal model. And you can really lay out a case that if a funding agency like BARDA were to invest, it’s going to have legs to actually get to the point of entering into the clinic. IRA FLATOW: Joe Larson, we’ve talked many times about how expensive it is to get a drug to market, and one of the great bottlenecks– or is the resistance by drug companies to make new antibiotics because they are expensive to test also? How do you get through that bottleneck? $400 million in your budget might be good for the basic research, but it’s not going to get $100 million clinical trial going. JOE LARSON: Right. Well, a lot of the work that BARDA does is actually supporting the clinical development of these molecules. And so as I mentioned, we’ve advanced three of these programs into Phase 3 clinical development. We are supporting the cost of those trials to help get these products into the market. But it’s important to note that all that we’re doing is we’re lowering the R&D costs of these companies to be engaged in this space. And that basically is keeping the companies that have remained in developing antibiotics at the table doing that. If we really want to promote innovation in this space, if we really want to fix the market failure for antibiotics, we need to be rewarding the innovation that comes with bringing a new antibiotic to market. And we need a totally different market models for the ways that we incentivize this industry base to want to participate in this. You take the last six antibiotics that were FDA approved and project– the first two years of projected sales ranged between $30 to $80 million. And that may sound like a lot of money, but if you put that toe to toe with drugs like Lyrica for diabetic nerve pain, or Spiriva for the treatment of COPD, their first two years sales were in excess of a billion dollars, or approaching $750 million. And so if you’re a private investor, you know, which company are you going to invest in– the company that’s developing the billion dollar blockbuster, or the company, the antibiotic company, that may make $40 million in its first two years? And so we need to be rethinking the way that we reward these companies, and the way to do that is ensure that we have a market model that rewards innovation, promotes conservation of these products, and then also allows access to the patients that need these products when they’re experiencing a drug-resistant infection. IRA FLATOW: With the new administration in a cost-cutting mood, do you think that BARDA is going to survive in the next budget round? JOE LARSON: Well, we have a lot broader of a mission space than just antibiotic resistance. We deal in protecting the American public from mass public health emergencies, and that involves bioterrorism agents. It involves pandemic influenza. It involves emerging infectious diseases like ebola and Zika. And you know, I hope that Congress and the American public view our role as a pretty critical one to keeping our nation safe and would want to sustain that investment. And we’re hopeful that that’s the case. IRA FLATOW: We’ll find out. Budgets are coming up in the next few days. Thank you, Joe Larson, director of biomedical advance research development at the US Department of Health and Human Services, Kim Lewis, director of the Anti-microbial Discovery Center at Northeastern University, John Thorson, director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Research and Innovation, University of Kentucky in Lexington. Thank you for taking time to be with us today.

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Praying for an Energy Miracle Every clean-tech startup these days claims to have a breakthrough that will finally make renewable and clean energy sources cheap enough to compete with fossil fuels. But are we really on the brink of a clean-energy economy? The company’s breakthrough is strictly off-limits to outsiders. Work on the technology goes on in an unseen part of the sprawling one-story building, beyond the machine shop, the various testing and fabrication instruments, the large open office space stuffed with cubicles. What a visitor gets to see instead is a thin wafer of silicon that would be familiar to anyone in the solar-power industry. And that’s exactly the point. The company’s advance is all about reducing the expense of manufacturing conventional solar cells. In its conference room is a large chart showing the declining cost of electricity produced by solar panels over the last three decades. The slightly bumpy downward-sloping line is approaching a wide horizontal swath labeled “grid parity”—the stage at which electricity made using solar power will be as cheap as power generated from fossil fuels. It is the promised land for renewable power, and the company, 1366 Technologies, believes its improvements in manufacturing techniques can help make it possible for solar power to finally get there. It’s an ambitious target: even though silicon-based photovoltaic cells, which convert sunlight directly to electricity, have been coming down in price for years, they are still too expensive to compete with fossil fuels. As a result, solar power accounts for far less than 1 percent of U.S. electricity production. And 1366 founder Emanuel Sachs, who is the company’s chief technology officer and an MIT professor of mechanical engineering, says that even though solar might be “within striking distance” of natural gas, existing solar technology won’t be able to compete with coal. “To displace coal will take another level of cost reduction,” says Sachs. That’s where 1366’s breakthrough comes in. The company is developing a way to make thin sheets of silicon without slicing them from solid chunks of the element, a costly chore. “The only way for photovoltaics to compete with coal is with technologies like ours,” he says. Once photovoltaics can compete with coal on price, “the world very much changes,” says Frank van Mierlo, the company’s CEO. “Solar will become a real part of our energy supply. We can then generate a significant part of our energy from the sun.” In a number of ways, 1366 (the name refers to the average number of watts of solar energy that hit each square meter of Earth over a year) reflects the ambition of a whole generation of energy startups. These companies often refer to “game-changing” technologies that will redefine the economics of non-fossil-fuel energy sources. Many were founded over the last decade, during a boom in venture capital funding for “clean tech”—not only in solar but also in wind, biofuels, and batteries. Many have benefited from increases in federal support for energy research since President Obama took office. Though the companies are working on different technologies, they share a business strategy: to make clean energy sources cheap enough, without any government subsidies, to compete with fossil fuels. At that point, capitalism will kick into high gear, and investors will rush to build a new energy infrastructure and displace fossil fuels—or so the argument goes. The problem, however, is that we are probably not just a few breakthroughs away from deploying cheaper, cleaner energy sources on a massive scale. Though few question the value of developing new energy technologies, scaling them up will be so difficult and expensive that many policy experts say such advances alone, without the help of continuing government subsidies and other incentives, will make little impact on our energy mix. Regardless of technological advances, these experts are skeptical that renewables are close to achieving grid parity, or that batteries are close to allowing an electric vehicle to compete with gas-powered cars on price and range. In the case of renewables, it depends on how you define grid parity and whether you account for the costs of the storage and backup power systems that become necessary with intermittent power sources like solar and wind. If you define grid parity as “delivering electricity whenever you want, in whatever volumes you want,” says David Victor, the director of the Laboratory on International Law and Regulation at the University of California, San Diego, then today’s new renewables aren’t even close. And if new energy technologies are going to scale up enough to make a dent in carbon dioxide emissions, he adds, “that’s the definition that matters.” Field of Mirrors Few people have more faith in the power of technology to change the world than Bill Gross. And few entrepreneurs are as familiar with the difficulty of turning clever ideas into commercial technology. In the dot-com era, he and his company Idealab, an incubator that creates and runs new businesses, started up several of the era’s hottest firms, only to struggle when the bubble burst. Gross latched onto the clean-tech craze, founding a company called eSolar in 2007 to work on solar thermal technology (see Q&A, March/April 2010). These days, Web, social-computing, and energy projects are intermingled in Idealab’s tightly packed offices in downtown Pasadena, California. In keeping with its dot-com-era heritage, the offices occupy a large loftlike space full of various companies or hope-to-be companies, some of them consisting of no more than a few desks dominated by large computer screens. Somewhere in all the brushed metal, exposed ventilation systems, track lighting, and designer desk chairs is Bill Gross’s office, a small glassed-in cubicle. Like almost every other founder of a renewable-energy startup, Gross gets right to the numbers. Pulling up a screen that compares the costs of energy from various sources, he points out how a technology being developed by eSolar could make solar thermal power less expensive and help it become competitive with fossil fuels. Solar thermal plants produce electricity by using a huge field of mirrors to focus sunlight on a tall central tower, where water is heated to produce steam that generates electricity. Large power plants using the technology can produce electricity more cheaply than ones using silicon solar panels, although the thermal approach is still more expensive than power derived from coal or even wind. Several such plants are operating around the world, and more are being built (see “Chasing the Sun,” July/August 2009). In 2006, when the giant California utility PG&E put out a bid for a 300-megawatt solar thermal plant (now being built by a company called BrightSource), Gross got excited and began working with his employees to improve the economics. Not surprisingly, Gross’s solution is based on software. Large solar thermal plants cost more than a billion dollars to build, and one reason for the high cost is that tens of thousands of specially fabricated mirrors have to be precisely arranged so that they focus the sunlight correctly. But what if you used plain mirrors on a simple metal rack and then used software to calibrate them, adjusting each one to optimize its position relative to the sun and the central tower? It would take huge amounts of computing power to manipulate all the mirrors in a utility-scale power plant, but computing power is cheap—far cheaper than paying engineers and technicians to laboriously position the mirrors by hand. The potential savings are impressive, according to Gross; he says that eSolar can install a field of mirrors for half what it costs in other solar thermal facilities. As a result, he expects to produce electricity for approximately 11 cents per kilowatt-hour, enticingly close to the price of power from a fossil-fuel plant. Still, it’s not good enough—at least in the United States, where natural-gas plants can produce power for around 6 cents per kilowatt-hour. In Lancaster, California, at the edge of the Mojave Desert, eSolar has built a facility with 24,000 mirrors; it is capable of producing five megawatts of power. But eSolar has gotten no new deals to build utility-scale projects based on the company’s technology in the United States. Instead it is doing business in parts of the world where electricity prices are higher or subsidies for renewable energy are greater; it is building a 2.5-megawatt plant in India and has signed an agreement for a large facility in China. The problem in the United States is the same one facing all alternative-energy dreams: cost. Prices for natural gas have fallen to historically low levels, which means that solar thermal must get even cheaper to compete. To stand a chance in the United States, Gross acknowledges, eSolar needs its electricity to cost no more than 7.5 cents per kilowatt-hour. Getting there will take yet another advance in the technology. One disadvantage of solar power is that it produces electricity only during part of the day. Photovoltaic panels efficiently produce power for about five and half hours a day, when the sun is most directly overhead. Solar thermal systems can operate a bit longer, because the heated water can drive turbines later into the afternoon; eSolar’s technology makes power for about seven hours daily without storage. And Gross says that using molten salts instead of water to transport the heat from the central tower to the steam generator will enable a solar thermal facility to store the heat for much longer and produce electricity for up to 16 hours a day. That will bring down the cost of its electricity to the targeted 7.5 cents per kilowatt-hour. He predicts that eSolar will have a commercial plant with the molten-salt design running next year. If the goalposts keep moving just beyond the reach of new energy technologies, Gross doesn’t seem fazed. Eventually, he says, eSolar’s technology won’t need subsidies to compete with natural gas, and the sky will be the limit. “Solar is perfect for a huge swath of the planet,” he says, happily showing a world map with a large belt around the middle in red and dark orange, indicating high levels of solar radiation. Even in this country, Gross says confidently, solar power will account for half of all electricity production by 2050—with at least 50 percent of that produced by solar thermal plants. While Bill Gross tries to squeeze a few critical pennies out of the cost of solar power, researchers at Caltech, a few miles up the road, are working on a different solution. They are trying to invent a fundamentally new way of producing liquid fuels directly from sunlight, inspired by the way green plants convert sunlight to sugars. If this quest for “artificial photosynthesis” succeeds, it will address one of solar energy’s fundamental challenges: how to store the power until it’s needed. The potential of this vision seems to animate the director of the effort, Nate Lewis. He speaks at times in bullet points punctuated by a mix of excitement and impatience. “No bugs, no wires,” he says. “No bugs, no wires. I mean what I say: no wires. Leaves have no wires. In come sunlight, water, and CO2, and out come fuels.” This research—a joint project of Caltech and Lawrence Berkeley National Lab—will be supported by $122 million over five years from the U.S. Department of Energy, pending Congressional appropriation of the funds. “We have pieces. Making fuels from sunlight with photoelectric chemistry works,” says Lewis, a professor of chemistry at Caltech. But a practical device needs to be cheap, efficient, and robust. “Right now, I can give you any two of the three at the same time,” he says. “Our goal is all three.” Basic scientific problems stand in the way. Among them: the researchers need to find cost-effective catalysts for the chemical reactions that break water into oxygen and hydrogen. After 100 years of research, “you can count on one hand the classes of compound that are good catalysts for water oxidation,” Lewis says; we “don’t have another hundred years” to find better ones. Employing the kind of high-throughput experimental methods and automated techniques increasingly used in drug discovery, the center will screen a million compounds a day for catalytic activity. “We will evaluate, discover, and quantify the activity of more catalysts in one day than have been collectively documented throughout history,” he says. Meanwhile, a team of system designers and hardware experts will begin to design and build prototype devices. “Their job is to build prototypes from day one,” Lewis says. “We expect to have [the prototypes] within the first two or three years.” Those first prototypes will “nearly absolutely fail,” he says, but they’re the only way to arrive at a practical system: “We don’t know what it should look like. Where does the water come out? Where does the sunlight come in? If you don’t build the thing, you can’t build the thing.” The challenge of finding cheaper and cleaner energy has often been compared to the race to put a man on the moon. But there’s at least one key difference: success at getting humans into space was not judged according to its cost. Regardless of how clever Lewis’s technology might be, it won’t solve the problem unless it can serve as the basis of a sustainable business. “We’re not NASA going to the moon,” says Lewis. “If you can’t compete on cost, it’s ultimately not worth doing.” And, he adds, given the fluctuating price of oil, you’ve “got to have something that looks like it is really disruptive” in terms of cost: “If you’re just close, it’s no good for anyone.” World of Austerity In the last decade, many U.S. energy experts and economists have argued that the government must establish a price for emitting carbon dioxide. They say that a carbon price—in the form of either a tax or a cap-and-trade system—would be an economically efficient and technologically fair way to reduce our use of fossil fuels. It would drive up the cost of energy derived from those fuels, allowing cleaner technologies to challenge them in the market without requiring the government to back particular choices. The European Union implemented a cap-and-trade system in 2005, but the United States—until recently the world’s largest user of energy and, arguably, still the leading center of energy innovation—has failed to do so. That has left energy policy experts debating how to go forward—especially now that subsidies and other benefits for clean energy in the 2009 federal stimulus bill are winding down. Some see an opportunity to focus on inventing new ways to make clean energy cheaper than fossil fuels. Such innovation, they contend, is the only way to achieve massive reductions in fossil-fuel use. Microsoft founder Bill Gates is one of the investors who hope to stimulate such energy “miracles” (see Q&A, September/October 2010). Critics of that view, however, believe it’s more important to focus on increasing the use of clean energy technologies as soon as possible through government subsidies and other incentives. It’s dangerous to believe that “all these amazing technologies will come along and solve the problem,” says Joseph Romm, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, a Washington-based think tank. The truth is, he says, breakthroughs “don’t happen very often.” In fact, most technologies get better and cheaper as they are commercialized and used, not in the lab. That means we need both research into new energy technologies and government policies that support deployment, use, and improvement. There’s an intimate connection between these efforts. “Until you start deployment, you don’t know the challenges,” says Romm. “So many great ideas happen in the lab but don’t succeed in the market. It is the back-and-forth between deployment and R&D that gets you rapid innovation.” One of the most successful of the recent energy startups is A123, a battery company based in Watertown, Massachusetts. A123, which had a public offering of its stock in 2009, makes lithium-ion batteries that are designed to be safer and longer lasting than the more conventional versions; its secret is electrodes made of nanoscale composite materials. Remarkably, the company went from lab tests of its technology to commercial production in less than three years. It has benefited from strong demand from carmakers desperate to introduce electric vehicles and from a government grant of $250 million to help fund construction of its manufacturing facilities (see Demo). But three years ago, even as A123 was still moving to commercialize its products, cofounder Yet-Ming Chiang, an MIT materials scientist, was already looking for his next breakthrough. Working initially at A123 and later with colleagues at MIT and Rutgers University, he set out to invent a technology that would be far cheaper and easier to manufacture than existing lithium batteries. He wanted a battery that would allow electric cars to drive much farther on a charge, and one that would offer a practical way to store power on the electric grid. The solution: a completely new type of battery, again based on nanomaterials. Last year A123 spun off 24M, a startup that will test and, possibly, commercialize the technology. The company wants to meet the Department of Energy’s goal of developing electric-vehicle batteries that can supply energy for around $250 per kilowatt-hour, as opposed to today’s standard of around $500 to $600. The result would halve the cost of a battery for an all-electric vehicle. It would, Chiang says, “enable the widespread adoption of electric vehicles.” Even if Chiang’s newest battery creation proves impractical, its invention and the founding of 24M illustrate the benefits that come from the commercialization of energy technologies and the iterative nature of innovation. A123’s batteries helped establish a market in which newer advances can compete, and they clarified the limits of the first-generation technology. None of that would have happened without federal support. Government policy is “absolutely critical,” Chiang says, both to researching new battery technologies and to scaling up existing ones. Although some alternative energy technologies might eventually achieve grid parity, few, if any, can survive without subsidies now, as they improve their cost and efficiency. Even with subsidies, including tax incentives and cash grants, most are struggling to narrow the cost gap with fossil fuels. As Caltech’s Lewis says, getting close is not good enough. The danger is that if we focus on energy “miracles” and exaggerate the potential of breakthrough technologies, the need for a coherent government policy in favor of energy change will be forgotten. “All the darling energy technologies—essentially all the renewables and all the grid-powered electric vehicles—depend on huge subsidies,” says David Victor of UC San Diego. “And no one really knows what a world of fiscal austerity will look like for these technologies.” Clean energy options still have a long way to go, especially when it comes to storing electricity, lowering the cost of renewables, and improving the performance and cost of batteries. Companies like 1366 and eSolar are addressing these challenges. But depending on breakthroughs alone to solve our energy problems is unrealistic. Such advances must take place in the larger context of a coördinated effort to deploy these energy sources. That demands international government strategies that support not just research but testing, building, and commercialization. Deploying energy alternatives will be far more expensive and, in some ways, far more difficult than inventing new ones. Given today’s political climate and the lack of a coherent energy policy around the world, it might truly take a miracle.

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Protecting Your Privacy and Security When You Make Mobile Payments Did you know that now you can use a smartphone, tablet, or other mobile devices to pay for some purchases? Mobile payments can be convenient – no need to write a check or to pull out your wallet for cash or plastic. No need to type in your payment information to buy something online. But are mobile payments safe? What about your privacy? Those are good questions to ask when you consider using any new technology. Because you usually carry your phone or other mobile device with you, it’s on most of the time, and it may contain very sensitive personal information, it’s especially important to keep it, and its contents, safe and secure, especially if you want to use it to make mobile payments or conduct other financial business. Press Release: Advice for Consumers About Making Mobile Payments Ready-to-Use News Articles - How to Preserve Your Privacy When Making Mobile Payments - Facts and Tips on Keeping Mobile Payments Safe A Guide to Protecting Your Privacy and Security When Making Mobile Payments - Payment Apps - What Information Can An App Get? - Know Your Privacy Rights - Tips for Protecting Your Mobile Payment Privacy - Lock Your Device - Beware of Malware - Use Public Wi-Fi Carefully - Security Features Built Into the Payment Process - Tips for Keeping Your Mobile Payment Secure It’s using your mobile phone or other mobile device, online or in person, to provide information electronically to make a payment. There are many different technologies and processes used to make mobile payments and new ones are always around the corner. - Near Field Communication (NFC) mobile wallet payment. NFC enables you to tap or wave your mobile device close to a “reader” next to a cash register or on a vending machine, turnstile, parking meter, etc. Your mobile device sends the account information that you are going to use for the payment through a radio signal with a short range of about four inches. The mobile wallet app stores your account number in a secure chip in the phone or in a secure file server linked to the mobile wallet app. Examples include Apple Pay and Google Android Pay. - Mobile web payments (WAP). Use the web browser on your mobile device or a mobile app to make a purchase on the Internet and charge it to your credit, debit, prepaid or bank account. - QR code (quick response) scans. Your mobile device produces a QR code on the screen to be scanned at the register. The QR code provides the link to the payment information. Usually you download a mobile app for the merchant (such as Starbucks) or a mobile wallet (such as LevelUp) that allows you to create the QR code on your mobile device. - Mobile text payments (SMS). Send a code by text message to the seller using your mobile device to approve the payment. The purchase is charged to your wireless service bill or a pre-paid account held by the mobile operator. Personal information, such as payment account number, should not be sent via SMS. - Direct mobile billing. Provide your mobile phone number as your account number to the merchant. The purchase is charged to your wireless service bill. These are normally low-dollar digital payments for items such as ring tones, screen savers, or apps, with most mobile operators establishing a transaction and consolidated dollar limit. How you can make mobile payments depends on what your device is equipped to do and the service in which you have enrolled. For example, billing to your phone number may not require Internet access on your device, but most other types of mobile payments do. Your ability to make mobile payments also depends on whether the merchants are equipped to take them. In most cases, the accounts that you use now to make payments will be same ones that you use to make mobile payments (for instance, your bank account or debit card, a credit card or a prepaid account). Some mobile payment systems even enable you to use gift cards and loyalty points to pay. And many of the same precautions that you take now to protect your privacy and security when you make payments apply to mobile payments. Making any kind of payment electronically usually requires revealing a certain amount of your personal information. What information that is, who gets it, and what’s done with it depends on many things, including the type of account you use and how you provide the account information to the seller. Using coupons and loyalty cards to get discounts or points when you’re making a payment can also disclose information about you. Mobile payments often involve using an app (a software program that you download to your mobile device). Your bank or credit union may offer an app to make mobile payments from your account. There are “mobile wallet” apps offered by nonbanks in which you can store information for your payment accounts and sometimes for gift cards, coupons, loyalty cards, rewards points, credits and other things that you may want to use in making a purchase. Mobile payment services may offer payment apps that work on different mobile operating systems on your device (for example, iOS or Android). There are apps for payment services such as PayPal and Western Union. Some apps will work on certain operating systems and not others, and some let you use any account you wish, while others may limit your payment options. Most applications require you to assign a default or primary card that will be automatically selected as the payment card unless you change to another card. This scenario is often referred to as the card that is “top of wallet”. Apps may require you to provide personal information in order to download them and, once installed, they can access information from your mobile device. In some cases you may be asked for permission for the app to obtain specific information, such as your location or your address book. - Your contact information such as your name, mailing address, email address, and mobile phone number. - Records of your calls and texts. - Your contacts. - Your calendar. - The unique ID number of your mobile device. - Account information. - Websites you go to using your mobile device. - Your location and where you go or shop with your mobile device. - In the case of mobile payments, an app may also be able to collect information about where you shop, what you buy, how much you spend, and what coupons or loyalty programs you use. Some mobile payment apps will only collect and share the information that is required to make the payment; others may collect more information about you. Apps may use your personal information for purposes unrelated to making a payment, such as to sell you in-app features or advertise to you on behalf of other companies. They might also share your personal information with other companies. Who else could collect information from your use of a payment app? It could be the app store, an advertising network, a data broker that collects information about people from a variety of sources and packages it for sale, the manufacturer of your mobile device, the payment provider (such as your credit card issuer), a payment processor, your wireless carrier and broadband service provider, and the businesses that you are paying. - What information does the app collect? - Who gets that information? - How is the information used? - What choices do you have about the collection or use of the information? Under federal law, your bank, credit union and other financial institutions that you used must notify you about their privacy policies at the time that you open your account and then annually and give you the ability to “opt out” – to say no – to their sharing the non-public personal information that they collect about you with companies that aren’t affiliated with them unless that information is necessary for a transaction that you are making. There is no general federal privacy law, however, so the merchant and others who may be involved when you make a mobile payment can collect information about you from the transaction and from other sources and do what they want with it. Some states have privacy laws. Ask your state or local consumer protection agency what privacy rights you have under state law. - Read the privacy policies of the companies whose services you are using to make mobile payments and the companies that you are paying. - Don’t voluntarily provide information that is not necessary to use a product or service or make a payment. - Take advantage of the controls that you may be given over the collection and use of your personal information. - Since mobile payments, like all electronic payments, leave a trail, if there are transactions that you would prefer to make anonymously, pay with cash. Smartphones and other mobile devices that can access the Internet are basically personal computers that you carry around with you. You can store your contacts, passwords and other personal information on these devices. In the case of mobile payments, you may be storing financial account information on them – information that someone else could use to make purchases or use for other fraudulent purposes. Even with a mobile phone that doesn’t have Internet access, if it has texting capability it could be used without your permission to charge purchases to your wireless account. Guard your mobile device as you would your checkbook or wallet. There are many things that you can do, and that industry is doing, to keep your personal information secure when you make mobile payments. The first line of defense is to lock your device, requiring a password or other security mechanism, such as a fingerprint scan, to unlock it, and to keep it locked when you’re not using it. It’s as simple, and as important, as locking the door to your house or your car. Many smartphone and tablet manufacturers are also installing “kill switches” that send signals to deactivate the devices if they’re lost or stolen, and there are apps that can help locate your device, disable it and/or “wipe” the contents off of it. When you download a payment app —or any app – to your mobile device, take care. It could contain “malware,” which is short for “malicious software.” Malware can steal personal information from your device such as passwords and account numbers. It can also be used to send spam emails or text messages that look like they’re coming from you. And it can damage your device. In addition to apps, malware can be planted in other types of software. One thing to watch out for is the “tech support scam.” A common problem for computer owners, people who have mobile devices are now being targeted by this scam. Here’s how it works: you get a call or message from someone claiming to be from a well-known software company or another tech support firm, informing you that your device has a virus or some other problem and asking you to download software to give them remote access so that they can fix it. Some of these scammers even place ads online for tech support that will appear if you search for help for problems with your device. Usually the goal is to install malware to steal the personal information that’s on your device and/or to infect it and then demand payment for the “repair.” New variations of this scam are constantly emerging, but the bottom line is that no legitimate tech service is going to contact you out of the blue and tell you that there is a virus on your device. Only download apps and other software from sources you trust. Reading reviews about software programs can alert you to any problems that other people have discovered in using them. Malware can also be hidden in pop-up ads and in attachments and links in emails that look like they are from someone you know. Anti-virus and anti-malware programs can help to protect your device and the information that you store on it, but understand they often don’t detect new and sophisticated malware. It’s also important to have a “firewall” to prevent hackers from getting into your mobile device. These security features may come pre-installed; look for information about security in the description of the operating system when you shop for mobile devices. Learn more: www.onguardonline.gov/articles/0011-malware Be careful when you use free public WI-FI. It’s convenient but it’s usually not secure. Crooks can use technology to “eavesdrop” on your email or communications on social networks and read what you’re typing on your device. If you are making mobile payments through the web, it’s possible that your sign-on credentials (user ID and password) and account numbers could be exposed, despite the security features in use. It’s more secure to use public WI-FI if you disable file sharing, only go to websites that are encrypted (you’ll see https in the address bar) and use a virtual private network (VPN). There are many websites where you can learn about these protections. If you’re unsure that it’s safe to use public WI-FI when you’re making a mobile payment, wait until you’re home or somewhere with a secure connection. There are many kinds of security features that may be built into the mobile payment process. Look for the answers to some basic questions when you consider using mobile payment applications or wallets. - What authentication credentials (i.e. password, PIN number, biometric, etc.) does the payment service require to make payments? - Are your financial account numbers and other sensitive information stored on your device, or remotely, and how are they secured? Are the payment account numbers tokenized? - What account information is transmitted to make the payment? - Is encryption used to protect your personal information in transmission and storage? Most mobile payment services require a password or, PIN number to open the application. Don’t share this information with anyone who doesn’t have your permission to make payments using your accounts. Some mobile applications have added the option of using a biometric such as a fingerprint or facial scan to increase the level of protection against an unauthorized person making transactions. Others may email or text message confirmation of payments to double-check and ensure that they were legitimately made. Your payment account information might be stored in a secure chip on your mobile device or on the server of the payment service itself. In some cases what’s stored on your device is not your actual account number but a substitute for it, either another account number or a “token” that represents your account. This adds another level of security, not only against intruders trying to get your account numbers but from data breaches at points along the payment chain, such as payment processors and retailers, because they only get the substitute numbers. As mobile payments evolve, so will these security features. When account information is transmitted to make the payment, it is usually encrypted – turned into a code that can only be read by parties along the payment chain that need it and who have the “key” to unlock the code. Retailers and others are also using encryption and security tokens to make account numbers, passwords and other sensitive information that they store unusable if someone illegally accesses it. There may be additional security features provided by the mobile device operating system, the mobile payment service, the payment provider (such as your payment card issuer) or the merchant. - Have your mobile device automatically lock when not used within a designated period of time. - Keep your passwords and PIN numbers to yourself. - Only download payment apps and other software from sources that you trust, such as your financial institution, a retailer that you do business with, or a trusted app store. - Protect mobile devices that can access the Internet from hackers and malware by using security software and keeping it updated. - Be extremely careful when you use free public WI-FI. - NEVER jailbreak or disable the security features of your phone. - Beware of messages from criminals pretending to be from your financial institution or someone else you trust asking for your account number or other personal information. - If you receive an email unexpectedly asking you to click on a link or open an attachment, beware. If it’s from an unknown source, delete it; if it looks like it’s from someone you know, check with the person directly before you do anything. - Never give access to your device to anyone who contacts you unexpectedly and only deal with tech support companies that you know or whose reputations you have checked out. - Look for mobile devices and payment services that offer good security features. If there is a problem with a mobile payment, your rights are basically the same as they would be if you made the payment without the use of your mobile device. But because there may be several different companies involved in the mobile payment process, it may be confusing to figure out who to contact. The first step is to contact the merchant. At the same time, it’s a good idea to alert your payment provider about the problem. This would be your credit card issuer if your credit card was used, your bank or credit union if the charge was debited from your account, the company with which you have a prepaid account if that was used, or your wireless service if the charge was billed to that account. If the merchant does not take care of the problem, your legal rights depend on the kind of account that was used for the payment. If you used cash to make a mobile payment (some mobile payment apps let people pay bills by going to convenience stores or other locations near them; the mobile device displays a bar code which is scanned, the clerk takes the cash, and the payment is sent electronically to the creditor), be sure to keep the receipt and notify the payment service promptly if there is any problem. Generally, you have the right to “dispute,” which means to challenge, a credit card charge if it is for the wrong amount, you didn’t agree to make the purchase, you never received the product or service, or you were misled about what you were buying. Once you have notified the seller and your credit card issuer about the problem, you don’t have to pay the charge that you are disputing while it’s being investigated (be sure to pay the rest of your bill on time). Your dispute rights when the payment is debited directly from your account at a bank or credit union (by using a debit card or providing your account information) are a bit more complicated. You can dispute a debit that you didn’t agree to or that is for the wrong amount, but you don’t have dispute rights if you never got the goods or services or they were misrepresented. Your financial institution may, however, voluntarily allow you to dispute a debit in those situations. In some cases, a network and its card issuing members may provide for liability protection in addition to that provided by regulations. Notify your credit card or debit card issuer as soon as you realize that there is a problem, since you could lose money and your ability to dispute the charge or debit if you wait too long. Additionally they have robust fraud departments that can quickly prevent further fraudulent activity. If you make payments using a prepaid card store in your mobile wallet or a prepaid mobile or online account that you have set up with a payment service, there is generally no federal regulatory protection, with some exceptions (for instance, if you are using a prepaid card that your employer has provided to put your pay on, called a payroll card, you can dispute a debit for the wrong amount or for a payment you never agreed to). But the card issuer or payment service may offer you protection if something goes wrong based on the card’s/account’s terms and conditions so be sure to read and understand them. If you have any questions, contact them immediately to ask. Be aware that if you’re using a general-purpose reloadable prepaid card (the kind that can be used a variety of merchants) you must register it with the card issuer to qualify for the protections that it offers, be able to load additional funds to the card, and use it for remote payment transactions. There are advantages to using your mobile device to bill purchases to your wireless account – you don’t need to have a credit card or a bank account, and the only account number that is exposed is your phone number. But it can also be risky and there are limited merchants that support this option. PIN numbers, which provide some security, are not always required, and with some mobile payment systems you don’t have to provide your phone number; it is captured automatically and touching the screen is all that’s needed to confirm the purchase. If there are charges on your wireless bill for transactions you never agreed to with companies other than your wireless service provider (these are called “third parties”), your ability to challenge them depends on your service provider’s policies (unless you live in California, where consumers have a right by law to dispute unauthorized third party charges on telephone bills). Contact your wireless service provider as soon as you discover the problem. Sometimes wireless providers will even go beyond their stated policies to resolve problems, but there may be limits to how far they’ll go or how many times they will remove these kinds of charges. If you don’t want to bill purchases to your wireless account or let anyone else who might have access to your device be able to do so, ask your wireless carrier if it can put a block on your device to prevent third party charges. Third-party mobile payment services such as PayPal and Amazon may also provide some type of assistance if there is a problem. The laws concerning consumers’ payment dispute rights may change over time, and even when you don’t have dispute rights or there aren’t voluntary protections with the payment provider or service, it doesn’t mean that there is nothing you can do if there is a problem with the transaction. You may have rights under other consumer protection laws. Ask your state or local consumer agency about your rights and if it can help you resolve the problem or refer you to another agency for assistance. - Contact the merchant and the payment provider (your credit card or debit card issuer, your bank or credit union, phone company if the charge is billed to your wireless service, etc.) as soon as you discover the problem. - Know your payment dispute rights and what voluntary protections your payment provider may offer. - If you are using a third-party mobile payment service check to see if it provides any assistance with problems.

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Category:Book of War Belegarth Book of War A Rules System for Medieval Combat with Foam Weapons 1.1. Marshal – Person responsible for rules enforcement and weapons inspection. - 1.1.1. A Marshal has the authority to remove anyone from the field of battle. - 1.1.2. A Marshal determines Equipment classifications according to the guidelines outlined in Appendix A. - 1.1.3. A Marshal is responsible for safe conduct of battles, and therefore has the power to stop battles whenever a safety concern occurs. - 1.1.4: Solid yellow tabards or baldrics are to be worn exclusively by Marshals and non-combatants on the field who have been approved by a Marshal (i.e. photographers). 1.2. All Equipment must be inspected and properly marked if appropriate, according to the guidelines outlined in Appendix A, before it is used in combat. 1.3. The target of an attack makes combat hit determinations. 1.4. Creative interpretation of the rules to gain any advantage is discouraged. These rules are intentionally sparse to allow for ease of use. The Marshal, according to these rules, and medieval foam combat precedent, settles all disputes. 2. Equipment Classifications and Definitions 2.1. Offensive Equipment is any item that can score one or more combat hits. There are five classifications of Offensive Equipment, hereafter called Weapons. All Offensive Equipment must meet the requirements outlined in Appendix A. - 2.1.1. (Class 1) One-handed swung Weapon. - 2.1.2. (Class 2) Two-handed swung Weapon. - 2.1.3. (Class 3) Thrusting Weapon. - 2.1.4. (Class 4) Missile Weapon. - 2.1.5. (Class 5) Head-only missile Weapon. 2.2. Defensive Equipment is any item that gives combat advantage to its wielder by preventing Injury, and is unable to inflict damage on opponents. There are two types of Defensive Equipment -- Shields and Armor. All Defensive Equipment must meet the requirements outlined in Appendix A. - 2.2.1. Shields and Bucklers are rigid objects that are padded on the front and sides, and are equipped with handles or straps. A Shield may not be constructed in a manner that would confer the advantage of unbreakable armor. - 2.2.2. Armor is protective body covering, consisting of period materials. 2.3. Miscellaneous Equipment includes, but is not limited to, items such as: belts, pouches, boots, and non-Armor clothing and headwear. While conferring no special rules advantage, miscellaneous equipment may be checked for combat safety and period appearance at the Marshal’s discretion. The minimum non-armor clothing requirements are outlined in Appendix B. 3.1. Target Area Definitions : 3.1.1. Body – Area bounded by the base of neck (inclusive), shoulder-arm joint (inclusive), hip-leg socket (inclusive), groin, and buttocks (inclusive). 3.1.2. Arm(s) – Area bounded by the wrist (inclusive) and the shoulder-arm joint (exclusive). 3.1.3. Leg(s) – Area bounded by the ankle (inclusive) and hip-leg socket (exclusive). 3.1.4. Head – Area above the base of neck (exclusive). 3.1.5. Hand(s) – Area below the wrist (exclusive). An empty Hand is a legal Target Area. Any Injury to the Hand is considered Injury to the Arm. A Hand on a Weapon or Shield is considered part of that Weapon or Shield. 3.1.6. Feet – Area below the ankle (exclusive). A Foot is a legal Target Area if it is off the ground. Any Injury to the Foot is considered Injury to the Leg. 3.2.1. Weapons which strike with sufficient force can score a hit and/or Injury to the Target Area. 3.2.2. Weapons yield various amounts of damage according to the classification of the Weapon and the armor/damage status of the target. - 220.127.116.11. Class 1 (one-handed) Weapons cause one hit of Injury to a Target Area. Any Weapon swung with one hand no matter the size is a Class 1 Weapon, including equipment that qualifies as Class 2 Weaponry. Class 1 weapons swung with two hands causes one hit of injury to a Target Area. - 18.104.22.168. Class 2 (two-handed) Weapons cause two hits of Injury to the Target Area. - 22.214.171.124. Class 3 (thrusting) Weapons wielded one-handed cause one hit of damage to an unarmored Target Area. Class 3 Weapons also cause two hits of damage when wielded two-handed against a Target Area, ignoring any Armor the Target Area may have. If the Target Area is armored, the Weapon must be wielded two-handed to cause damage to the Target Area. A one-handed strike causes no injury to an Armored Target Area. - 126.96.36.199. Class 4 (missile) Weapons cause two hits of Injury to a Target Area. A Class 4 Weapon striking an Armored portion of the Head causes no Injury. - 188.8.131.52. Class 5 (Head only missile) cause 1 hit of Injury to an unarmored Head area. A Class 5 Weapon striking an Armored portion of the Head area causes no injury. 3.2.3. The Head is an illegal Target Area for Class 1, 2, and 3 Weapons. The Head is a legal Target Area for Class 4 and 5 Weapons. 3.3.1. Armor confers one additional hit to the Target Area covered by the Armor. Multiple pieces of Armor on the same Target Area only confer a single hit. A single piece of Armor covering multiple areas confer a hit on each Target Area covered. 3.3.2. Armor only protects areas covered. 3.3.3. Armor must be of a size to cover a significant portion (approximately one-third) of a Target Area. Armor extending continuously from another Target Area is not required to significantly cover neighboring Target Areas to count as Armor. 3.3.4. Weapons that strike both Armored and unarmored Target Areas are considered to have hit the unarmored Target Area. 3.3.5. The presence of Armor must be easily discernible to count as Armor. 3.4.1. Effects of Injury: - 184.108.40.206. One or more hits of Injury to an unarmored Target Area disables that Target Area. - 220.127.116.11. Two hits of Injury to an Armored Target Area disable that Target Area. - 18.104.22.168. A disabled Body causes Death. - 22.214.171.124. A disabled Head causes Death. - 126.96.36.199. Two disabled limb Target Areas (Arms and/or Legs) cause Death. Limbs injured with Class 3 and Class 4 Weapons do not count towards this total. 3.4.2. All Injury effects must be accurately portrayed and reported. - 188.8.131.52. Death – Lay down immediately. Do not move unless instructed by a Marshal. - 184.108.40.206. Disabled Arm -- A disabled Arm may not hold anything. If the Arm is disabled by a Class 1 or 2 Weapon then place Arm behind back. If the Arm is disabled by a Class 3 or 4 Weapon, leave Arm dangling limply at side. - 220.127.116.11. Disabled Leg – kneel on ground with the non-injured Leg up. 3.4.3. Subsequent hits to the same location: - 18.104.22.168. All subsequent strikes with Class 3 or 4 Weapon on the same Target Area previously injured only by a Class 3 or 4 Weapon are ignored. - 22.214.171.124. All subsequent strikes to an Arm disabled by a Class 1 or 2 weapon pass through to the Torso. - 126.96.36.199. All subsequent strikes to a Leg disabled by a Class 1 or 2 weapon are ignored. - 3.4.4. A hit that strikes both the Body and either an Arm or a Leg is assumed to have hit the Body. 3.4.5. A single strike can only damage one Target Area. 3.5.1. Shields can be destroyed by two solid strikes from a Class 2 Weapon. Subsequent strikes to a destroyed Shield continue into the Target Area on which the Shield is worn. 3.5.2. Shields may be used in any reasonable manner and still be considered a Shield. 3.5.3. Only one Shield may be used by a person at a time. 3.5.4. Shield Bashing, Checking, and Kicking is allowed. - 188.8.131.52. A Shield Bash is defined as using a Shield to strike an opponent from a distance further than two steps away. - 184.108.40.206. A Shield Check is defined as using a Shield to strike an opponent starting from a distance less than two steps away - 220.127.116.11. A person may not Bash, Check or Shield Kick an opponent's rear quadrant. Shield pushing or incidental contact in an opponent’s rear quadrant is allowed. - 18.104.22.168. Shield kicking of small Shields and/or Bucklers is discouraged. - 22.214.171.124. The head may not be the intentional target of any shield maneuver. 3.6. Grappling is allowed. 3.6.1. Combatants may initiate Grapples with opponents according to the following rules. - 126.96.36.199. A Combatant wearing no Armor may Grapple all opponents. - 188.8.131.52. A Combatant wearing Leather Armor may Grapple any Armored opponent, but not unarmored opponents. - 184.108.40.206. A Combatant wearing Chain Armor may Grapple opponents wearing Chain or Plate Armor. - 220.127.116.11. A Combatant wearing plate Armor may not initiate a Grapple. 3.6.2. A Combatant wearing plastic safety equipment is treated as leather Armor for grappling purposes only. 3.6.3. No throws, unarmed strikes, or joint/nerve holds. Grappling to the head/neck is not allowed. 3.6.4. Combatants with Missile Weapons (Type 4, bow/arrows) may not initiate Grapples or be Grappled. 3.7. Melee Conventions 3.7.1. If during a battle an unsafe situation occurs, it is the responsibility of all Combatants (and Marshals) who see the situation to call “HOLD” and stop the battle. A HOLD stops the battle while the Marshal assesses the situation. The battle resumes only at the Marshal’s discretion. 3.7.2. Combatants attacking an opponent from behind with a two-handed strike from a Class 2 or 3 Weapon MUST shout “TWO”. This informs the opponent that the attack was a two-handed strike, and caused two points of Injury. If “TWO” is not called, the opponent should consider a successful strike to cause a single hit of Injury. 3.7.3. Blocking a Weapon strike by laying a Weapon against a Target Area and/or Shield is illegal. 3.7.4. Sheathed or otherwise worn Weapons cannot block attacks. 3.7.5. Gripping the striking surface of an opponents Weapon results in the disabling of that limb. 3.7.6. If an opponent has both knees on the ground, a strike to either Leg is considered to have struck the good Leg. If the opponent is lunging or rolling around and has a disabled Leg and is hit in either, it is considered a hit to the uninjured Leg. 3.7.7. A Combatant who has their Leg disabled must either crawl on his/her knees or be realistically supported. 3.8. Missile Weapon Conventions 3.8.1. If a bow is struck by a Class 1 or 2 Weapon, it is considered broken and cannot be used. 3.8.2. A half draw or throw for Class 4 Weapons under a range of 20 feet is required. 3.8.3. A missile Weapon must travel its entire length to score a hit. 3.8.4. A missile Weapon is considered to have hit if there is significant deflection of the missile head (>30 degrees). Once the missile head has significantly deflected off a target, the missile is rendered harmless. 3.8.5. As an exception to rule 1.3, an archer who attacks with an arrow may determine and call a combat hit when attacking with such a Weapon. 3.8.6. Blocking Missiles - 18.104.22.168. All Class 4 or 5 missiles besides arrows may be blocked by any means that keeps the missile away from a Target Area. - 22.214.171.124. An arrow may only be blocked by a Shield. An arrow blocked by a Weapon is considered to have continued to travel in the same direction and strike the Target Area behind the Weapon. - 126.96.36.199. Intentional blocking of an arrow with a Weapon causes Death to the blocker. 1.1.1. Striking Surface – Padded surface of a Weapon designed to make contact with an opponent during combat. Only the Striking Surface of a Weapon may score a hit. 1.1.2. Non-striking Surface – Any padded surface of the Weapon that is not a striking surface. 1.1.3. Handle – Non-padded portion of the Weapon designed as a handhold. 1.1.4. Pommel – Non-striking Surface that covers the end of the Handle. 1.1.5. Sword – Any Weapon approximating a medieval sword, constructed using either an edge/flat or cylindrical design. 1.1.6. Flail – Any hinged Weapon. 1.1.7. Double-ended Weapon – A Weapon approximating a medieval staff. 1.1.8. Javelin – Thrown Class 4 Weapon. 1.1.9. Archery – Class 4 Weapons including bows, crossbows, arrows, and bolts. 1.1.10. Rocks – Class 5 Weapons. 1.2. Marking - Weapons must be marked with the appropriate color(s) of tape to denote their classifications. This marking tape must be placed in a manner so that Combatants and Marshals may easily see it. 1.2.1. Class 1 Weapons are marked with blue tape on either the pommel or handle. 1.2.2. Class 2 Weapons are marked with red tape on either the pommel or handle. 1.2.3. Class 3 Weapons are marked with green tape on either the pommel or handle. 1.2.4. Class 4 and 5 Weapons are marked in a manner to indicate a Marshal has inspected them. 1.3. General Weapon Checking Conventions - All Weapons must conform to all of the following, as applicable: 1.3.1. All striking surfaces of Weapons must be padded adequately to prevent personal injury when striking an opponent with full force on that surface. 1.3.2. All non-striking surfaces must be padded adequately to prevent personal injury from incidental contact. 1.3.3. Two and one-half inch rule—No surface on a striking edge (sword tip, arrow head, spear head, javelin head, etc.) whether designed for stabbing or not, may readily pass more than 0.5 inch (1.25 cm) through a 2.5 inch (6.5 cm) hole; swords with a semicircular tip, with a minimum 1.5 inch (3.75 cm) radius are exempt from this rule. See Appendix A, 188.8.131.52. 1.3.4. The Weapon pommel may not readily pass more than 0.5" (1.25 cm) through a 2" (5 cm) diameter hole. 1.3.5. The maximum allowed flex of any Weapon except Javelins is 45°. See Appendix A, 184.108.40.206. 1.3.6. All striking surfaces must have a cloth covering. 1.3.7. Tape is allowed on the striking surface as long as it does not compromise the weapon's ability to deliver a safe hit. 1.3.8. All handles of wood Weapons must be taped, including bamboo and rattan. 1.3.9. A Weapon may not have a metal core. 1.4. All weapons must be built to the following specifications: 1.4.1. Class 1 - All Class 1 Weapons must conform to the following, as applicable: 220.127.116.11. A Class 1 Weapon under twenty-four (24) inches (60 cm) in length has no weight minimum. 18.104.22.168. A Class 1 Weapon twenty-four (24) inches (60 cm) in length or longer must weigh a minimum of twelve (12) ounces (350 g). 22.214.171.124. With the exception of double-ended weapons, a Class 1 Weapon must be shorter than forty-eight (48) inches (120 cm). 126.96.36.199. The maximum handle length for a Class 1 Weapon is twelve (12) inches (30.5 cm) or one-third (1/3) of the overall length, whichever is greater. This cannot exceed one-half (1/2) of the overall length. 188.8.131.52. The minimum overall length of a Class 1 is 12 inches (30 cm) plus the length of the handle and pommel. 1.4.2. Class 2 - All Class 2 Weapons must conform to the following: 184.108.40.206. The minimum length is forty-eight (48) inches (120 cm). 220.127.116.11. The minimum weight is twenty-four (24) ounces (700 g). 18.104.22.168. The maximum handle length for Class 2 Weapons is eighteen (18) inches (45 cm) or one-third (1/3) of the overall length, whichever is greater. This cannot exceed one-half (1/2) of the overall length. 1.4.3. Class 3 - All Class 3 Weapons must conform to the following: 22.214.171.124. If the Weapon is Class 3 only, it has no weight restriction. 126.96.36.199. The maximum handle length for Class 3 Weapons is 2/3 of its overall length. 188.8.131.52. If the Weapon is Class 3 only, it may not have a yellow cover. 1.4.4. Swords must conform to the following: 184.108.40.206. If the Weapon has a semicircular tip with a minimum 1.5 inch (3.75 cm) radius, it is exempt from rule Appendix A, 1.3.3. 220.127.116.11. Single-edged Weapons must have their non-striking edge clearly marked for at least 12 inches with tape, paint, fabric, or other material in a way that clearly contrasts with the striking surface cover and does not wrap onto the flat of the blade. 1.4.5. Flails must conform to the following: 18.104.22.168. The striking surface must haves a minimum circumference of fifteen (15) inches (40 cm) measured on separate axes. 22.214.171.124. The maximum chain/hinge length is six (6) inches (15 cm). 126.96.36.199. The maximum overall length is forty (40) inches (100 cm). 188.8.131.52. The hinged part of the flail must be padded with foam to keep the chain from easily entangling a Weapon or body part. No more than 1 ½ inches (3.75 cm) of chain may be exposed. 184.108.40.206. Only one hinge per flail is allowed. 220.127.116.11. Only the head of a flail is a striking surface. 1.4.6. Double-ended Weapons must conform to all of the following: 18.104.22.168. Double-ended Weapons must not be more than 7 feet (210 cm) long. 22.214.171.124. Double-ended Weapons must have a minimum of 18 inches (45 cm) in length of padding covering each end in a cylindrical fashion. Both striking surfaces of this weapon must follow Class 3 Weapon standards for a Double-ended Weapon to be legal. 126.96.36.199. Regardless of length, a Double-ended Weapon is a Class 1 Weapon when swung and Class 3 when thrust. 1.4.7. Javelins must conform to all of the following: 188.8.131.52. Must also pass as a Class 3 Weapon. 184.108.40.206. The maximum weight is sixteen (16) ounces (450 g). 220.127.116.11. The minimum length is four (4) feet (120 cm). 18.104.22.168. The maximum length is seven (7) feet (210 cm). 22.214.171.124. Padded along the entire length. 126.96.36.199. Must flex less than 90°. This is an exception to Appendix A, 1.3.5. 188.8.131.52. Must have a yellow cover. 1.4.8. Archery Restrictions: 184.108.40.206. No compound bows or compound-crossbows. 220.127.116.11. The maximum poundage allowed on a bow is 35 lbs (16 kg) pull at 28 inches (70 cm) of draw. 18.104.22.168. The maximum poundage allowed on a crossbow is 15 lbs (7 kg) at its loaded draw. 22.214.171.124. A draw stop is required to prevent an arrow from being drawn more than 28 inches (70 cm). 126.96.36.199. Arrow striking surfaces may not easily pass more than 0.5 inches (1.25 cm) through a 2.5 inch (6.5 cm) diameter hole. No part of the arrow’s striking surface may be less than 2.5 inches (6.5 cm) in any direction. 188.8.131.52. All arrows must contain a penny, or solid metal blunt of an equivalent gauge and circumference, perpendicularly secured at the end of the shaft. - 184.108.40.206.1. All arrows using modular technology must create a semi-permanent connection point through the means of threaded screws, epoxy, glue, or strapping tape; the head must be secondarily secured at the end of the shaft with tape. - 220.127.116.11.2. All arrows that are altered in any way during a day of combat will be treated as new arrows and must be rechecked as such before being put back into use. 18.104.22.168. The arrow’s striking surface must be constructed of open-cell foam. 22.214.171.124. All arrows must have at least two full fletchings. 126.96.36.199. The striking surface of an arrow must be tape free. 188.8.131.52. The arrowhead should not have excess axial or lateral movement and must be secured at the end of the shaft in such a way that they will not come off if firmly twisted or firmly pulled. 1.4.9. Class 5 Weapons have a minimum diameter of 4 inches (10 cm) and are constructed entirely of foam, cloth and tape (coreless). 1.5. Prohibited Weapons: 1.5.1. Entangling Weapons (nets, lassos). 1.5.2. Unmanned Weapons (traps). 1.5.3. Non-compliant double ended Weapons (nunchaku, double ended daggers). 1.5.4. Punching Weapons (punching daggers, tonfas). 1.5.5. Any Weapon when used as intended violates the rules stipulated in the Book of War. 2.1. Shields must be padded on the edges and face so as not to cause injury when struck with a forceful blow of an arm/hand. 2.2. The maximum width of a shield is 3 feet (90 cm). 2.3. The maximum height of a shield is 18 inches (45 cm) less than the height of the wielder. 2.4. The minimum dimension on the face of a shield is 12 inches (30 cm). 2.5. Shield spikes are allowed for decoration. 3. Armor Checking 3.1.1. Leather – Armor constructed of tanned animal hide. 3.1.2. Metal – Armor constructed of metal. Includes chain and plate. 3.1.3. Rigid Metal – Armor constructed of discrete or continuous metal plate. 3.1.4. Chain – Metal Armor constructed of interlocking metal rings. 3.1.5. Helmet – Armor for the Head and Neck. 3.1.6. Cops – Rigid metal knee and elbow Armor. 3.1.7. Composite – Armor constructed of both metal and leather. 3.1.8. Penny Round – Armor checking standard where the edge of rigid metal Armor is compared to that of a penny: - 184.108.40.206. The edge of rigid metal Armor shall have the smoothness of the edge of a penny. - 220.127.116.11. The edge of rigid metal Armor shall have less cutting ability than the edge of a penny. - 18.104.22.168. The radius of any rigid metal corner must be greater than the radius of a penny. 3.2. Armor must be passed by an event-designated armor checker. 3.3. Armor must not catch appendages. Fingers should not catch in Armor. This includes articulated plates and large diameter chain. 3.4. Armor may not have protrusions that rise more than ½ inch (1.25 cm) from the surface. 3.5. The minimum thickness for leather Armor is 3/16 inch (.45 cm). The minimum thickness requirement can be achieved by layering up to two pieces of thinner leather. 3.6. Metal Armor 3.6.1. Metal Armor must be made from period metals and alloys such as iron, bronze, brass, or copper. Modern steel alloys are also allowed. 3.6.2. Metal Armor must conform to both of the following: - 22.214.171.124. Must not be easily deformable by hand or by weapon strikes. - 126.96.36.199. Using a material with a thickness of at least 20 gauge (1 mm). 3.6.3. Rigid Metal must conform to the Penny Round standard. 3.7. Composite Armor 3.7.1. Studded, scaled, or brigandine Armor can only be counted as Armor if 2/3 of the target area is covered by metal or leather, or the studs/rings/plates can not be more than 1/2 inch (1.25 cm) apart. 3.7.2. Composite Armor must be identifiable as Armor by appearance. 3.8. Prohibited Armor: 3.8.1. Rigid Metal knee or elbow Armor (cops). 3.8.2. Rigid Metal full Helmet. Partial Rigid Metal Helmet as well as full Helmet made of any other Armor materials are allowed. 3.8.3. Rigid Metal hand armor. 1.1. Garb is defined as the clothing to be worn by all participants of Belegarth. 1.2. Minimum garb is the basic requirements for all participants. Minimum garb is defined as: 1.2.1. A tunic or tabard covering the torso. - 188.8.131.52. Neutral colored t-shirts, with no visible printing, may be worn underneath a tunic or tabard. - 184.108.40.206. Wearing nothing on the torso is acceptable for men. - 220.127.116.11. Wearing a neutral colored sports bra with no visible logos or modern prints is acceptable for women. 1.2.2. Baggy pants or trousers covering the legs. 1.2.3. Skirts, Kilts, and Dresses are acceptable substitutes. 1.2.4. Footwear should be muted colors, boots are preferred athletic shoes should be of a dark color and not unnatural. Barefoot or Sandals are acceptable. 1.2.5. Any piece of modern equipment or clothing required out of medical necessity overrules the minimum garb requirements. 1.3. Forbidden items: - 1.3.1. T-shirts that are brightly colored, white, with visible logos, with visible collars, and or visible pockets. - 1.3.2. Camouflage or military issued cargo pants. - 1.3.3. Modern jeans of any color. - 1.3.4. Modern hats. - 1.3.5. Any fabrics with modern prints. - 1.3.6. Any realistic weapons. Copyleft © 2002 Belegarth Medieval Combat Society and Gregg Larson. Revision by Matthew R J Anderson. Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License, Version 1.1 or any later version published by the Free Software Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, with no Front-Cover Texts, and with no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the GNU FDL can be found trailing this page and at http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html - Book of War on Belegarth.com - Book of War (July 16, 2012) - Word2010 format - general, single page, and booklet layouts. Pages in category "Book of War" The following 38 pages are in this category, out of 38 total.

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to Top of this page FROM the very cradle of the greatest civilizations of Antiquity, the precious metals, Gold and Silver, have formed the basis of commercial transactions, facilitated their expansion, and contributed to the mutual intercourse and welfare of mankind. Commerce made easy leads to mutual advancement, civilization, and the spread of knowledge. Gold and Silver must necessarily, at first, have been obtained from the localities where Nature had deposited them. When their great convenience had once established them in general use as the means of obtaining this world's goods — which are considered to be not only the necessaries of life, but also the product of the toil, industry and ingenuity of some classes of men, or of the luxuries and special fruits of one richly endowed soil and climate to be transported to other countries not so favoured — it is evident that the desire of men to possess as much as possible of the precious metals would stimulate some more ambitious and cleverer than their fellows to try to imitate the processes of Nature. From what we now know to be the extreme difficulty of it, we might reasonably suppose that no one, by the exercise of a mere physical intellect, would be able to succeed in doing so. Gold is mentioned at the earliest period of history, but before the time of Hermes Trismegistus there is no early record of anyone having in this way succeeded in Chrusopoieia. Whether there are not slight evidences of its having been so performed, under peculiar circumstances, in later times, we shall allude to further on. We may take it as presumptive evidence that it was not so done, because we may be sure that if it had been many would have done it, and Gold, which was then, at least, the scarcest of all metals, would have become so plentiful that the market would have been over supplied, and it would have lost its value and use as a convenient mode of exchange. The history of the primitive world gives not the slightest indication that this ever took place. Croesus is related to have obtained his immense wealth from the gold found in the sands of the [Page 6] river Pactolus in Lybia. It would seem he must have taken it all, for Strabo, the Geographer, says none was found there in his time. The scientific world and the generality of (so-called) educated men, notwithstanding the evidence of all Antiquity, and of, comparatively, more modern witnesses, such as Picus Mirandula, Helvetius, Athanasius Kircher, and others, still affect to doubt whether it ever was done. We have not the slightest wish to make any attempt to convince those who are guided by prejudice and feeling, or the shibboleth of a party, instead of the right use of the logical faculty in deliberately and carefully sifting the whole of the evidence for or against on any given subject. The scientific world is still swayed by loose reasoning and exploded prejudices. It is as well that such men should not believe it. We write not for them. The mark of the true Magus is, by the sternest self-discipline, to have rooted out all prejudices and to have left the mind perfectly free to receive as truth what the preponderance of evidence, as judged by the logical faculty, declares to be such, and utterly to disregard the fashion of the times on any subject. These only will give heed to what we say. "Unless ye become as little children, ye cannot enter the Kingdom of Heaven " may be understood to apply to the removing of prejudices and educational errors. We would not have presumed to offer our own ideas on the Golden Fleece were it not that, firstly, we have been strongly urged to do so, and, secondly, because at the present moment the revival of Occultism has brought in its train, as it always has done, a strongly awakened attention to that one branch of it called Alchemy. That many may not labour in vain at it, we would put before them a few considerations drawn, not from the practice exactly, but from the long contemplation of the lives and calamities of those who have, or, at least, are supposed to have performed this Magnum Opus. As a basis of what we would wish to submit to them is the very able and useful book recently published, " Lives of Alchemistical philosophers," by Edward Arthur Waite. In the Introductory Essay to his book, followed by the Theory and Practice of the Magnum Opus, Mr. Waite, in eloquent phraseology, examines and comments on some of the latest modern writers on the subject, and with great perspicacity and justice weighs in the balances their probable errors, and declares his own firm belief in opposition to some of these modern Alchemical writers, that it was real material gold which the old Alchemists sought, and not solely the psychical regeneration and perfection of Man. Mr. Waite also shows the probable use of the "Intuitive Faculty" in those who have attained to the "Magnum Opus". Herein we most cordially agree with him. We have, at the beginning of this Paper, alluded to the extreme improbability of anyone reaching this greatly desired goal by the exercise of the mere physical intellectual powers, however elevated [Page 7] they might be above those of the ordinary run of mortals. We must look elsewhere for a confirmation of Mr. Waite's reasoning as to what was revealed by the intuitive faculties. Now, in ancient India there existed, of the glorious Aryan race, "Munis", or inspired men, i.e., intuitive. To them we are indebted for the sublime Sciences of Algebra, Astronomy, etc., and if to them we owe so much in this direction, we may safely presume that these were the men, if any, to penetrate intuitively all the secrets of Nature, and behold, by Divine Inspiration, how gold had been formed in the earth. As the Algebra they in this way invented has come down to us, or, more probably, some portion only of it, so we may reasonably conclude did some remnants of their knowledge of transmutation of metals. There are treatises in Sanscrit upon it. What exactly was the connexion between ancient India and Egypt, history does not tell us. That the Misraimites, or Mezzoranians, or Egyptians were skilled in the esoteric sciences is beyond doubt. Hermes Trismegistus was a reality. Possibly both were colonies from the ancient Atlantis, and had both brought with them the Science of Magic. Whatever the source, both Aryans and Mezzoranians had this Science, and by it Hermes Trismegistus made laws for and governed Egypt, giving it dynasties lasting through ages and ages. In Ragon's "Maçonnerie Occulte" he quotes from the " Oedipus Aegyptiacus " of the learned Jesuit, Athanasius Kircher (t. ii., p. 2, De Alchym., c. 1), expresses himself thus as to Hermes :- " It is so certain that these first men possessed the art of making gold, whether by extracting it from all sorts of matters, or by transmuting the metals, that he who doubted it, or would fain deny it, would show himself perfectly ignorant of history. The priests, the kings, and the heads of families were alone instructed in it. This art was always kept a great secret, and those who were possessors of it always maintained a profound silence, for fear that the laboratories and the sanctuary the most concealed of Nature, being discovered to an ignorant people, they would turn this knowledge to the injury of the Republic. The ingenious and prudent Hermes, foreseeing this danger which threatened the State, had then reason for concealing this art of making gold under the same veils and under the same hieroglyphic obscurities, of which he availed himself to conceal from the profane people that part of philosophy which concerned God, angels, and the universe." Ragon goes on to say: "It required the evidence and the force of truth to draw such an avowal from this most learned father, who, upon many occasions, has disputed the existence of the philosopher's stone.” One of these occasions is given in "Histoire de la Philosophie Hermétique, par M. l’Abbé Langlet du Fresnoy" (Tom. ii. p. 51). A young man, an unsuccessful seeker of the philosopher's stone, was visited by a perfect stranger, [Page 8] who showed him a process for making it, did it with him, and with the powder so made the young man did convert a large quantity of mercury into pure gold. At the stranger's dictation he wrote down the recipe. Yet he never could do it again, nor find the stranger. Kircher, in accordance with the practice of his church, intimated that the strange visitor was the devil. Ragon proceeds to say that the gold then found in all the mines of the world would not have sufficed for the expense of raising the extraordinary monuments, the sumptuous palaces, the immense works which covered the soil of Egypt, but infers that it must have come from the sacred laboratories. There is an abundance of testimony from other sources, that the Hierarchy or Priest-kings of Ancient Egypt were adepts in the transmutatory art, and, for some centuries, ruled with great justice and equity the rest of the nation by means of the great advantage which this and the discipline of Initiation gave them. It was necessary, therefore, to enshrine this knowledge in the most profound secrecy. Hence the invention of Hieroglyphics and a Symbolism, in which the process is involved in the most intricate, fantastic, and perplexing images, the meaning of which none but the Initiates were able to penetrate. There is reason to believe that the Isiac Table is a revelation to Initiates of the whole process. This Initiation was an ordeal that none but those highly gifted by Nature, such as Moses, Pythagoras, Plato, Apollonius Tyanaeus, and some few others could undergo and live. When they had passed it, they had attained to such a mastery of themselves as not to be likely to make an ill use of this knowledge, even if the penalty of death had not awaited those who divulged the Mysteries of Initiation. [ See Christian's " Histoire de la Magie à travers les âges", etc., pages 106 to 143. Also "Initiations aux mystères d'lsis dans la pyramide de Memphis" and I”Initiation aux Mystères de Mithra aux Sciences Magiques des Chaldéens d'Assyrie, Par Henri Delaage" ] It is, more especially, to this withholding the secrets of Chrusopoieia from all but those who had achieved the mastery of themselves to which we would now refer. Mr. Waite, as we mentioned above, has shown the different views held by some modern writers, one part maintaining that all the symbolic and mystic allusions of the Alchemists had reference to the human body and soul — to Man — and denying that it included the literal transmutation of the inferior metals into gold. What we have just now given as to the Ancient Initiations, and the books to which we have referred, tend to show that the two things were combined in one; that unless the aspirant had passed the ordeal, guaranteeing his complete subjugation of the lower passions, the knowledge of Chrusopoieia was for ever forbidden to him. [Page 9] The Hermetic Philosophers understood well the duplex symbolism of their Art, i.e., both its physical and its psychical meaning, e.g., in the Bodleian Library at Oxford is a large scroll done by Sir George Ripley, containing Hermetic Symbolism. At one end is the Fool, or merely natural man, drawn exactly according to the Zero, or first Symbol of the Taro. At the other end is the portraiture of the well-balanced and highly-developed head of the Adept. The Zero may mean either the unregenerate man, or the Prima Materia, the Chaos, of the Alchemists. The space between the Fool and the Adept contains various Symbols applicable either to the progressive stages in finding the philosopher's stone, or to the process of Regeneration of Man. We know there are individuals in various parts of this country who are secretly or openly working at the Hermetic Art. We do not tell them it is a hopeless task, for undoubtedly history tends to show it has been done even by those who have not become regenerate by a regular process of Initiation, but the same history shows that the percentage of those who have so succeeded is very small, and of this small number there is a fatal record of the direst calamities and miseries coming upon some of them. Mr. Waite gives a list of more than fifty real or supposed Adepts from Geber to Cagliostro. To go through all these would far exceed the limits permitted to us, and we can only take a few of the most prominent. The Monks, such as Roger Bacon, Basil Valentine, Sir George Ripley and others we may pass over as coming under the category of those who had subdued their passions by an ascetic life, even if they had not undergone an actual Initiation, which seems to be more than probable. Although these could undoubtedly perform the Magnum Opus, the evidence is that they made no use of it for their own mere animal and worldly enjoyment, which of itself shows the attainment of the greatest self-control. Nicolas Flamel is one of the first prominent laymen whom modern history asserts to have been a true Adept, but that he did not attain to it till late in life. So many years of patient perseverance and the necessary self-denial, the all-absorbing mental concentration, all going on to an advanced period of life, must have been a discipline acting on the same lines as progressive Initiation and, perhaps, equivalent to it in subduing the lower passions. No self-indulgence is recorded of him, but he used his wealth to build churches, alms-houses and hospitals, succoured the needy and did every good work. Eliphas Levi [“Dogme et Rituel de la Haute Magie", Tome 1, page 355 ] remarks that his final success was owing to his personal preparation. What can this mean but the same effect which is produced by progressive Initiation ? According to Mr. Waite, the reputation he had of possessing the philosopher's stone brought him under the notice of the king, who sent for him. Perceiving [Page 10] the danger he incurred in complying with this summons, he contrived that his wife should appear to die and be buried, but, in reality, she fled to another country, when he also enacted for himself a pseudo-death and burial, but secretly went and joined his wife, and that they were seen alive many years after in another country. If this be true, his Adeptship was environed by a great danger, which his sagacity and prudence alone enabled him to avoid. Had the king demanded his secret and he refused to reveal it, he might have ended his days in the Bastile which Charles VI had just completed. Bernard Trevisan passed a whole life and spent all his patrimony in vainly trying to make gold, and was reduced to the greatest extremity of poverty, but at last, when he was seventy-five years of age, as he said, by laborious comparing one Alchemical writer with another, picking out a little from each and putting the whole together, did at last find out the secret. This is the piece of evidence we alluded to in our opening remarks as tending to show it could be done by a mere physical Adeptship, but what we have said as to Nicolas Flamel is equally applicable to him. A life-time spent and energies concentrated on the constant search for the one thing, and latterly in poverty, expatriation, and actual want and privation, must of itself have been equal to an Initiation, and have included in it the abasement of the mere animal passions and a corresponding elevation of the higher faculties, which at last enabled him to triumph. We know that Swedenborg became lucid at the age of fifty-seven, and Cardan at about the same age. Trevisan's lucidity may have been delayed to a still later period, and it might, after all, have been a psychic Adeptship which at last gave him the entrance to the shut palace of the king. Of him, Lenglet du Fresnoy [ Philosophie Hermétique", Tome 1, page. 244 ] writes " It was a feeble consolation to have consummated uselessly considerable wealth at the end of more than sixty years, to have been exposed to the most extreme misery, and even to see himself forced to expatriation that his misery might not be known, and not to arrive at the consummation till the age of seventy-five years, an age at which a man can no longer enjoy wealth. However, if Bernard did find, he enjoyed it for some few years, but can one call by the title of enjoyment riches acquired at the expense of his repose, and at the age of decrepitude, when one ought to be no longer occupied with anything but the possession of future good ? " To this we answer that his more than sixty years freedom from debasing worldly pleasures, and the exercise of his will in elevating his psychic powers were the true riches with which to enter upon the next world. We have no account of his abusing the great power he possessed during the remaining years of his life. Men act from habit, which in his case was formed by voluntary long and painful abstinence. [Page 11] This habit was the passport to his final success, and we may reasonably suppose that he considered himself happy to have achieved it even at the cost of so much suffering. His example, however, does not give much encouragement to those who are seeking this power for their own selfish and worldly purposes. The next prominent adept is the man of apparent contradictions, the marvellous Paracelsus, the pupil of the great Trithemius, who, at the early age of thirty years, had so far advanced that an Arabian Adept at Constantinople revealed to him the great secret, or so much of it as he did not know already. The Arabian must have perceived that he had so far progressed that he was justified in revealing to him what no possessor will impart to an unworthy person, even if it cost him his life to refuse. Much mystery has hung about the death of Paracelsus at the early age of forty-eight years, for the unravelling of which we are greatly indebted to the careful researches of Dr. Franz Hartmann, at Salzburg, which seem to prove conclusively that he was assassinated. This extraordinary man must have used his powers with the greatest moderation, for in his life there was no ostentation nor ambition of high station, and at his death no signs of great wealth were found. His one care seems to have been to heal the sick, performing such cures as are not recorded of any Medicus before or since, and to have been content to live on his professional income, and scorning to use his Alchemical knowledge for his own pleasure or convenience.Éliphas Lévi has said in his remarks upon evocations [ Histoire de la Magie”, page 456 ] — that Schroepffer and Lavater, who practised this dangerous form of magic, both died a violent death, the one by suicide, the other by assassination, and seems to intimate that in these two cases the evocation of spirits was, at least, the indirect cause of this tragical consummation. Whether there was any irregularity in the occult practice of Paracelsus likely to lead to such a calamity, there is no reliable evidence. The kind of life he is said to have passed does not show any great personal comfort or worldly advantage which he derived from the immense power his Illumination gave him, but rather an intense strain upon his bodily and mental functions, which his profound knowledge caused him to perceive must be equilibriated by seasons of conviviality and festive relaxation. His early death seems revolting to all our ideas of what should be the last end of an Adept. Whether he revealed too much to princes is a question not easy to solve. If he did, it may account for that fate overtaking him, which is the allotted portion of the revealers of mysteries. Let those who are entering upon this study consider well the dangers that bristle on their path. We will only make a passing allusion to Dr. John Dee. Although he had passed probably as many years in the pursuit of the philosopher's stone, yet the extreme poverty and dependence of his last years attest that [Page 12] he could not have performed the Magnum Opus, and that his endeavours to obtain it by communicating with spirits opens up a lugubrious vista of the degradation and humiliation brought upon a man of genius and learning by this risky means. We possess a MS. purporting to have belonged to him which gives the symbols of formulae for evoking the spirits of the planet Venus to gain from them the knowledge of transmutations of metals. Dr. Dee is another lamentable instance of the perils and sufferings incurred by those who try to gain this great prize by running the race without regarding the wise rules laid down by the ancient sages. Apparently, the most successful as well the most unfortunate and wretched of all Adepts was the Scotchman, Alexander Seton, calling himself Cosmopolites. Mr. Waite gives his history. It seems nothing less than utter infatuation on the part of Seton, in visiting Holland and Germany, to have made projections in the presence of such various people. This infatuation was only equalled by the great courage and fortitude he afterwards displayed when put to the torture by the Elector of Saxony to force him to discover his secret. In this he showed the spirit of the true Adept. And yet his singular folly and imprudence cannot be otherwise designated than as being contrary to all the rules which should guide those who have been admitted to this great arcanum. Mr. Waite does not mention it, but it is known to a few that the mode in which he gained his knowledge was not quite regular. He had a sister, a natural Clairvoyante, whose health he ruined by employing her lucidity in his researches. He also made an evocation of a spirit whom we will not name, and, by this means, gained possession of a powerful Ancient Talisman. In this irregularity we may, perhaps, discern the cause of his great imprudence above alluded to. Spirits always turn the tables on those who constrain them, if they have the opportunity. Neither did Seton, like Flamel, use his wealth for charitable purposes, but simply for his own personal wealth and enjoyment. For two years after escaping from the Elector of Saxony by the aid of Sendivogius, he underwent the greatest bodily suffering from the effects of the rack and the hot irons applied to him. He told Sendivogius that, had not his body been completely disorganized by the terrible torture of the rack, his Elixir would have restored him. We may suppose that his mental agonies could not have been less than his bodily sufferings. From these he was released by death at the end of two years. His fate does not encourage anyone to endeavour, by devious paths, to compass the Art of Transmutation for the purpose of self-enjoyment and the gratification of ambitious worldly desires. There is another not included in the list given by Mr. Waite, the also unfortunate Dr. Price, of Guildford. This brings transmutation nearer to our own times, for it was in the year 1782, from May 6th to May 28th, upon eight different occasions, in the presence of witnesses varying from [Page 13] four in the first experiment to fifteen in the last but one, Lords Onslow, King, and Palmerston being amongst the number, Dr. Price did transmute inferior metals into gold and silver which stood the test of the assayers in London and Oxford. Every precaution was taken against deception, those coming to the trial bringing the metals to be transmuted and other things with them. There seemed to be no doubt in the minds of those present that Dr. Price had fully succeeded in transmuting inferior metals into pure gold and silver. All this is given at length in the “Annual Register" for 1782. It is also given in the " Gentleman's Magazine", as we suppose, of the same date, but this we have not ourselves seen. It seems to us impossible to read this account of his various transmutations, so often repeated, and before so many creditable and watchful witnesses, without being convinced that if he had used any of the well-known tricks of the pseudo-artists, he must have been detected. The sequel to this strange history is, that the Royal Society of which Dr. Price was a Fellow called upon him, on pain of expulsion if he refused, to repeat the experiment in their presence. He attempted it and failed. We are precluded from obtaining from himself the causes of this failure, for he forthwith went and committed suicide. The Fellows of the Royal Society would, no doubt, be glad to take this as conclusive evidence that he could not, and never had done it. And yet there were fifteen witnesses of high intelligence and as competent to judge of this particular question as any of the Fellows of the Royal Society, who could have had no special experience in this department. In a Court of Law, we opine, the positive evidence of the fifteen witnesses would out-weigh the negative evidence of the Fellows of the Royal Society. As Occultists we know there may have been other reasons for his failure under such conditions, and what we may call, hostile influences, for we may consider the question prejudged, or they would have been content with, and not ignored, the evidence of fifteen such good witnesses as they were. As Occultists we know that Dr. Price was contravening all the laws of Initiation to attempt to make it a public matter, and was therefore pre-doomed to pay the penalty of failure and death. As yet we have not succeeded in obtaining any information as to how Dr. Price became possessed of the powder of projection with which he effected the transmutations, whether he made it himself, or whether a small quantity only had been given him by some Adept, and that he had exhausted his stock, or nearly so, in the eight experiments above mentioned, or whether he had learned it from intercourse with spirits, and they according to their wont, turned treacherous to him in his greatest need, we have not been able to discover. Sendivogius was presented by Alexander Seton with a goodly portion of the powder of projection, and, with this, Sendivogius posed as an Adept, published Seton's writings as his own, and transmuted in the presence of Royalty, and received high honours and [Page 14] appointments, but, when his powder was all expended, he became the veriest charlatan and impostor, descending to the meanest tricks, and narrowly escaping the sad fate of Alexander Seton. In the same way, in France, one Delisle is supposed to have possessed himself of the powder of projection by murdering an Adept. Beginning from the year 1708, he deceived the world by his public transmutations, whereby he gained the reputation of being a real Adept, but, at last coming under the notice of Royalty, he was arrested. His guards, knowing he had some of the powder of projection on his person, resolved to kill him to possess themselves of it. With this intention they gave him an opportunity of escaping, that they might have a pretext for firing upon him. Delisle availed himself of this chance, and was fired at and not killed, but only his thigh broken. In this miserable condition, he was imprisoned in the Bastille, and before the end of a year, tired of his miserable existence, destroyed himself by poisoning the wound which the soldiers had given him. Before his death he confessed he did not know how to make the powder, but had it from an Italian Adept. This probably is the one he was supposed to have murdered. How this murdered man gained his knowledge we have not been able to glean any precise information, though it seems he was acknowledged by Lascaris to have been a true son of the Transmutatory Art. The history of Delisle may bear somewhat upon the miserable fate of Dr. Price, from which, by analogy, there may reasonably be considerable doubt whether, even if he were an Adept, he had not, like Alexander Seton, gained his knowledge in a questionable and irregular way. To make projection in public seems of itself to be evidence of a doubtful and risky Initiation, and dire retribution in the shape of terrible personal suffering and suicide usually follows it. Even as we write, there appears from Paris the startling account of one Tiffereau, calling himself the “Alchemist of the Nineteenth Century” lecturing to an assemblage of eager listeners on his grand discovery of a new method of making gold artificially, proclaiming publicly the details of the process, and demanding that the Government should furnish him with the means of setting up a workshop in Paris whence he could supply the manufactured article at £6 sterling, or as low even as £ 3 for about 2 Ibs. of gold. The present price of gold is not quite £ 4 per OZ. Like Bernard Trevisan, he has passed a long life in the pursuit of the Transmutatory Art, but unlike Trevisan, he does not seem to have really found it, even in his old age. Éliphas Lévi, in his “Analysis of the seven chapters of Hermes", lays down as an axiom ["La clef des grands mystères", page 450]. ”He who would make known the Magnum Opus, would prove thereby that he knew it not". Judging by this, we may reasonably and perhaps safely conclude that Tiffereau, instead of finding by his long years of search and spending all his money on it, has become hallucinated, and like all demented men, now seeks to hallucinate [Page 15] others, and yet with method in his madness, aims at obtaining from the Government the reward of the public gold, which a life-time of research has not enabled him to make for himself. The “Daily Telegraph " had a leading article upon Tiffereau, in which the writer used the threadbare and stock arguments to show that gold cannot be artificially made, and evinces the usual amount of ignorance on the history of the subject. He does, however, perceive and dilate upon, what we have hereinbefore remarked, the complete dislocation of commerce and universal disaster which must ensue, if it could be done so as to be generally known. If Tiffereau has succeeded, as he says, we shall encounter strange changes ere long. Our frontispiece is a copy of one prefixed to a German edition of one of the works of Eugenius Philalethes. The interpretation of it is: The man blindfolded is the Candidate for Initiation into the Mysteries. He wanders in the Labyrinth of Fantasy, led by his own natural instincts, and is deluded by the Elementals or other beings in harmony with his lower tendencies. Ariadne is on the left with the thread in her hand ready to give him the clue for his liberation, but he turns himself from her and simultaneously from the Light of Nature into the region of darkness, which he appears to love better than Light. Possibly, this may have the same signification as the man putting his hand to the plough and looking back, and his consequent unfitness and rejection. At the bottom of the frontispiece is represented debased human nature under the symbol of a winged dragon which devours its own tail. By this is signified the Initiate conquering his vices and lower inclinations, before he can develop the higher phases of his being, and so render himself fit to be intrusted with the great secrets and powers of Nature. Within the circle formed by this dragon is seated the Adept, who has passed the ordeal and conquered in all the progressive stages of trial. Having learned to command himself, he is now fit to command others. The “thesaurus incantatus," or enchanted treasure, is laying in profusion around him. At the upper part, just outside the Region of Fantasy, is the invisible mountain of the Magi, the Sun, Moon, and stars symbolizing the Macrocosm and all its powers and influences known only to these true Adepts, and alluding probably to the seclusion of the Rosicrucians. Philalethes and other Adepts call the attaining to the Magnum Opus the gift of God. Our frontispiece gives an intimation of what he means by this. When a man has conquered himself and made himself one with the Great Soul of the Universe, according to the Oriental philosophy, he becomes a God, and we may suppose this to be the concealed meaning of Philalethes and others, in these words. This Adept, whom we verily believe to have performed chrusopoieia at a very early age, does not appear making transmutations before kings or noblemen, and in his various works he writes obscurely, symbolically, and enigmatically as any Ancient Egyptian [Page 16] Hierophant could desire. None but the Initiated could discover the true meaning of his alchemical writings. His design was only to mislead all but the Initiates. He probably had a further design to make himself known to the Rosicrucians, and to let them see that he would not reveal this Sacred Arcanum. It is supposed that he did ultimately join that Order, but his later years are wrapped in apparently impenetrable obscurity. According to his own account such was the state of society under the then existing regime, such the tyranny and despotism pervading even commercial transactions, such formalities and obstructions, that he had the greatest difficulty in disposing of the gold and silver he had made, and was obliged to roam from country to country, and city to city, and assume all sorts of disguises to conceal his identity. Even for this genuine Adept, his very success brought with it, in those times, anxiety for his personal safety, discomfort, and harassing cares. When the Rosicrucians admitted him into their Order, as it seems likely they did, these anxieties ought to have ceased, but the Rosicrucians themselves were obliged to leave Europe on account of persecutions and dangers, which we will not here more particularly enter into. The summing up of the evidence we have adduced is simply that Chrusopoieia has been in the past and can still be effected, but that in order to be a successful Alchemist a man must either at an early age first conquer his lower nature, and have no desire left for what are by worldly men considered the advantages of wealth, and have disciplined himself never to reveal the secret, giving hostages to Silence, speaking only in vague and enigmatical verbosity, or he may possibly attain to it by a life-long weary search, and when he shall have arrived at an age when the bodily and mental powers are waning and the grave is yawning to receive him, discover it, as did Bernard Trevisan. Like Tiffereau, he may pass his whole life in the weary search, and at the same age as Trevisan, instead of finding, lose the equilibrium of his faculties, and die in poverty and misery. He may wrest the eagerly desired knowledge, by a fatal pact with spirits, who will take care that he shall not long enjoy his riches without some terrible calamity overtaking him. Verbum sat sapienti. A work devoted entirely to a research into all the details of the lives of the Alchemists, if research would find such details, we believe would fully confirm that of which we are only able to give a faint outline. We feel sure such a work would overwhelmingly show the futility of making gold by way of hasting to be rich, and using it to enjoy this world's pleasures. Let those who have opportunity and leisure try to throw such a side-light on the Hermetic Art in the lives of its Professors, and they will be benefactors to the human race, and make them content with the less thorny, but surer paths of Theosophy. Back to our On Line Documents Back to our Main Page to Top of this page

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There are nearly 450 nuclear reactors in the world, with hundreds more either under construction or in the planning stages. There are 104 of these reactors in the USA and 195 in Europe. Imagine what havoc it would wreak on our civilization and the planet’s ecosystems if we were to suddenly witness not just one or two nuclear melt-downs but 400 or more! How likely is it that our world might experience an event that could ultimately cause hundreds of reactors to fail and melt down at approximately the same time? I venture to say that, unless we take significant protective measures, this apocalyptic scenario is not only possible but probable. Consider the ongoing problems caused by three reactor core meltdowns, explosions, and breached containment vessels at Japan’s Fukushima Daiichi facility, and the subsequent health and environmental issues. Consider the millions of innocent victims that have already died or continue to suffer from horrific radiation-related health problems (“Chernobyl AIDS”, epidemic cancers, chronic fatigue, etc) resulting from the Chernobyl reactor explosions, fires, and fallout. If just two serious nuclear disasters, spaced 25 years apart, could cause such horrendous environmental catastrophes, it is hard to imagine how we could ever hope to recover from hundreds of similar nuclear incidents occurring simultaneously across the planet. Since more than one third of all Americans live within 50 miles of a nuclear power plant, this is a serious issue that should be given top priority! In the past 152 years, Earth has been struck roughly 100 solar storms causing significant geomagnetic disturbances (GMD), two of which were powerful enough to rank as “extreme GMDs”. If an extreme GMD of such magnitude were to occur today, in all likelihood it would initiate a chain of events leading to catastrophic failures at the vast majority of our world’s nuclear reactors, quite similar to the disasters at both Chernobyl and Fukushima, but multiplied over 100 times. When massive solar flares launch a huge mass of highly charged plasma (a coronal mass ejection, or CME) directly towards Earth, colliding with our planet’s outer atmosphere and magnetosphere, the result is a significant geomagnetic disturbance. Coronal Mass Ejection (CME), SOHO image, June 9, 2002. Since an extreme GMD of such a potentially disruptive magnitude that it would collapse the grid across most of the US last occurred in May of 1921, long before the advent of modern electronics, widespread electric power grids, and nuclear power plants, we are for the most part blissfully unaware of this threat and totally unprepared for its consequences. The good news is that relatively affordable equipment and processes could be installed to protect critical components in the electric power grid and its nuclear reactors, thereby averting this “end-of-the-world-as-we-know-it” scenario. The bad news is that even though panels of scientists and engineers have studied the problem, and the bi-partisan congressional EMP commission has presented a list of specific recommendations to congress, our leaders have yet to approve and implement a single significant preventative measure! Most of us believe something like this could never happen, and if it could, certainly our “authorities” would do everything in their power to make sure they would prevent such an Apocalypse from ever taking place. Unfortunately, the opposite is true. “How could this happen?” you might ask. “Is this truly possible?” Read and weep, for you will soon know the answer. Nuclear Power Plants and the Electric Power Our global system of electrical power generation and distribution (“the grid”), upon which every facet of our modern life is utterly dependent, in its current form is extremely vulnerable to severe geomagnetic storms of a magnitude that tends to strike our planet on an average of approximately once every 70 to 100 years. We depend on this grid to maintain food production and distribution, telecommunications, Internet services, medical services, military defense, transportation, government, water treatment, sewage and garbage removal, refrigeration, oil refining and gas pumping, and to conduct all forms of commerce. Unfortunately, the world’s nuclear power plants, as they are currently designed, are critically dependent upon maintaining connection to a functioning electrical grid, for all but relatively short periods of electrical blackouts, in order to keep their reactor cores continuously cooled so as to avoid catastrophic reactor core meltdowns and spent fuel rod storage pond fires. If an extreme GMD were to cause widespread grid collapse (which it most certainly will), in as little as one or two hours after each nuclear reactor facility’s backup generators either fail to start, or run out of fuel, the reactor cores will start to melt down. After a few days without electricity to run the cooling system pumps, the water bath covering the spent fuel rods stored in “spent fuel ponds” will boil away, allowing the stored fuel rods to melt down and burn . Since the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) currently mandates that only one week’s supply of backup generator fuel needs to be stored at each reactor site, it is likely that after we witness the spectacular night-time celestial light show from the next extreme GMD we will have about one week in which to prepare ourselves for Armageddon. To do nothing is to behave like ostriches with our heads in the sand, blindly believing that “everything will be okay,” as our world inexorably drifts towards the next naturally recurring, 100% inevitable, super solar storm and resultant extreme GMD. The result of which in short order will end the industrialized world as we know it, incurring almost incalculable suffering, death, and environmental destruction on a scale not seen since the extinction of the dinosaurs some 65 million years ago. The End of “The Grid” As We Know There are records from the 1850s to today of roughly one hundred significant geomagnetic solar storms, two of which in the last 25 years were strong enough to cause millions of dollars worth of damage to key components that keep our modern grid powered. In March of 1989, a severe solar storm induced powerful electric currents in grid wiring that fried a main power transformer in the HydroQuebec system, causing a cascading grid failure that knocked out power to 6 million customers for nine hours while also damaging similar transformers in New Jersey and the United Kingdom. More recently, in 2003 a solar storm of lesser intensity, but longer duration, caused a blackout in Sweden and induced powerful currents in the South African grid that severely damaged or destroyed fourteen of their major power transformers, impairing commerce and comfort over major portions of that country as they were forced to resort to massive rolling blackouts that dragged on for many months. Transformer at the Salem Nuclear Plant, damaged by March 1989 solar storm. During the Great Geomagnetic Storm of May 14-15, 1921, brilliant aurora displays were reported in the Northern Hemisphere as far south as Mexico and Puerto Rico, and in the Southern Hemisphere as far north as Samoa. This extreme GMD produced ground currents roughly ten times as strong as the 1989 Quebec incident. Just 62 years earlier, the great granddaddy of recorded GMDs, referred to as “The Carrington Event,” raged from August 28 to September 4, 1859. This extreme GMD induced currents so powerful that telegraph lines, towers, and stations caught on fire at a number of locations around the world. Best estimates are that the Carrington Event was approximately 50% stronger than the Great Geomagnetic Storm of 1921. Since we are headed into an active solar period, much like the one preceding the Carrington Event, scientists are concerned that conditions could be ripe for the next extreme GMD. Prior to the advent of the microchip and modern extra-high-voltage (EHV) transformers (key grid components that were first introduced in the late 1960’s), most electrical systems were relatively robust and resistant to the effects of GMDs. Given the fact that a simple electrostatic spark can fry a microchip, and many thousands of miles of power lines act like giant antennas for capturing massive amounts of GMD spawned electromagnetic energy, the electrical systems of the modern world are far more vulnerable than their predecessors. The federal government recently sponsored a detailed scientific study to more fully understand the extent to which critical components of our national electrical power grid might be effected by either a naturally occurring GMD or a man-made EMP. Under the auspices of the EMP Commission and the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), and reviewed in depth by the Oakridge National Laboratory and the National Academy of Sciences, Metatech corporation undertook extensive modeling and analysis of the potential effects of extreme geomagnetic storms upon the U.S. electrical power grid. Based upon a storm of intensity equal to the Great Geomagnetic Storm of 1921, Metatech estimated that within the US induced voltage and current spikes, combined with harmonic anomalies, would severely damage or destroy over 350 EHV power transformers critical to the functioning of the U.S. grid, and possibly well over 2000 EHV transformers worldwide. EHV transformers are custom designed for each installation and are made to order, weighing as much as 300 tons each, and costing well over US 1$ million each. Given the fact that there is currently a three year waiting list for a single EHV transformer (due to recent demand from China and India, the lead times have grown from one to three years), and that the total global manufacturing capacity is roughly 100 EHV transformers per year when the world’s manufacturing centers are functioning properly, you can begin to grasp the dire implications of this situation. Growth of the US High Voltage Transmission Network and the Annual Electric Energy The loss of thousands of EHV transformers worldwide would cause a catastrophic collapse of the grid, stretching across much of the industrialized world. It will take years at best for the industrialized world to put itself back together after such an event, especially considering the fact that most of the manufacturing centers that make this equipment will also be grappling with widespread grid failure. Our Nuclear “Achilles Heel” "Five years ago I visited the still highly contaminated areas of Ukraine and the Belarus border where much of the radioactive plume from Chernobyl descended on 26 April 1986. I challenge chief scientist John Beddington and environmentalists like George Monbiot or any of the pundits now downplaying the risks of radiation to talk to the doctors, the scientists, the mothers, children and villagers who have been left with the consequences of a major nuclear accident. It was grim. We went from hospital to hospital and from one contaminated village to another. We found deformed and genetically mutated babies in the wards; pitifully sick children in the homes; adolescents with stunted growth and dwarf torsos; fetuses without thighs or fingers and villagers who told us every member of their family was sick. This was 20 years after the accident, but we heard of many unusual clusters of people with rare bone cancers…. Villages testified that ‘the Chernobyl necklace’—thyroid cancer—was so common as to be unremarkable." — John Vidal, “Nuclear’s Green Cheerleaders Forget Chernobyl at Our Peril,” Guardian. co.uk, April 1, 2011 So what do extended grid blackouts have to do with potential nuclear catastrophes? Nuclear power plants are designed to disconnect automatically from the grid in the event of a local power failure or major grid anomaly, and once disconnected they begin the process of shutting down the reactor's core. In the event of the loss of coolant flow to an active nuclear reactor's core, the reactor will start to melt down and fail catastrophically within a matter of a few hours at most. In an extreme GMD, nearly every reactor in the world could be affected. It was a short-term cooling system failure that caused the partial reactor core melt-down in March 1979 at Three Mile Island, Pennsylvania. Similarly, according to Japanese authorities it was not direct damage from Japan’s 9.0 magnitude Tohoku Earthquake on March 11, 2011 that caused the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear reactor disaster, but the loss of electric power to the reactor’s cooling system pumps when the reactor’s backup batteries and diesel generators were wiped out by the ensuing tidal waves. In the hours and days after the tidal waves shuttered the cooling systems, the cores of reactors number 1, 2, and 3 were in full meltdown and released hydrogen gas, fueling explosions which breached several reactor containment vessels and blew the roof off the building housing the spent fuel storage pond of reactor number 4. Of even greater danger and concern than the reactor cores themselves are the spent fuel rods stored in on-site cooling ponds. Lacking a permanent spent nuclear fuel storage facility, so-called “temporary” nuclear fuel containment ponds are features common to nearly all nuclear reactor facilities. They typically contain the accumulated spent fuel from 10 or more decommissioned reactor cores. Due to lack of a permanent repository, most of these fuel containment ponds are greatly overloaded and tightly packed beyond original design. They are generally surrounded by common light industrial buildings, with concrete walls and corrugated steel roofs. Unlike the active reactor cores, which are encased inside massive “containment vessels” with thick walls of concrete and steel, the buildings surrounding spent fuel rod storage ponds would do practically nothing to contain radioactive contaminants in the event of prolonged cooling system failures. Since spent fuel ponds typically hold far greater quantities of highly radioactive material then the active nuclear reactors locked inside reinforced containment vessels, they clearly present far greater potential for the catastrophic spread of highly radioactive contaminants over huge swaths of land, polluting the environment for multiple generations spanning hundreds of years. A study by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) determined that the “boil down time” for spent fuel rod containment ponds runs from between 4 and 22 days after loss of cooling system power before degenerating into a Fukushima-like situation, depending upon the type of nuclear reactor and how recently its latest batch of fuel rods had been decommissioned. Reactor fuel rods have a protective zirconium cladding, which if superheated while exposed to air will burn with intense self-generating heat, much like a magnesium fire, releasing highly radioactive aerosols and smoke. According to Arnie Gundersen, former Senior Vice President for Nuclear Engineering Services Corporation, now turned nuclear whistle-blower, once a zirconium fire has started, due to its extreme temperatures and high degree of reactivity, contact with water will result in the water dissociating into hydrogen and oxygen gases, which will almost certainly lead to violent explosions. Gundersen says that once a zirconium fuel rod fire has started, the worst thing you could do is to try to quench the fire with water streams, since this action will only make matters worse and lead to violent explosions. Gundersen believes the massive explosion that blew the roof off the spent fuel pond at Fukushima was caused by zirconium induced hydrogen dissociation. Had it not been for heroic efforts on the part of Japan’s nuclear workers to replenish waters in the spent fuel pool at Fukushima, those spent fuel rods would have melted down and ignited their zirconium cladding, which most likely would have released far more radioactive contamination than what came from the three reactor core melt-downs. Japanese officials have estimate that the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster has already released into the local environment just over half the total radioactive contamination as was released by Chernobyl, but other sources estimate it could be significantly more than was released by the accident at Chernobyl. In the event that an extreme GMD induced long-term grid collapse covering much of the globe, if just half of the world’s spent fuel ponds were to boil off their water and become radioactive zirconium fed infernos, the ensuing contamination could far exceed the cumulative effect of 400 Chernobyls. Electromagnetic Pulse (EMP) Attack "Many of the control systems we considered achieved optimal connectivity through Ethernet cabling. EMP coupling of electrical transients to the cables proved to be an important vulnerability during threat illumination…. The testing and analysis indicate that the electronics could be expected to see roughly 100 to 700 ampere current transients on typical Ethernet cables. Effects noted in EMP testing occurred at the lower end of this scale. The bottom line observation at the end of the testing was that every system failed when exposed to the simulated EMP environment." — Report of the Commission to Asses the Threat to the United States from Electromagnetic Pulse (EMP) Attack Electromagnetic pulses (EMPs) and solar super storms are two different, but related, categories of events that are often described as high-impact, low frequency (HILF) events. Events categorized as HILF don’t happen very often, but if and when they do they have the potential to severely affect the lives of many millions of people. Think of an EMP as a super-powerful radio wave capable of inducing damaging voltage spikes in electrical wires and electronic devices across vast geographical areas. (Note that the geomagnetic effects of solar storms are also described as “natural EMP”.) What is generally referred to as an EMP strike is the deliberate detonation of a nuclear device at a high altitude, roughly defined as somewhere between 24 and 240 miles (40 and 400 kilometers) above the surface of the earth. Nuclear detonations of this type have the potential to cause serious damage to electronics and electrical power grids along their line of sight, covering huge distances on the order of a circular area 1,500 miles (2,500 kilometers) in diameter, which would correspond to an area stretching roughly from Quebec City in Canada down to Dallas, Texas. Illustrative EMP effects—Fast Pulse E1 Effects. The concern is that some rogue state or terrorist organization might build their own nuclear device from scratch or buy one illegally, procure a Scud missile (or similar) on the black market and launch their nuclear device from a large fishing boat or freighter somewhere off the coast of the US, causing grid collapse and widespread damage to electronic devices across roughly 50% of America. Much like an extreme GMD, a powerful EMP attack would also cause widespread grid collapse, but it would be limited to a much smaller geographical area. A powerful EMP from a sub-orbital nuclear detonation would cause extreme electromagnetic effects, starting with an initial short duration “speed of light” pulse, referred to as an “E1” effect, followed by a middle duration pulse called an “E2” effect, which is followed by a longer duration disturbance known as an “E3” effect. The “E1” effect lasts on the order of a few nanoseconds, and is quite similar to massive discharges of electrostatic sparks, which are particularly damaging to digital microelectronic chips that are at the core of most modern electronic equipment. The intermediate “E2” effects last a fraction of a second, and are similar to many thousands to millions of lightning strikes hitting over a widespread area at almost exactly the same time. In the case of a nuclear induced EMP, its E3 effect starts after about a half second and may continue for several minutes. The E3 effect can be thought of as a “long slow burn”, and electromagnetically it is quite similar to the effects from an extreme GMD, except that the latter may continue for a number of hours or days. A “successful” EMP attack launched against the US would most likely result in the immediate collapse of the grid across roughly 50% of the country, crash the stock market, and cause critical failures in many of the electronic systems in affected areas that control nuclear reactors, chemical plants, telecommunications systems and industrial processes. These systems include programmable logic controllers (PLC), digital control systems (DCS), and supervisory control and data acquisition systems (SCADA). The only good news about EMP strike is that its effect will cover a much smaller area than an extreme GMD, so there will be a significant portion of the rest of the US, as well as the rest of the outside world, left intact and able to lend a hand towards rebuilding critical infrastructure in the affected areas. Imagine the near total loss of a functioning infrastructure across an area of about a million square miles (approximately 1.6 million square kilometers, roughly equivalent to 50 Hurricane Katrinas happening simultaneously) and you will have some idea of the potentially crippling effect of an EMP attack from a single medium sized sub-orbital nuclear detonation! The congressionally mandated EMP Commission has studied the threat of both EMP and extreme GMD events, and made recommendations to the US congress to implement protective devices and procedures to insure the survival of the grid and other critical infrastructures in either event. John Kappenman, author of the Metatech study, estimates that it would cost on the order of $1 billion to build special protective devices into the US grid to protect its EHV transformers from EMP or extreme GMD damage, and to build stores of critical replacement parts should some of these items be damaged or destroyed. Kappenman estimates that it would cost significantly less than $1 billion to store at least a year’s worth of diesel fuel for backup generators at each US nuclear facility and to store sets of critical spare parts, such as backup generators, inside EMP-hardened steel containers to be available for quick change-out in the event that any of these items were damaged by an EMP or GMD. For the cost of a single B-2 bomber or a tiny fraction of the TARP bank bailout, we could invest in preventative measures to avert what might well become the end of our civilization and life as we know it! There is no way to protect against all possible effects from an extreme GMD or an EMP attack, but certainly we could implement measures to protect against the worst effects. Since 2008, Congress has narrowly failed to pass legislation that would implement at least some of the EMP Commission’s recommendations. We have a long ways to go to make our world EMP and GMD safe. Every citizen can do their part to push for legislation to move towards this goal, and to work inside our homes and communities to develop local resilience and self reliance, so that in the event of a long term grid-down scenario, we might make the most of a bad situation. The same tools that are espoused by the “Transition Movement” for developing local self-reliance and resilience to help cope with the twin effects of climate change and peak oil could also serve communities well in the event of an EMP attack or extreme GMD. If our country were to implement safeguards to protect our grid and nuclear power plants from EMP, it would also eliminate the primary incentive for a terrorist to launch an EMP attack. The sooner we take these actions the less chance that an EMP attack will occur! For more information, or to get involved, see http://empactamerica.org/, http://survive-emp.com/, and http://www.transitionnetwork.org/ or contact your congressman at http://www.contactingthecongress.org/. Bill Dedman, “Nuclear Neighbors: Population Rises Near Nuclear Reactors,” MSNBC.com. Available at http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/42555888/ns/us_news-life/t/nuclear-neighbors-population-rises-near-us-reactors/#. Accessed December 2011. Dina Cappiello, “Long Blackouts Pose Risk to U.S. Nuclear Reactors,” Associated Press, March 29, 2011. Lawrence E. Joseph, “The Sun Also Surprises,” New York Times, August 15, 2010. Available at http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/16/opinion/16joseph.html. Accessed August 2010. John Kappenman, “Geomagnetic Storms and Their Impacts on the U.S. Power Grid,” Metatech Corporation, prepared for Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Meta-R-319, January 2010, p. 2—29. S. M. Silverman and E. W. Cliver, “Low-Altitude Auroras: The Magnetic Storm of 14-15 May 1921,” Journal of Atmospheric and Solar-Terrestrial Physics 63, (2001), p. 523-535. Additionally, “High-Impact, Low-Frequency Event Risk to the North American Bulk Power System: A Jointly Commissioned Summary Report of the North American Electric Reliability Corporation and the U.S. Department of Energy’s November 2009 Workshop,” June, 2010, p. 68. Committee on the Societal and Economic Impacts of Severe Space Weather Events: A Workshop National Research Council, “Severe Space Weather Events: Understanding Societal and Economic Impacts Workshop Report,” National Research Council of the National Academies (2008), p. 7-13, and p. 100. Additionally, E. W. Cliver and L. Svalgaard, “The 1859 Solar-Terrestrial Disturbance and the Current Limits of Extreme Space Weather Activity,” Solar Physics (2004) 224, P. 407-422. Richard A. Lovett, “What if the Biggest Solar Storm on Record Happened Today?” National Geographic News, March 2, 2011. Available at http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2011/03/110302-solar-flares-sun-storms-earth-danger-carrington-event-science/. Accessed December 2011. John Vidal, “Nuclear’s Green Cheerleaders Forget Chernobyl at Our Peril,” Guardian.co.uk, April 1, 2011. Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/apr/01/fukushima-chernobyl-risks-radiation. Accessed May 2011. NUREG-1738, “Technical Study of Spent Fuel Pool Accident Risk at Decommissioning Nuclear Power Plants,” February 2001, as reported in “Petition for Rulemaking: Docket No. PRM-50-96,” Foundation for Resilient Societies before the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, p. 3-9 and 49-50. Available at http://www.resilientsocieties.org/images/Petition_For_Rulemaking_Resilie.... Accessed December, 2011. Arnold Gundersen, interview by author, November 2011. “Report of the Commission to Assess the Threat to the United States from Electromagnetic Pulse (EMP) Attack: Critical National Infrastructures,” April, 2008, p. 6. John Kappenman, interview by author, December 2011. Dr. Peter Vincent Pry, “Statement Before the Congressional Caucus on EMP,” EMPact America, February 15, 2011. Available at http://www.empactamerica.org/pry-statement-to-emp-caucus.pdf. Accessed November 2011. About the author: Matthew Stein is a design engineer, green builder, and author of two bestselling books: When Disaster Strikes: A Comprehensive Guide to Emergency Planning and Crisis Survival (Chelsea Green 2011), and When Technology Fails: A Manual for Self-Reliance, Sustainability, and Surviving the Long Emergency (Chelsea Green 2008). Stein is a graduate of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) where he majored in Mechanical Engineering. Stein has appeared on numerous radio and television programs and is a repeat guest on Fox News, Lionel, Coast-to-Coast AM, and the Thom Hartmann Show. He is an active mountain climber, serves as a guide and instructor for blind skiers, has written several articles on the subject of sustainable living, and is a guest columnist for the Huffington Post.

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Synopses & Reviews Taking Sides Takes on a Wide Range of Issues The 2006 Taking Sides Student Collection brings together the arguments of leading social and behavioral scientists, educators, and contemporary commentators, forming 18 to 20 debates, or issues, that present the pros and cons of current controversies in an area of study. The ideal collection for libraries serving undergraduate college students, this set features the following titles: Taking Sides: African Issues, 2/E Taking Sides: Abnormal Psychology, 4/E Taking Sides: Crime and Criminology, 7/E Taking Sides: Environmental Issues, 12/E Taking Sides: Social Issues, 14/E Taking Sides: Educational Psychology, 4/E Taking Sides: Gender Taking Sides: Latin American Issues Taking Sides: Lifespan Development Taking Sides: Mass Media and Society, 9/E Taking Sides: Educational Issues Taking Sides: World Politics, 12/E Taking Sides: Social Psychology, 2/E Taking Sides: World History VI, 3/E Taking Sides: World History V2, 2/E Index on CD-ROM This Fifth Edition of TAKING SIDES: ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY presents current controversial issues in a debate-style format designed to stimulate student interest and develop critical thinking skills. Each issue is thoughtfully framed with an issue summary, an issue introduction, and a postscript. An online instructors resource guide with testing material is available. USING TAKING SIDES IN THE CLASSROOM (ISBN 9780073343907) is also an excellent instructor resource with practical suggestions on incorporating this effective approach in the classroom. Each TAKING SIDES reader features an annotated listing of selected World Wide Web sites and is supported by our student website, www.mhcls.com/online. 'From McGraw-Hill Contemporary Learning Series (formerly known as McGraw-Hill/Dushkin), this fourth edition of TAKING SIDES: ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY presents current controversial issues in a debate-style format designed to stimulate student interest and develop critical thinking skills. Each issue is thoughtfully framed with an issue summary, an issue introduction, and a postscript. An instructors manual with testing material is available for each volume. USING TAKING SIDES IN THE CLASSROOM is also an excellent instructor resource with practical suggestions on incorporating this effective approach in the classroom. Each TAKING SIDES reader features an annotated listing of selected World Wide Web sites and is supported by our student website, www.mhcls.com/online.' About the Author Professor Halgin received his Ph. D. from Fordham University, and completed a 3-year fellowship in the Department of Psychiatry at New York Hospital-Cornell Medical Center, prior to joining the faculty of the University of Massachusetts in 1977. He is a Board Certified Clinical Psychologist and has had over two decades of clinical, supervisory, and consulting experience. At the University of Massachusetts, his course in Abnormal Psychology is one of the most popular offerings on campus, attracting an enrollment of more than 500 students each semester. In recent years, he has also offered this course at Amherst College and Smith College. His teaching has been recognized at the university and national level. A University of Massachusetts Alumni Distinguished Professor, he was honored with the University's Distinguished Teaching Award and his teaching was recognized by the Society for the Teaching of Psychology of the American Psychological Association. In April 2003, his teaching was highlighted in the Chronicle of Higher Education. Professor Halgin is the author of more than fifty journal articles and book chapters in the fields of psychotherapy, clinical supervision, and professional issues in psychology. Table of Contents Unit 1 Psychological Conditions and Treatments - Issue 1. Is Forced Treatment of Seriously Mentally Ill Individuals Justifiable? YES: Samuel J. Brakel, from Overriding Mental Health Treatment Refusals: How Much Process Is “Due”? (The Berkeley Electronic Press, 2007) NO: James B. Gottstein, from “How the Legal System Can Help Create a Recovery Culture in Mental Health Systems,” Leading the Transformation to Recovery (2005) Attorney Samuel J. Brakel asserts that society has a responsibility to take care of seriously mentally ill individuals who are incapable of making an informed decision about their need for care and treatment. Attorney James B. Gottstein contends that forced treatment of mentally ill citizens represents a curtailment of liberty which leads a large number of people down a road to permanent disability and poverty. - Issue 2. Should Individuals with Anorexia Nervosa Have the Right to Refuse Life-Sustaining Treatment? YES: Heather Draper, from “Anorexia Nervosa and Respecting a Refusal of Life-Prolonging Therapy: A Limited Justification,” Bioethics (April 1, 2000) NO: J. L. Werth, Jr., Kimberly S. Wright, Rita J. Archambault, and Rebekah J. Bardash, from “When Does the ‘Duty to Protect Apply with a Client Who Has Anorexia Nervosa?” The Counseling Psychologist (July 2003) Heather Draper argues that clinicians need to accept the fact that individuals with anorexia nervosa may be competent, and may have legitimate reasons for refusing therapy. In such cases, therapists should respect the individuals wishes and should refrain from administering life-sustaining treatment. James Werth, Jr. and his colleagues contend that, due to the very nature of anorexia nervosa, individuals with anorexia cannot make rational decisions about nutrition and feeding. Because the behaviors of anorexics have such potential for health damage or even death, clinicians have a duty to protect the lives of their patients, even if it calls for compulsory treatment. - Issue 3. Is Psychological Debriefing a Harmful Intervention for Survivors of Trauma? YES: Grant J. Devilly and Peter Cotton, from “Psychological Debriefing and the Workplace: Defining a Concept, Controversies and Guidelines for Intervention,” Australian Psychologist (July 2003) NO: J. T. Mitchell, from “A Response to Devilly and Cotton Article ‘Psychological Debriefing and the Workplace,” Australian Psychologist (March 2004) Psychologists Grant J. Devilly and Peter Cotton assert that critical incident stress debriefing (CISD) is poorly defined and has been shown to do more harm than good. They propose alternative approaches for responding to trauma survivors, which they consider more effective. Jeffrey T. Mitchell of the International Critical Incident Stress Foundation (ICISF) argues that Devilly and Cotton have misrepresented important information about psychological debriefing and have confused several aspects of this system of responding to trauma survivors. - Issue 4. Are Blocked and Recovered Memories Valid Phenomena? YES: David H. Gleaves, Steven M. Smith, Lisa D. Butler, and David Spiegel, from “False and Recovered Memories in the Laboratory and Clinic: A Review of Experimental and Clinical Evidence,” Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice (Spring 2004) NO: John F. Kihlstrom, from “An Unbalanced Balancing Act: Blocked, Recovered, and False Memories in the Laboratory and Clinic,” Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice (Spring 2004) Psychologist David Gleaves and his colleagues assert that for some people, memories of traumatic events are blocked but may subsequently be recovered. Psychologist John Kihlstrom disputes the validity of blocked and recovered memories. He views the phenomenon of “false memories” as a serious problem in contemporary society. - Issue 5. Is Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) a Real Disorder? YES: National Institute of Mental Health, from Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (NIH Publication No. 3572), Bethesda, MD: National Institute of Mental Health, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2006) NO: Rogers H. Wright, from “Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder: What It Is and What It Is Not,” in Rogers H. Wright and Nicholas A. Cummings, eds., Destructive Trends in Mental Health: The Well Intentioned Path to Harm (Routledge, 2005) NIMH views ADHD as a valid disorder affecting between 3 and 5 percent of American children, many of whom will continue to deal with symptoms of this condition into adulthood. According to NIMH, ADHD warrants careful diagnosis and treatment by skilled professionals. Psychologist Rogers H. Wright argues that ADHD has vague diagnostic criteria that lead to over-diagnosis and over-medication of an excessive number of people. - Issue 6. Should MDMA (Ecstasy) Be Prohibited, Even for Therapeutic Use? YES: Robert Mathias and Patrick Zickler, from “NIDA Conference Highlights Scientific Findings on MDMA/Ecstasy,” NIDA Notes (December 2001) NO: June Riedlinger and Michael Montagne, from “Using MDMA in the Treatment of Depression,” in Julie Holland, ed., Ecstasy: The Complete Guide (Park Street Press, 2001) Science writers Robert Mathias and Patrick Zickler argue that MDMA has skyrocketed in popularity and that insufficient attention has been paid to the physical and psychological risks associated with its use. June Riedlinger, an assistant professor of clinical pharmacy, and Michael Montagne, a professor of pharmacy, contend that the risks associated with MDMA use have been exaggerated and that there are legitimate therapeutic uses for this substance. - Issue 7. Should Abstinence Be the Goal for Treating People with Alcohol Problems? YES: Patricia Owen, from “Should Abstinence Be the Goal for Alcohol Treatment?,” The American Journal of Addictions (Fall 2001) NO: Anne M. Fletcher, from Sober for Good: New Solutions for Drinking ProblemsAdvice from Those Who Have Succeeded (Houghton Mifflin Co., 2001) Psychologist Patricia Owen asserts that abstinence is the safest and most honest treatment goal for most people who are dependent on alcohol. Health and medical writer Anne Fletcher contends that many people with alcohol problems can be successful in their efforts to control their drinking, particularly if they are given professional guidance and support. Unit 2 The Trend Toward Biological Interventions - Issue 8. Should Memory-Dampening Drugs Be Used to Alleviate the Symptoms of Trauma? YES: Adam J. Kolber, from “Therapeutic Forgetting: The Legal and Ethical Implications of Memory Dampening,” Vanderbilt Law Review (2006) NO: The Presidents Council on Bioethics, Beyond Therapy: Biotechnology and the Pursuit of Happiness (October 2003) Professor Adam Kolber asserts that victims of trauma who experience terrifying residual symptoms can benefit from drugs that make the trauma feel less horrible. Such drugs can help trauma survivors make life transformations that they would otherwise be incapable of making. The Presidents Council on Bioethics, chaired by Dr. Leon Kass, objects to the use of biotechnical interventions to ease the psychic pain of bad memories, because identities are formed in part by what people undergo and suffer. - Issue 9. Are Antipsychotic Medications the Treatment of Choice for People with Psychosis? YES: E. Fuller Torrey, from Surviving Schizophrenia: A Manual for Families, Consumers, and Providers, 4th ed. (Quill 2001) NO: Robert Whitaker, from Mad in America: Bad Science, Bad Medicine, and the Enduring Mistreatment of the Mentally Ill (Perseus 2002) Psychiatrist E. Fuller Torrey, an outspoken advocate for the needs of the mentally ill and their families, contends that antipsychotic medications play a centrally important role in alleviating psychotic symptoms and reducing the likelihood of rehospitalization. Journalist and social critic Robert Whitaker asserts that antipsychotic medications make people chronically ill, cause serious side effects, and increase the likelihood of rehospitalization; furthermore, reliance on these medical treatments for the mentally ill neglect important questions such as what it means to be human. - Issue 10. Is Ritalin Overprescribed? YES: Peter R. Breggin, from The Ritalin Fact Book: What Your Doctor Wont Tell You about ADHD and Stimulant Drugs (Perseus, 2002) NO: Russell A. Barkley, from Taking Charge of ADHD: The Complete, Authoritative Guide for Parents (Guilford, 2000) Physician Peter R. Breggin asserts that Ritalin and similar stimulants are dangerous addictive medications that should not be prescribed to children because they suppress growth and lead to a number of worrisome physical and psychological symptoms. Psychologist and prominent ADHD re-searcher Russell A. Barkley objects to criticisms of Ritalin and similar stimulants, asserting that these medications serve as important parts of interventions and aim at helping children increase their attention and concentration. - Issue 11. Should Psychologists Prescribe Medication? YES: Robert Resnick, from “To Prescribe or Not To PrescribeIs That the Question?” The Psychologist (April 2003) NO: William N. Robiner, et al., from “Prescriptive Authority for Psychologists: A Looming Health Hazard?” Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice (Fall 2002) Psychologist Robert Resnick endorses the recommendation that psycho-logists be given prescription privileges in order to expand psychophar-macological availability to people needing medication. Psychologist William Robiner and his colleagues object to the notion of granting prescription privileges to psychologists, and express several concerns pertaining to training and competence. - Issue 12. Is Electroconvulsive Therapy Ethical? YES: Max Fink, from Electroshock: Restoring the Mind (Oxford University Press, 1999) NO: Leonard R. Frank, from “Shock Treatment IV: Resistance in the 1990s,” in Robert F. Morgan, ed., Electroshock: The Case Against (Morgan Foundation, 1999) Physician Max Fink asserts that electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) is an effective intervention whose use has been limited as a result of social stigma and philosophical bias, which have been reinforced by intimidation from the pharmaceutical and managed care industries. Leonard R. Frank, editor and cofounder of the Network Against Psychiatric Assault, criticizes the use of ECT because of its disturbing side effects, some of which he personally has suffered, and asserts that its resurgence in popularity is economically based. Unit 3 Social Issues - Issue 13. Is It Ethical to Support the Wish for Healthy Limb Amputation in People with Body Integrity Identity Disorder (BIID)? YES: Tim Bayne and Neil Levy, from “Amputees by Choice: Body Integrity Identity Disorder and the Ethics of Amputation,” Journal of Applied Philosophy (2005) NO: Wesley J. Smith, from “Secondhand Smoke: Blog of Wesley J. Smith” (2007) Authors Tim Bayne and Neil Levy argue that people with body integrity identity disorder (BIID) are in emotional pain because of their experience of incongruity between their body image and their actual body. Such individuals should be accorded their wish, and their prerogative, to have healthy limbs amputated. Wesley Smith objects to the notion of acquiescing to the wishes for healthy limb amputation in people whom he views as severely mentally disturbed. Smith asserts that these people need treatment, not amputation. - Issue 14. Is Sexual Orientation Conversion Therapy Ethical? YES: Christopher H. Rosik, from “Motivational, Ethical, and Epistemological Foundations in the Treatment of Unwanted Homoerotic Attraction,” Journal of Marital and Family Therapy (January 2003) NO: Robert-Jay Green, from “When Therapists Do Not Want Their Clients to Be Homosexual: A Response to Rosiks Article,” Journal of Marital and Family Therapy (January 2003) Psychologist Christopher Rosik asserts that many clients have valid reasons for pursuing sexual orientation conversion therapy, and mental health professionals have a responsibility to work with these clients toward their goals. Psychologist Robert-Jay Green expresses concern over therapy involving sexual reorientation, cautioning that clients must understand their motivations for seeking change. He contends that there is little evidence regarding the effectiveness of such therapy. - Issue 15. Does Exposure to Media Violence Promote Aggressive Behavior? YES: Nancy Signorielli, from Violence in the Media: A Reference Handbook (ABC-CLIO, 2005) NO: Jonathan L. Freedman, from Media Violence and Its Effect on Aggression: Assessing the Scientific Evidence (University of Toronto Press, 2002) Professor of communication Nancy Signorielli asserts that research supports the position that media violence affects viewers by fostering aggression, causing desensitization to violence, and promoting fear. Psychologist Jonathan L. Freedman argues that the scientific evidence does not support the notion that exposure to TV and film violence causes aggression, desensitization, or fear. - Issue 16. Would Legalization of Virtual Child Pornography Reduce Sexual Exploitation of Children? YES: Arnold H. Loewy, from “Taking Free Speech Seriously: The United States Supreme Court and Virtual Child Pornography,” UNC Public Law Research Paper No. 02-17 (November 2002) NO: Diana E. H. Russell and Natalie J. Purcell, from “Exposure to Pornography as a Cause of Child Sexual Victimization,” in Nancy E. Dowd, Dorothy G. Singer, and Robin Fretwell Wilson, eds., Handbook of Children, Culture, and Violence (Sage Publication Inc., 2006) Attorney Arnold Loewy views the issue of virtual child pornography from a legal perspective, asserting that such material is a form of free speech that ought to be constitutionally protected. He also contends that legalizing virtual child pornography would reduce the extent to which real children would be exploited. Writers Diana Russell and Natalie Purcell express vehement objections to any forms of pornography involving images of children, asserting that Internet users with no previous sexual interest in children may find themselves drawn into a world in which the societal prohibition against adult-child sex is undermined. - Issue 17. Does Evolution Explain Why Men Rape? YES: Randy Thornhill and Craig T. Palmer, from “Why Men Rape,” The Sciences (January/February 2000) NO: Susan Brownmiller, from Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape (Simon and Schuster, 1975) Evolutionary biologist Randy Thornhill and evolutionary anthropologist Craig T. Palmer assert that the reasons why men rape are misunderstood. They contend that, rather than an act of gratuitous violence, rape can be understood as a biologically determined behavior in which socially disenfranchised men resort to this extreme act in order to gain access to women. Journalist Susan Brownmiller argues that rape is an exempli-fication of the male-female struggle in which men humiliate and degrade women in a blunt and ugly expression of physical power. - Issue 18. Should Mental Health Professionals Serve as Gatekeepers for Physician-Assisted Suicide? YES: Rhea K. Farberman, from “Terminal Illness and Hastened Death Requests: The Important Role of the Mental Health Professional,” Professional Psychology: Research and Practice (1997) NO: Mark D. Sullivan, Linda Ganzini, and Stuart J. Youngner, from “Should Psychiatrists Serve as Gatekeepers for Physician-Assisted Suicide?” The Hastings Center Report (July/August 1998) Rhea K. Farberman, director of public communications for the American Psychological Association, makes the case that mental health profes-sionals should be called upon to assess terminally ill people who request hastened death in order to ensure that decision making is rational and free of coercion. Psychiatrists Mark D. Sullivan, Linda Ganzini, and Stuart J. Youngner argue that the reliance on mental health professionals to be suicide gatekeepers involves an inappropriate use of clinical procedures to disguise societys ambivalence about suicide itself. - Issue 19. Must Mentally Ill Murderers Have a RationalUnderstanding of Why They Are Being Sentenced to Death? YES: American Psychological Association, American Psychiatric Association, and National Alliance on Mental Illness, from “Brief for Amici Curiae American Psychological Association, American Psychiatric Association, and National Alliance on Mental Illness in Support of Petitioner,” Scott Louis Panetti v. Nathaniel Quaterman, Director, Texas Department of Criminal Justic, Correctional Institutions Division, U.S. Supreme Court, No. 06-6407 (2007) NO: Greg Abbott, et al., from “On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit: Brief for the Respondent,” Scott Louis Panetti v. Nathaniel Quaterman, Director, Texas Department of Criminal Justice, Correctional Institutions Division, U.S. Supreme Court, No. 06-6407 (2007) The American Psychological Association, American Psychiatric Asso-ciation, and the National Alliance on Mental Illness collaborated in the preparation of an amici curiae brief pertaining to the case of Scott Panetti who was sentenced to death for murder. In this brief the argument is made that mentally ill convicts should not be executed if their disability significantly impairs their capacity to understand the nature and purpose of their punishment, or to appreciate why the punishment is being imposed on them. An opposing argument is made by Nathaniel Quarterman who asserts that punishment for murder does not depend on the rational understanding of the convicted individual, but rather on the convicts moral culpability at the time the crime was committed.

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Paper read by Hon. Martin Behrman Mayor of New Orleans, La. before Convention of League of American Municipalities, Milwaukee, Wis., September 29, 1914.a On general geographical considerations a great city at the most practical point of communication with the big water systems of the country, and the sea, was at any time before the introduction of railroads, a warrantable expectation. And this would seem the only rational pretext for Bienville's selection of the site on which the now beautiful city of New Orleans stands, as the location of the Metropolis of the South. The motives must have been convincing, indeed, which could induce colonization upon such an uninviting and insanitary waste. A low, flat, marshy area, subject to disastrous inundation at all seasons of the year, pest-ridden, infested with malaria in its most pernicious forms, without a feature to commend it and menaced on every side by seen and unseen enemies — such was the little crescent-shaped village named in honor of the Regent of France, when laid out in the midst of cypress swamps and willow jungles in the year of our Lord, 1690. As the traveler proceeds down the Mississippi river from its source to its mouth, a unique phenomenon attracts his attention. The river seems to grow higher as he descends. The bluffs, which on one side or the other rise prominently along its banks in its upper waters, grow less bold, and finally disappear as he progresses southward. If it should be the season of high water he will find himself, as he nears New Orleans, gliding down a river which is higher than its bordering land, and which is restrained in its penchant for encroachment and destruction by massive levees, for the most massive of which the Crescent City owes its immunity from flood. But notwithstanding these formidable impediments to its progress, its frequent and devastating epidemics, is abnormal death rate and other untoward conditions, New Orleans for years advanced rapidly both in population and commerce, being at one time the third largest city in the Union. At no time, however, was the importance of establishing proper sewerage and drainage systems and providing the city with an abundant supply of pure water in any sense disregarded. But the introduction of these great utilities, it was contended, involved, among other well-nigh insuperable difficulties, engineering problems of the most complex and expensive p2character, thus, it was thought, rendering them practically impossible of accomplishment. Mr. George G. Earl, General Superintendent of the New Orleans Sewerage & Water Board, whose splendid executive ability and eminent expert knowledge of engineering has contributed and still is contributing so much toward the completion and successful operation of these three great systems, in an able and interesting report upon this subject says:— "First of all, New Orleans had to face the problem of overflows from the Mississippi River and from tidal waters in Lake , and the construction of levees, first along the river bank, because high water in the river was above the level of even the highest land in the city, and later, in the rear, to prevent high lake tides from backing into the lower part of the inhabited area, followed. Then came surface ditches and canals into the tidal bayous which often rose to a level which precluded much relief by such method, since only a very small area of land along the river bank in New Orleans is higher than the high tides of the lake, and the ditches and canals for the most part were more or less filled by tidal water and gave very inadequate drainage even for the highest portion of the city. Rainfalls of great intensity were of frequent occurrence, and these falling on a ground which was always saturated made the need for better drainage imperative." To meet this need, Mr. Earl stated that three great drainage wheels, operated by steam and working backward were constructed, but their capacity was insufficient and they proved wholly inadequate to requirements. Hence, it was not until 1900 that New Orleans could be said to have a drainage system, thoroughly equipped, and competent to effectively deal with the situation. Up to that time floods were frequent, especially in the area in the rear of the city, the open drainage canals nearly always full, being the only means of removal of storm water or of the polluted liquid wastes from domestic or manufacturing plants. There were no sewers, and the vaults and cesspools on inhabited premises, were at intervals cleaned by sanitary excavating companies and their offensive contents removed in barrels to the garbage boats in the Mississippi and dumped into the river below the city. The water supply was caught from the roofs of houses and stored in wooden cisterns above ground, these receptacles p3accumulating much in the way of filth, rendering the product objectionable, if not positively unhealthy. During periods of drought the scarcity of water was an oft-recurring cause of complaint, particularly on the part of the poor, among whom it was attended with much suffering and inconvenience. Besides, the cisterns themselves, mostly open at the top, were prolific breeding places of the stegomyia, the type of mosquito which the United States surgeons in Cuba, in 1900, discovered to be transmitters of the yellow fever germ — a disease from which New Orleans, because of its proximity to and commercial intimacy with the tropical countries, had suffered incalculably in the past. True, a private concern owned and operated a water plant in the city during this time, pumping its product directly from the Mississippi and serving it to consumers just as it was taken from the river — unfiltered, muddy and in such a condition as to render it wholly unfit for use for cooking, bathing or for nearly any other domestic purpose. Nevertheless, its charges were exorbitant, its service limited to about one hundred and twenty-five (125) out of over four hundred (400) miles of streets in the built-up area, with about seventeen hundred (1,700) fire hydrants and a pressure insufficient for fire protection. The inception of the present magnificent system of drainage dates back to 1895, when plans prepared by Mr. L. W. Brown, then City Engineer, were approved by an Advisory Board of Engineers, composed of Mr. Rudolph Hering, of New York City, and Major B. M. Harrod and Colonel H. B. Richardson, of New Orleans. Then followed the creation of a drainage commission by act of the Legislature in 1896, with Major B. M. Harrod as Chief Engineer. Construction work was started in 1897, although there had not been available at that time sufficient funds to carry the project to completion. The drainage system consists of about sixty-nine (69) miles of canals, both low and high level, discharging into tide-water and operated to produce artificially the necessary slope to cause the water to flow in them by seven great pumping stations, the combined capacity of which amounts to four thousand six hundred (4,600) cubic feet per second, p4equal to over two billion five hundred million ( gallons in twenty-four (24) hours — a column of water one-half mile long and ten feet square removed every minute. Slight recurrences of yellow fever, which had been successfully excluded by quarantine and disinfection of vessels from 1880 to 1897, in 1897, 1898 and 1899, while resulting in a comparatively infinitesimal death rate, exerted, nevertheless, a depressing influence upon business, causing lack of confidence on the part of the outside world, with a tendency to avoid New Orleans as an undesirable place, either for residence or investment. It was evident, therefore, a crisis had been reached in our internal affairs. We realized that we must decide quickly upon the adoption of a policy, either of progress and modernization on the one hand, or content ourselves, on the other, with remaining inert — satisfied with what we had and the conditions in which we lived, which would have been tantamount to a declaration in favor of retrogression and decay. We realized, also, that while the process of decay might be gradual, its results in the end would prove disastrous to us, and that to prevent this many difficulties would have to be overcome and many sacrifices made. This, then, was the situation, when, in 1899, a campaign of education was organized, in which leading citizens, and notably many ladies, through their respective organizations and as individuals, became active in urging upon the people the adoption of modern and efficient sewer and water systems as an additional and indispensable prerequisite to the city's further expansion. The campaign was a success, culminating in the enactment of a law by the General Assembly authorizing a bond issue, the revenues from which were to be dedicated to the immediate construction of these two systems, and also making further provision for the extension of the drainage system and completing it within the inhabited area. In accordance with this act there was also created a board for the execution, subsequent maintenance and operation of the three systems — sewerage, water and drainage — the merging of the Sewer and Water Board and the Drainage Commission, which in the beginning constituted a part of the Sewerage and Water Board. Meanwhile work to the extent of the city's ability to meet the expense was going forward, so that by 1900 a very considerable p5part of the drainage system was in successful operation, providing about three times the pumping capacity and about four times the lift of the old drainage wheels. "So for the first time," the General Superintendent reported, "the canal system could be pumped down to a reasonable depth, say, from ten to fifteen feet below the surface, and the storms of moderate intensity were removed as rapidly as they fell, thus preventing the supersaturation of the soil and giving it a chance to dry out." No project ever brought to a successful issue in the history of New Orleans had so deep and wide an influence for good in all directions as that which ensued from this achievement. Although the drainage system was then not half completed, it was evident no work of the kind in this country could compare with it in magnitude or in the complex and expensive character of the undertaking. Land before worthless, became at once available for agricultural or city development; gutters were no longer stagnant, and the death rate dropped as if by magic from an average of about twenty-seven (27) to less than twenty-two (22) per one thousand (1,000). Even in its unfinished condition there was a decrease in the total death rate of fifteen hundred (1,500) a year. Cellars, hitherto unknown in the architectural scheme of New Orleans and never dreamed of in the wildest imaginings of her citizens, with this new improvement became an accomplished fact, and now many of our largest edifices are thus provided, basements being constructed from twelve to fifteen feet below the surface. Our cemeteries, saturated as they were with water from a foot and a half to two feet from the surface, necessitated the making of nearly all interments in vaults, or tombs above ground, instead of in the earth, as elsewhere, a practice no longer compulsory. Following further the development of the New Orleans drainage system, the great low, flat area of marshes, which lies at or only a little above tide level all around the city, for miles and miles in every direction, are attracting the attention of agriculturalists everywhere. The great fertility of the narrow strips along the rivers and bayous in this section, demonstrated through years of growing of sugar cane, p6is more than matched by the fertility of the lower marsh lands, and projects are now on foot involving the reclamation of many tracts, ranging in area from 5,000 to 40,000 acres. Some of these projects are completed and the lands in cultivation and fully warranting the estimate of their fertility which analyses and observation had previously indicated and entirely confirming the good sanitary conditions which proper drainage will bring. With the development and intensive cultivation of these lands the area around New Orleans will in the future, no doubt, become one of the most thickly settled agricultural regions in the world, and New Orleans, besides being the great connecting port between inland and ocean navigation for the Mississippi Valley, will also have a business connection and a civic and social value due to its rich and thickly settled surrounding country, which it has conspicuously lacked heretofore. It was considered undesirable to discharge the sewerage of the city into tide water for several reasons, but particularly for the reason that to make one system serve both sewerage and drainage it would have taken many years before the whole city would have gotten the benefit of sewerage facilities. On the other hand, it was desirable to serve the five hundred (500) miles of streets in the shortest possible time; to remove the sewerage before putrefactive changes would make it offensive, and to discharge it into the Mississippi River, where it would promptly be diluted by a great quantity of water, being at once so acted upon by the vast volume of suspended matter and of dissolved oxygen which the Mississippi always contains that its power of offense would be immediately destroyed. In order to achieve these results a system of sewers was designed, composed of mains, sub-mains and lateral sewers, leading to nine separate pumping stations. These slopes range from one (1) foot to three hundred (300) feet for the eight (8) inch pipe, to one (1) foot to two thousand (2,000) feet for main sewers over four (4) feet in diameter. Approaching the sewerage pumping stations, the gravity flow in the sewers has velocities gradually increasing from two (2) to three and one-half (3½) feet per second. The removal of the sewerage, from the instant of its discharge until it is lost in the Mississippi River, is quick and continuous, and the sewers are easily p7maintained in good sanitary condition. They are from five (5) to twenty-four (24) feet in depth, and up to twenty-four (24) inches are composed of terra cotta pipe, with cement joints, such joints admitting some water from the soil. The small amount of dry weather seepage flow, approximating one million (1,000,000) gallons per square mile, running constantly and being pumped out into the Mississippi River, amounts to one-third of the total annual rainfall, and its effect in reducing soil saturation and assisting in the prompt drying of the surface after rains is one of the most marked advantages of the system. The construction of sewers started in 1903, in 1906 the pumping stations were ready for operation, and the sewers had progressed far enough to begin to make use of them in the most thickly settled portions of the city. The construction has now progressed until practically the whole populated area of the city is sewered and about 70 per cent of the premises are connected with the system, while the areas in which connections are compulsory are gradually being increased, the object being to have all premises on the line of a sewer connected by 1917. In New Orleans the opinion was prevalent that the construction and operation of sewers would be a nuisance and a menace to health, and this opinion was in a measure shared by some physicians, who withheld their approval for several years as to the advisability of using sewers, fearing obnoxious and the communication of contagious diseases. The sewers and sewerage pumping stations in New Orleans, however, have yet to bring the first complaint of any nuisance of any character whatsoever. New Orleans Pumping Station No. 3 as originally built Then came the solution of the water supply problem. The studies for and preparation of all plans for the sewerage and water works were made by the engineering department under the direction of its General Superintendent, Mr. Earl; the Advisory Board of Engineers, composed of Mr. Rudolph Hering and Mr. George W. Fuller, of New York, and Major B. M. Harrod, Colonel H. B. Richardson and Messrs. L. W. Brown, A. C. Bell and Thomas Raymond, passing upon these plans as they were submitted. It was freely contended at the time that the purification p8of Mississippi River water to the extent of converting it into a perfectly clear and healthy product for drinking and other household purposes was an impossibility, and this view was more or less emphasized by the distinct failure of the plant of the old Water Works Company, which had been put into operation some years previously to filter Mississippi River water in quantities sufficient to meet public demands. There were many who favored, as a solution to the problem, that the city get its water service from some stream north of Lake Pontchartrain, while others contended that a sufficient and satisfactory artesian supply might be obtained. Between 1892 and 1900, however, much valuable knowledge had been gained as to the proper methods to be applied for the purification of Mississippi River water. With this end in view four small plants, designed to handle, in different ways, an aggregate of one hundred thousand (100,000) gallons of water per day, were constructed in 1900, with the view of determining the most economical and satisfactory method of treatment, as well as to demonstrate to the people of New Orleans that the Mississippi River water could be economically and successfully purified. The first question to be decided in designing a water works system was the capacity of the plant to be constructed. In his investigations Mr. Earl learned that European cities found thirty (30) to forty (40) gallons per capita per day an adequate capacity for their water plants, while American cities varied from sixty (60) to nearly three hundred (300) gallons per capita a day. The old Water Works Company, with only seven thousand (7,000) connections, indicating less than twenty-five thousand (25,000) consumers, was pumping as much as twenty million (20,000,000), or eight hundred (800) gallons per capita of consumption. The importance of reaching an adequate conclusion in this matter was obvious, for if the capacity of the proposed plant was placed too high, the water and sewerage systems would have been so costly in construction, operation and maintenance as to render them impracticable. The high consumption of water in this country is due to the flat rate system which is in vogue in many of our larger cities. In recommending the assumption of an average per capita per day consumption of eighty gallons for New Orleans, the object was to hold the total output within this limit, to meter all water consumers, requiring them to p9pay for the actual amount of water used, thereby giving them opportunity to save cost in proportion as they avoided useless waste of water. Of course, it is not presumed that the individual will use any such amount as eighty (80) gallons of water a day, but that the total population served multiplied by that number of gallons will approximate the average amount of water required for the community as a whole. The governing factors in determining the system of water purification for New Orleans was, first, to remove the suspended matter from the river water, ranging from two hundred (200) to fifteen hundred (1,500) parts per million (1,000,000) and averaging over six hundred (600) parts; and, second, to reduce its hardness and to provide for the elimination of all harmful bacteria. The bacteria existing in the Mississippi River water show vastly less signs of the effect of sewerage discharge from the cities above New Orleans than are found in the river water reaching any of the higher cities, due to the great distance traveled, as well as to the effective conditions present in the river water for the eradication of objectionable bacteria. The water is taken from the Mississippi River at the upper end of the city, ten miles above the nearest sewer outlet. The New Orleans plant can turn out an effluent without filtration, which, Mr. Earl says, would have been considered entirely satisfactory before the people became educated to the perfect output from the complete plant. The effluent from the filters has always been entirely free from suspended matter, bright, sparkling and a perfectly safe and satisfactory water for all purposes. It possesses every desirable characteristic that could be found in the best natural water supply. All the processes to which it is subjected are nature's processes, and absolutely under the control of human intelligence for the production of perfect results. The Crescent City being almost perfectly flat, there is no possibility of having a reservoir at a high elevation into which water can be pumped and from which the supply can be drawn, and the construction of a stand pipe large enough to be of any effect in equalizing the pump load in a large capacity water works system being impracticable, it is necessary, by pump regulation, to maintain whatever pressure is required in the distribution system. The New Orleans pumps can be adjusted to maintain whatever pressure is desired, and will automatically increase p10or decrease their speed as is necessary to deliver the quantity of water which is being drawn from the mains. The pressure thus maintained constantly is just as effective and as satisfactory for all purposes as though it were supplied from a high-level reservoir. The construction of the new system was commenced in 1905 and the completed system went into operation in February, 1909. Only three and a half years were consumed in the construction of a plant covering over five hundred (500) miles of streets with water mains and supplying five thousand (5,000) fire hydrants, located at all street intersections with a pressure from sixty (60) to ninety-five (95) pounds per square inch, which is found fully adequate for fire protection, including two pumping and purification plants, one on each side of the Mississippi River, having a capacity to purify and deliver, under full pressure, sixty-six million (66,000,000) gallons of water per day. The cost of the plant to date, including about forty-six thousand (46,000) connections and meters to the property line, and supplying over sixty-one thousand (61,000) premises, with now 566 miles of mains, has been about nine million two hundred thousand ($9,200,000) dollars. By 1917 it is expected that all of the premises of the city will have been connected both with the water works and with the sewers, and and cesspools will have been eliminated from the entire well built-up area of the city. The Sewerage and Water Board charges for two different items of service — the one is the cost of doing business with the consumer; the other the cost of supplying water to his connection at the main. The Board makes the connection from the water main to the property line and places the meter as part of the cost of construction. Then it maintains the meter and connections in service and eventually renews them. It also reads the meter, keeps the account and makes the collection. The cost varies with the size of the meter and connection. For instance, for a five‑eighth-inch meter the charge is three ($3.00) dollars per annum, and this has nothing to do with the charge for water furnished through the meter, the charge for which, much or little, amounts practically to seven (7) cents per one thousand (1,000) gallons. Under this arrangement anybody gets exactly what he wants, and everybody pays the same price that anyone else pays for everything he gets. If a person wants a very large supply available p11for use, but only uses it for a few moments a year, having practically no consumption, and another person desires the use of a very small quantity of water constantly, thus making a very large consumption through a small connection, and still another wants the convenience of water available through a small connection, but has occasion to use almost none at all, each can get exactly what he wants on a basis which is fair to each, as also to the city itself. No other water rate system ever devised can meet these tests. The influence of the new sanitary improvements, which have been gradually brought into use, beginning with the first operation of the new drainage system in 1900, has been reflected in and has in a large degree been the cause of the far more rapid increase in the assessed values of the city since that date, as per the following approximate: |Year.||Assessed Value of Taxable Property.| The average death rate prevailing just before the new drainage system went into operation was 27.2 per one thousand (1,000). The death rate for 1913 was 19.8 per one thousand (1,000), showing a gain of 7.4 per one thousand (1,000) from 1900 to 1913. This for a population of three hundred and sixty thousand (360,000) indicates a reduction in deaths for 1913, as compared with conditions prevailing to 1900, of two thousand six hundred and sixty-four (2,664). It is also shown that typhoid has been reduced over one-half in New Orleans since 1900, and that malaria, which showed a death rate of 104 per 100,000 of population for the decade 1890‑1900, has been almost totally eradicated, showing a reduction in the death rate from this cause of 95 per cent, and the general death rate has been reduced twenty-five (25) per cent. It should be remembered that the above referred to p12death rate of 19.8 per one thousand (1,000) includes the colored third of the city's population and the large number of deaths of non-residents, who come to the great hospitals of New Orleans, often in a moribund condition, from several surrounding States. The white death rate, excluding non-residents, is calculated by the City Board of Health at 13.56 per one thousand (1,000), and the combined white and colored death rate, excluding non-residents, at 16.8 per one thousand (1,000). We think, in the circumstances, therefore, that no city in the country can exhibit a more satisfactory bill of health than the New Orleans of the present day, in which the successful operation of sewerage, water and drainage has been a most potent factor. The average contract prices on sewer construction in New Orleans were always considered by the engineering department of the Sewerage and Water Board to be too high, and when, in 1907, bids on four large sewer contracts were further increased by about 20 per cent, the General Superintendent recommended their rejection, and stated that the work could be done by forces employed by the Sewerage and Water Board at an average saving of at least 35 per cent over these bids. In view of this recommendation the Board authorized a trial at sewer construction in this way, and as this trial proved most successful, all subsequent sewerage and water extension work to September, 1914, and all connections to the sewers and water mains have been executed by the Board's forces. The total saving on sewer construction to the end of 1913, which had cost the Sewerage and Water Board one million three hundred and twelve thousand ($1,312,000) dollars, as executed by the Board's own forces, is five hundred and sixty-two thousand ($562,000) dollars, or over forty-two (42%) per cent, as compared with contractors' prices considered reasonable in 1907, and eight hundred and ninety-five thousand ($895,000) dollars, or over sixty-eight (68%) per cent as compared with the prices bid and rejected in 1907. Similarly taking all of that portion of the Board's works p13executed by its own forces since 1908, inclusive — i.e., the sewer construction, the extension of water mains, the making of sewer and water-house connections and the dredging of drainage canals — upon which the actual expenditure has been three million three hundred and eighty-five thousand ($3,385,000) dollars, including all overhead charges, and comprising items with what were considered and would now be considered the most reasonable of contract prices for the same work, including, of course, the necessary overhead charges, a saving of not less than eight hundred and eighty thousand ($880,000) dollars is shown, and probably a saving of a much larger amount has been effected, since these works by contract would have cost from twenty-four (24%) per cent to thirty-three (33%) per cent more. The drainage system covers about thirty-five (35) miles of area, and the sewerage and water works systems about eighteen (18) square miles, including that portion of the city which is well built or rapidly expanding. The total expenditures for the three systems to September 1st of this year have been approximately as follows: |Sewerage, including connections to property line||$6,850,000| |Water, including meter and connection to property line||9,200,000| By the end of 1917, when the rapid construction period will be over, the expenditures on the three systems will stand approximately: The total water consumption for 1913, exclusive of about three hundred million (300,000,000) gallons used to maintain a condensing water supply in the Old Basin Navigation Canal on account of drainage and construction, was seven billion and seventeen millions (7,017,000,000), or nine hundred and forty-five million (945,000,000) more than in 1912, and the average number of premises served was approximately eleven thousand (11,000) more than in 1912. The amount of metered free consumers during 1913 was four hundred and eighteen million (418,000,000) gallons, p14or about one million one hundred and forty-five thousand (1,145,000) gallons per day, representing an absorption of only about one hundred and seventy-five thousand ($175,000) dollars of the city's water investment. Because of a reduction in service charge, made effective in January, 1913, the total revenue derived from the water works system was only twenty-six thousand ($26,000) dollars more than that of 1912, being three hundred and eighty-seven thousand nine hundred and thirty-one and 52‑100 ($389,931.52) dollars, made up as follows: |From sale of water at regular meter rates||$262,343.38| |From service charges||113,441.42| |Water from fire hydrants, building, etc.||8,425.44| Total revenue for 1913 |Plus one-third of service charge||37,813.80| Total if rates for 1912 had been held |Revenue for 1912||$363,051.60| Balance indicating growth of revenue at rates It might be a matter of interest to know that the amount of expenditures covering all costs to maintain and operate the three systems of sewerage, water and drainage, including every item of direct or pro rated overhead or other charge, aggregates five hundred and seventy-six thousand two hundred and four and 30‑100 ($576,204.30) dollars, or $1.60 per capita of the existing population of the city, and that out of twenty-three (23) cities from whose water works reports the cost per capita of water works operation and maintenance has been tabulated, six spend $1.60, or more per capita per annum for water works operation and maintenance alone. The people of New Orleans, besides paying the cost of operating and maintaining the three systems in taxes and water rates, have paid in addition eight hundred thousand ($800,000) dollars in interest on outstanding bonds, aggregating twenty million ($20,000,000) dollars, which have been or are being used in the construction and extension of said systems, and about three hundred and thirty-four thousand ($334,000) more, which is the year's contribution from the tax to the annual surplus fund, which is also being used in p15the extension of the systems and which will enable the Sewerage and Water Board, by the end of 1917, to have expended a total of about thirty million ($30,000,000) dollars, with outstanding bonds of only twenty million ($20,000,000) dollars against this total expenditure. Assuming, then, roughly, that one million seven hundred and ten thousand ($1,710,000) dollars represents the present total annual outlay of the people in interest, surplus and cost of operation and maintenance of the three systems, this shows a grand total cost per capita of $4.75. If this were all charged to its assistance in the saving of two thousand six hundred and sixty-four (2,664) lives, it would indicate a cost of six hundred and forty-two ($642) per life, and would show a good investment. The Sewerage and Water Board, in pursuing the policy of having its engineers work out its power and pumping station problems and formulating in detail specifications for each portion thereof, contracted in the early part of 1914 with the Nordberg Manufacturing Company, of Milwaukee, for eleven large screw pumps, and with the Allis-Chalmers Company, also of Milwaukee, for the motors and electrical equipments required to operate these pumping installations. The problem in New Orleans is to obtain units of very large capacity for the prompt removal of storm water. These pumps are amongst the largest in the world, being intended to give a discharge of at least 550 cubic feet per second, each, at lifts of, respectively, five and ten feet from basin to basin at the pumping station, and at revolutions per minute of, respectively, 75 to 83½, with 6,000 volts 3‑phase synchronous motors of, respectively, 600 and 1,200‑horsepower, and to work without objectionable overloads at any lift from 0 up to, respectively, 8 to 13 feet. The combined capacity of the existing pumps of the New Orleans drainage system is about 4,600 cubic feet per second, the largest unit being 300 cubic feet per second at lifts required under storm conditions. These eleven new pumps, together with additional constant duty units, also to be installed, will increase the total pumping capacity under storm conditions by something like 6,600 cubic feet per second, making a total capacity available for drainage work of 11,200 cubic feet per second, equal to 7,149,600,000 gallons per twenty-four hours, or more than the present annual pumpage of the New Orleans water works pumping stations. This large pumping capacity is necessary because New Orleans occupies a great area, and, being practically flat, pumping is required for effective drainage. p16 Mr. Alfred Raymond, M. E., who has been in charge of the operation and maintenance of the seven existing drainage pumping stations since 1899, and Mr. A. B. Wood, M. E., who was his assistant in this work and who has later had charge of the operation and maintenance of the eleven sewerage and water works pumping stations, are co‑operating in the direction of the working out of the necessary details, and the design of these new pumps is specifically that of Mr. Wood.c This design has been verified by a series of tests on a 12‑inch screw pump built for this purpose, and then further verified by the construction of a 30‑inch screw pump for constant duty service, now in operation at one of the drainage stations, being one of several such pumps which will be necessary for constant duty service. These three great public utilities stand enduring monuments to the courage, determination and infinite resourcefulness of a people who cheerfully and with much self-denial made them possible of accomplishment, and no less are they tributes to the ability, zeal and splendid engineering skill of those who devised and brought them to a successful consummation, in spite of most disheartening conditions. Supplementary to these we have many other improvements of the first importance, representing a most gratifying development in many directions — our wharves and docks, our Belt Railroad systems, our many miles of newly paved streets, our modern public schools and other institutions of learning, our libraries, our parks and playgrounds, Police and Fire Departments, our growing home and foreign commerce, etc. — all contributing in no small degree to the fulfillment of that destiny which in the not remote future is to make New Orleans one of the greatest of cities. It is our impression that conditions in New Orleans are subject to influences as favorable to its health and progress as are to be found in any other city on this continent, and that families going there to reside will be certain to find themselves in as good, if not in a better, place than that from which they came. a I transcribed the text from the original 16‑page pamphlet, printed by Brandao Print, New Orleans, with no date of publication. My transcription has been carefully proofread and is thus presumably errorfree; if, of course, you should find the inevitable error, please let me know. b Mayor Behrman's report was printed without illustrations. The 1909 photo of Pumping Station No. 3 is taken from the U. S. Corps of Engineers site (see footer bar below), and like anything published in the United States before 1923, is in the public domain. c The A. B. Wood Low Head High Volume Screw Pump, a short commemorative National Historic Mechanical Engineering Landmark pamphlet published in 1974 by the American Society of Mechanical Engineers and the Sewerage and Water Board of New Orleans, captions the photo below: "In 1915 the 12 ft. The Wood screw pump was the most advanced drainage pump in use. Wood's pumps were built all over the world after their successful operation in New Orleans was proven." When I put this page up, the pamphlet was online, but it has now been removed from its parent site. Since it is well worth reading, both for its summary of the drainage situation of the Crescent City and for its sympathetic biographical sketch of Baldwin Wood (1879‑1956), I anticipated the decay of the link and downloaded the PDF file: it's protected by copyright, I can't put it back online myself, but you can always write me. 1915 photograph in the public domain. Images with borders lead to more information. The thicker the border, the more information. (Details here.) Sewerage & Water Board of New Orleans U.S. Corps of Engineers New Orleans District A page or image on this site is in the public domain ONLY if its URL has a total of one *asterisk. If the URL has two **asterisks, the item is copyright someone else, and used by permission or fair use. If the URL has none the item is © Bill Thayer. See my copyright page for details and contact information. Page updated: 1 Dec 12

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Dating back to the late Pleistocene, Acropora cervicornis has been an important component of southwestern Atlantic and Caribbean reef communities by providing habitat for numerous organisms and constructing a structurally complex reef framework that cannot be replaced by other corals (Aronson & Precht, 2001a; Bruckner et al., 2002; Knowlton, Lang & Keller, 1990). Acropora cervicornis has historically flourished over a wide range of reef zones, depths and hydrodynamic regimes. After decades of reported disturbances resulting in Acropora cervicornis population declines, this species was formally listed as threatened by the US Endangered Species Act in 2006. Numerous studies have investigated potential causes of A. cervicornis population decline in the southwestern Atlantic and Caribbean. Major contributors to this mortality include disease, predation, sedimentation, nutrient loading, thermal stress and storm damage (Aronson & Precht, 2001a; Bruckner et al., 2002; Davis, 1982; Gladfelter, 1982; Hoegh-Guldberg, 1999; Lang et al., 1992; Lessios, 1988; Lirman et al., 2011; Lirman & Fong, 1996; Porter, Battey & Smith, 1982; Porter et al., 2001; Roberts et al., 1982). These stressors, combined with the species dependence on asexual reproduction and limited potential for larval recruitment, make substantial recovery of populations’ uncertain (Aronson & Precht, 2001b; Hughes, Ayre & Connell, 1992; Knowlton, Lang & Keller, 1990). A few remnant A. cervicornis populations have been reported in Florida (Vargas-Ángel, Thomas & Hoke, 2003; Williams, Miller & Kramer, 2008; Walker et al., 2012); Punta Rusia, Dominican Republic (Lirman et al., 2010); and Roatan, Honduras (Keck et al., 2005). The relative health of the populations described by Lirman et al. (2010) and Keck et al. (2005) may be attributed to the limited anthropogenic stress, either through separation from human influence by strong currents or located within a marine protected area offshore a region with limited development and small population. In Southeast Florida (SE FL), little distance exists between A. cervicornis populations and the effects of extensive urbanization from over population in addition to high frequency occurrences of natural disturbances such as tropical storms and hurricanes. Despite these anthropogenic and natural impacts which greatly stress the reefs along the northern extent of the Florida Reef Tract (FRT), several high density A. cervicornis thickets, or patches, have been documented nearshore SE FL at the latitudinal limit of the species. Some research has been completed on the distribution, abundance and dynamics of a few known patches in SE FL (Gilliam et al., 2015; Thomas, Dodge & Gilliam, 2000; Vargas-Ángel, Thomas & Hoke, 2003; Vargas-Ángel et al., 2006; Walker et al., 2012; Walker & Klug, 2014); however, little information has been published concerning A. cervicornis population characteristics outside of dense patch boundaries. Wirt et al. (2013) found 17% of A. cervicornis observations in Florida were in habitats not previously thought to be potential Acropora spp. habitat. These results indicate that there is a wide range of variable habitat where the species can survive which should not be neglected when investigating distribution. Furthermore, the recent discovery of 28 more large dense patches of A. cervicornis in SE FL via aerial imagery demonstrates the need for a regional understanding of A. cervicornis distribution, demographics, and status (Walker & Klug, 2014). The first objective of this study was to conduct a spatially extensive and inclusive survey (9.78 km2) to determine whether A. cervicornis distribution in the nearshore habitat of SE FL was spatially uniform or clustered. The second objective was to investigate potential relationships between topography and A. cervicornis abundance using high resolution bathymetric data. The results of this study provide detailed information on A. cervicornis distribution at a regional scale, supporting and expanding previous knowledge. These data provide a better understanding of local habitat associations, address current gaps in baseline data, and support modeling A. cervicornis distributions in similar habitats in other locations throughout the western Atlantic and Caribbean thus facilitating appropriate management of the nearshore environment and species conservation. The reef habitats offshore SE FL (Miami-Dade, Broward, Palm Beach and Martin Counties) define the northern portion of the FRT (Banks et al., 2007). Nine major reef habitats have been described in this region including a nearshore ridge complex (NRC) (Walker, 2012). This study was conducted within a portion of the NRC offshore Broward County between Hillsboro and Port Everglades inlets (26.09–26.25 °N) (Fig. 1). The NRC in this area is within 1.2 km of the shoreline and is composed of ridges and areas of colonized pavement, rubble, and sand with depths ranging from three to six meters (Walker, 2012). Ridges have vertical relief from crest to base ranging from one to three meters. Because our goal was to provide a more thorough description of A. cervicornis distribution within an area where it is already known to exist, we restricted our study to a portion of the NRC. The survey area was established from the western most hardbottom edge to the eastern most ridge crest within the NRC, spanning up to 900 m; an area where high densities of A. cervicornis have been reported (Gilliam et al., 2015; Thomas, Dodge & Gilliam, 2000; Vargas-Ángel, Thomas & Hoke, 2003; Vargas-Ángel et al., 2006; Walker et al., 2012; Walker & Klug, 2014). In the most northern and southern portions of the study area, the surveys were extended east, past the ridge crest due to the lack of hard bottom on the western side. Surveys were conducted over a two-year period and completed in 2013 with the intent to characterize the relative nearshore abundance and distribution of A. cervicornis along 18 km of coastline between Port Everglades and Hillsboro inlets (Fig. 1). A search pattern and data collection procedure was adapted from the NOAA Recommended Survey Protocol for Acropora spp. (NOAA, 2007) and conducted at 1,956 sites. Sites were established by creating a 100 × 50 m polygon grid in ArcGIS covering the survey area. XY data was added to intersecting grid nodes to establish GPS points for each survey site then shifted so that each western-most site was 50 m east of the nearshore hard bottom edge. In the field, a buoy was dropped at the center of two 5,000 m2 sites. Divers on SCUBA attached 50 m tapes to the weighted buoy and swam with their tapes in opposite directions, either directly east or west. Divers counted the number of kicks to roll the entire 50 m tape out in order to estimate distance to swim away from the tape in a perpendicular direction, directly north or south. Divers surveyed sites in a parallel-track type pattern. The objective of this study was to evaluate the current distribution and abundance of A. cervicornis. All A. cervicornis colonies regardless of size and state (attached, loose, or fragment) were included in the study. Although published studies investigating the fecundity of A. cervicornis fragments are limited, Lirman (2000) found that large fragments of A. palmata did, in fact, contain gametes. If fragments of A. cervicornis also contain gametes and are potentially reproductively viable, they ought to be included when estimating distribution and abundance. Therefore, it was important to include loose colonies and fragments with living tissue in addition to those attached to substrate. From more than six years of demographic monitoring data (E. Larson & D. Gilliam, 2013, unpublished data) conducted within the study area, the average single colony within the region has approximate dimensions of 30 × 30 cm for an average projected area a 900 cm2 using a square approximation. This approximation was used to convert the estimated area covered by large masses or thickets into the equivalent number of average sized colonies for the region. Divers recorded abundance within each site. The time it took to complete each survey ranged between 20–30 min depending on the abundance of A. cervicornis present at the site. To effectively and efficiently survey a large area which included a large number of sites, colonies were individually counted up to 50, and when abundances exceeded 50, they were placed into bins of 51–150 or > 150. In order to evaluate A. cervicornis association with substrate types within the study area, percentage of sand, rubble, and hardbottom was estimated for each site. During October 2012, Tropical Storm Sandy traveled north through the Caribbean and the Bahamas; persistent northerly winds and the slow movement of Sandy caused large swells for the region along the east-central and southeastern coast of Florida. In addition to this and a gap in sampling periods, following established guidelines for sampling finite populations (Yamane, 1973; Israel, 1992), a subset of 292 sites were re-surveyed in 2013. Subset data from 2013 were compared to that from 2011 with a nominal logistic regression analysis using presence and absence data followed by Poisson regression analysis using count data. Results verified there was no significant change in presence or abundance of A. cervicornis between sampling periods (p < 0.05). Data were fit to an inverse distance weighted interpolation (IDW) model to visualize continuous abundances throughout the area surveyed. IDW uses the measured values surrounding the prediction location to predict abundance for any unsampled location based on the assumption that objects that are close to one another are more similar than those that are farther apart. A benthic habitat layer (Walker, 2012) was used to mask the interpolation model so that only abundances within the NRC were predicted. The IDW was then clipped to the grid of 1,956 polygons, representing the area of each site. A Getis-Ord Gi* statistic, or “hot spot” analysis, was performed in ArcGIS to locate spatial clusters of high and low abundances by calculating a Z-score and p-value. The Z-scores and p-values determine whether the spatial arrangement of high and low abundance was different than those expected in a random distribution (Getis & Ord, 1992). High Z-scores (> 1.65) and low p-values (< 0.05) indicated the spatial clustering of high abundance sites. Low Z-scores (< −1.65) and low p-values (p < 0.05) indicated spatial clustering of low abundance sites. Z-scores near zero indicated no apparent spatial clustering. The Anselin Local Moran’s I spatial cluster and outlier analysis was also performed. In addition to calculating Z-scores and p-values to determine statistically significant clustering like the Gi* statistic, this analysis also identified spatial outliers (high abundance sites surrounded by low abundance sites and vice versa) (Anselin, 1995). The output was displayed to distinguish between a statistically significant (p-value < 0.05) cluster of high abundance (HH), cluster of low abundance (LL), and outliers that either had a high abundance surrounded by low abundance (HL) or had a low abundance surrounded by high abundance (LH). A LIDAR bathymetric survey was conducted during 2007 which covered an approximate total area of 110 km2 including this entire study survey area (Ramsay & Sinclair, 2008). High resolution (four meter) bathymetry points from the LIDAR data set were imported as XYZ data. Triangulated irregular networks (TINs) were created from the LIDAR data points to produce a three-dimensional surface and used to calculate topographic metrics (Jenness, 2004; Walker, 2008; Wang & Lo, 1999). The TINs referenced the grid of 1,956 polygons, representing each site. The TIN analysis was performed using the Surface Tools Extension (Jenness, 2008) in ArcGIS to calculate a set of topographic metrics within each individual site. Calculated metrics included surface rugosity, elevation change (maximum depth–minimum depth), and mean depth. The surface rugosity index was calculated by dividing the three-dimensional surface area by the two-dimensional planar area. Additionally, the distance was measured from the geometric center of each grid polygon to the closest prominent ridge crest. Site to ridge proximities were measured by drawing of a vector line over the shallowest points along the ridges in the 2007 bathymetry. Acropora cervicornis abundances recorded during the site surveys were placed into one of six bins using a 6-point ACFORA scale: Abundant (species is prevalent within the site, > 150 occurrences), Common (species is encountered often, with more than 50 occurrences but less than 150), Frequent (species is present, more than 30 occurrences but less than 51), Occasional (present in low numbers, with more than 10 occurrences but less than 31), Rare (10 or less occurrences of the species at the site), and Absent (no occurrences of the species at the site) (Fig. 2; Table 1). Abundance categories, dominant substrate, and topographic metrics were analyzed using a mixed-effects ordinal logistic regression model. |Abundance||Category||# of sites| |0||Absent||No occurrences of the species at the site||1,016| |1–10||Rare||10 or less occurrences of the species at the site||250| |11–30||Occasional||Present in low numbers||151| |31–50||Frequent||Species is present in moderate numbers||100| |51–150||Common||Species is encountered often||217| |> 150||Abundant||Species is prevalent within the site||222| Surveys were conducted February through November 2011 and May through October 2013. Nearly half of all 1,956 survey sites had the presence of A. cervicornis (940 sites; 48%). Acropora cervicornis was rare at 13% of the sites, occasional at 8% of sites, frequent at 5% of sites, common at 11% of sites, and abundant at 11% of sites (Table 1). Nearly half of the 1,956 sites surveyed (48%) were characterized as hardbottom-dominated, 17% of all sites were rubble-dominated, 30% were sand-dominated, 1% was dominated equally by hardbottom and rubble, 3% were dominated equally by hardbottom and sand, and 1% was dominated equally by rubble and sand. Acropora cervicornis was more frequently present at sites dominated by hardbottom (26%) and rubble (12%). A summary of sites with the presence of A. cervicornis on each substrate type is shown in Table 2. |Category||HB||RBL||SND||HB & RBL||HB & SND||RBL & SND||Missing data||Total| The IDW interpolation illustrates the results of A. cervicornis abundance observed throughout the survey area unobstructed by site boundaries (Fig. 3). The Getis-Ord Gi* statistic (Fig. 4) shows statistically significant (p-value < 0.05) high abundance clustering of A. cervicornis along nearly the entire eastern ridge crest of the NRC as well as a several surveyed areas associated with shoreward ridges. The Anselin Local Moran’s I also shows clustering in the same locations and no outliers. Topography and abundance A mixed-effects ordinal logistic regression with robust clustered standard errors around substrate was conducted. The fixed effects were distance to closest ridge, surface rugosity, elevation, and mean depth. All of the predictor variables showed statistical significance in the ordinal logistic regression model (p < 0.05) (Table 3). Results showed the following: (1) when the distance to a ridge increases by one meter, the odds of a site moving from a higher abundance category to a lower category are 1.08 times greater; (2) when elevation change increases by one meter, the odds of moving from a lower abundance category to a higher category are 1.25 times greater; and (3) when mean depth increases by one meter, the odds of moving from a lower abundance category to a higher category are 1.27 times greater. Surface rugosity showed statistical significance, however, the odds of a change in abundance category were so low that the predictor can be considered applicably insignificant. This result can likely be attributed to the calculation of rugosity at the coarse scale of 100 × 50 m (area of each site). |Predictor||χ2||Std. error||P||Odds ratio| |Distance to the closest ridge||−0.007||0.001||< 0.0001||0.923| |Surface rugosity||−0.045||0.059||< 0.0001||3.25 × 10−197| |Elevation (max depth–min depth)||0.222||0.048||< 0.0001||1.249| |Mean depth||0.242||0.034||< 0.0001||1.274| This is the largest published area (9.78 km2) surveyed in such detail to document A. cervicornis abundance and distribution. Although the nearshore area between Port Everglades and Hillsboro Inlet is a small segment of the FRT that is greatly impacted by anthropogenic stressors, the Threatened species, A. cervicornis, is frequently observed and, in areas, an abundant species within this nearshore habitat. All of the surveys occurred on the NRC (Walker, 2012) which is characterized as sporadic sandy areas intermixed with consolidated hardbottom. This was confirmed by 66% of all survey sites characterized as having hardbottom, rubble, or both as the dominant substrate types. The observed high abundances of A. cervicornis on rubble were not expected as the presence of loose substrate potentially increases the chances of physical damage to or burial of existing colonies. Lirman & Fong (1997) stated that a critical factor affecting ability of a fragment to successfully attach is substrate type and that in a study conducted in Florida, A. palmata fragments that landed on rubble substrate had higher survivorship and lower percent tissue loss than those deposited on relict reef substrate. Bak & Criens (1981) found that A. palmata fragments fuse to other living fragments faster than to any other type of substrate. Fusion of A. cervicornis fragments may be occurring in rubble-dominated areas away from prominent ridges in SE FL (Fig. 2B). The species’ potential to persist in rubble, as shown in this study, is consistent with high survivorship of A. palmata fragments on rubble and hardbottoms over a four-month period (Lirman, 2000) and the fusing together of A. cervicornis fragments in soft or sandy bottoms (Highsmith, 1982). The significant spatial clustering of areas with abundant A. cervicornis spanned over 12 km along a clearly-defined unique topographic ridge. Klug (2015) assessed the benthic cover of five cross-shelf corridors within the northern portion of the FRT (25.5–26.3 °N) and found over 85% of all A. cervicornis colonies observed were within just two corridors, both of which were included in this study. In addition to the seven patches noted by Vargas-Ángel, Thomas & Hoke (2003) in SE FL, Walker & Klug (2014) recently identified 28 high density A. cervicornis patches not previously reported. The spatial clustering observed in our study supports the existence of these high density patches associated with the western side of the ridge crest. Vargas-Ángel, Thomas & Hoke (2003) stated that the highest density thickets occurred in calmer waters closer to shore. This includes the two monitored patches that were documented to have declined in cover between 2008 and 2011 (Walker et al., 2012). In contrast to the results of the current study, Vargas-Ángel, Thomas & Hoke (2003) reported the thickets that occurred on the carbonate coquina platform (i.e. ridge crest), were composed of interspersed colonies of A. cervicornis with patches of hard bottom and isolated gorgonians. While this was observed on the eastern-most side of the ridge crest, on the western edge, large and continuous areas of A. cervicornis were noted. It appears that wave energy at the crest promotes colony fragmentation and fragment movement to the west. Wave energy dissipates enough for fragments to attach and flourish on the leeward side of the crest. The topographic analysis supported this by the increased odds for higher abundances with an increase in elevation change. Larger changes in elevation were most often observed at sites that included the ridge crest, where clustering of high abundances also occurred. The increased odds for higher abundances as depth increases may be explained by many sites exhibiting both high elevation changes and high A. cervicornis abundance, not necessarily the presence of higher abundances observed at greater depths. This study shows that nearshore bottom topography can provide some insight into predicting the distribution of high abundances of A. cervicornis but alone, it cannot explain where and why high and low densities of A. cervicornis exist. This is a unique coral in that, to some extent, it is motile. Two patches of A. cervicornis in SE FL were found to move in a northwest direction expanding in area over a three year monitoring period (Walker et al., 2012). This is an indicator of oceanographic influence on location of patch growth. The reported direction of patch movement can be expected since fragment transport mimics nearshore oceanographic processes (Lee & Mayer, 1977). These processes result in a dominant north and west direction of water movement and are strongly influenced by the Florida Current (Banks et al., 2008; Lee, Schott & Zantopp, 1985; Molinari & Leaman, 1987). It is clear there are key explanatory variables required to successfully predict A. cervicornis distribution that our study did not include. Many areas where A. cervicornis colonization has occurred are the result of the either sexual recruitment or the transport of fragments broken off colonies from other distant locations (Highsmith, 1982; Highsmith, Riggs & D’Antonio, 1980). In order to follow the transport of loose fragments to their point of attachment, elements of directional water movement must be incorporated into the research. This is an area of study for future exploration in order to more fully understand the forces acting upon the population of A. cervicornis nearshore in SE FL. The directional movement of the patches studied by Walker et al. (2012) and the A. cervicornis population within this region may also be influenced by effects of climate change. There is some conjecture that Acropora communities in SE FL may be exhibiting poleward expansion as sea surface temperatures rise (Precht & Aronson, 2004; Walker, 2012). Walker (2012) defined three potential biogeographic barriers to northern expansion in SE FL, one of them being at the northern limit of our survey area, the Hillsboro boundary. The high abundances observed in our study are already located near the species’ present latitudinal margin and a lack of suitable nearshore substrate combined with more frequent and intense upwelling may be limiting any potential northern expansion (Walker, 2012; Walker & Gilliam, 2013). This research supplements previous work done in SE FL to characterize abundance and distribution of A. cervicornis. In addition to supporting recent findings of several new A. cervicornis dense patches, results of this study illustrate the gradient of abundances that exist outside of these high density areas. This gradient may be key in answering questions proposed by Walker et al. (2012): is coral cover truly declining or are patches just spreading out and/or moving due to coastal water circulation processes and/or climate change? These findings offer a more thorough description of the distribution and abundance of the Threatened coral, A. cervicornis, than previously known while providing a better understanding of local habitat associations in SE FL. The portion of the FRT between Hillsboro and Port Everglades inlets should be considered for increased management and protection to reduce local stressors.

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Earthdogs - Size and Proportions of the Cairn & Others (As They Relate to Function and AKC & UK Breed Standards, with Special Attention to Leg-length Ratios and the Tendency toward 13-, 14-, and 15-inch Cairns. Plus, Comments on Other Short Terriers.) Several people over the years have commented on my article “A Matter of Proportion” first published in magazines, and later on websites such as siriusdog.com/article/author/Fred+Lanting. In that particular piece, I was discussing the differences and similarities between the international GSD and gundogs such as the Vizsla. I am a strong proponent of form being based on function, as you will see in many other web and magazine articles. In addition, some related comments on proportions have been noticed in my series on various forms of dwarfism (found on the same sites). More recently, some “earthdog” fanciers (breeders and competitors with Cairns, Westies, Jack Russells, Norfolks, etc.) asked for an article that might help them understand and better establish the proportions of terriers bred for working foxes, badgers, and vermin. The game is the same (go to ground, in the quarry’s lair, and flush or drag him out), but the “game” in the sense of what species is being hunted will vary a little in size from the small rats to the large otters. Despite a miniscule percentage of terriers ever likely to be asked to enter a burrow after such prey or pest, the purists in the world of dog fanciers want the breed to remain true to its original purpose, including matters of health and soundness, temperament and gameness, and anatomical suitability for the work that the ancestors once did. As a judge in the show ring, I look for these traits and others (such as coat texture, dentition, etc.) that relate to the historic utility of the breed. My first purebred dog was a Toy Fox Terrier in 1937. My grandparents were Airedale people. My first litter was Smooth Fox Terriers in 1945. I used to handle Cairns in the 1960s and `70s including some bred by Betty Hyslop (Cairndania) and a few by Mrs. Sandra Murray (Cairncroft), and since then have judged all sorts of terriers in UKC and many foreign shows. Although I have preferred to breed and train other breeds for many years, my claim to being “a terrier man” has legitimacy. I have “talked terriers” with Mildred Bryant, John Marvin, Richard Beauchamp, Elliott Weiss, Ric Chashoudian, and many other terrier luminaries. My positions as teacher for SCJA, WV Canine College, and guest lecturer at numerous vet schools, and my long judging experience as well as professional acceptance of my books, have given me more than adequate credentials in canine anatomy. It is from this background that I presume to speak to long-time terrier experts and aficionados. I have also judged in the homeland and repository of most of the world’s best terriers. If the magazine or website that carries this article has room, you can see the Kerry Blue and the Miniature Schnauzer I put up at a show in Ireland for Best- and Reserve-Best- in-Show. I have seen the heather and gorse that require a tight harsh coat on many terriers. I have felt the cold damp that only a tough, spirited example of a terrier would tolerate. I have scrambled over the cairns (rocks) that characterize Ireland and the western portions of Wales, Scotland, and England, which call for tight feet and soundness of limbs. I also appreciate the beautiful over the ugly, and as a show judge, must reward that in the absence of any evidence as to the exhibits’ abilities in dens, burrows, and tunnels. Keeping in mind, that is, the essential qualities that make the dog look like it is able to do the work! Sandra Murray had (somewhat excessively, I feel) taken Feffie (Ferelith) Somerfield to task for wanting to see grace and gait in the ring. In the absence of a separate show class for dogs with working-trial championships, a show judge can only be what one great dog man called a “guesser.” We must imagine the dog in the field when we see it in the ring, and not ask to see its battle ribbons. What Feffie meant was just what I mean: the dog with class, style, elastic gait, soundness, and spirit who wins the show competition will be the one that others will breed to. If a correct-size terrier is butt-ugly and has no more working credentials than one that spans a wee bit more in circumference, which one is going to contribute the better genes to the future of the breed? It is a hard decision, so it behooves breeders to test and prove their beauties and to breed their best game dogs. Still, I strongly supported Mrs. Murray’s efforts to keep her breed within height and girth limits conducive to function. I agree with the efforts of the Cairn Terrier Club of America re the “preservation of the working Cairn [to] help our breed avoid the fate of the American Cocker Spaniel [vs.] the traditional Cocker Spaniel, the [Japanese Akita] [vs.] the [American] Akita, as well as the American Shetland Sheepdog [vs.] the UK Shetland Sheepdog, all cited by Mrs. Murray as examples of breeds ‘at the crossroads’ that split in two.” The CTCA is trying to “bring the Cairn back from the brink of modernity and exhibition-only status.” A status that they claim has evolved in the lands of the breed’s origins and elsewhere in Europe and Australia. Referring to what he delightfully labels “generic movement,” one Cairn fancier wrote me, “Further, why is it necessary for the Cairn to lope around the ring like a GSD in order to win? Is it a plus for the Cairn?” I agree. When I judge non-herding breeds and others whose heritage does not require endurance trotting, all I need is a glimpse of soundness and relative firmness of back, and then I can concentrate on breed type and the appearance of utility. A Word About Spanning Novice judges (and exhibitors who are barely more than novices) get all excited about the topic of spanning. Don’t get me wrong… it is important, but only those with an unpracticed eye would have to measure the chest circumference of every dog on the floor or table. As an example, as a competitor in Whippets and an all-breed handler for many years, I got to be quite accurate in estimating a dog’s withers height by eye alone, and from a distance, not just by seeing how far up alongside my pants leg it stood. At the National Dobe specialty in New Orleans one year, at a judges/breeders conference, I called out the exact height of every dog presented in the seminar — when measured with the wicket, my “measurement” was spot-on. I’m not saying this will happen every time, but experience sharpens the senses. If you are in doubt, measure the biggest Whippet or Cairn or whatever, and then work down to the next-biggest until you develop the “eye” for size. The correct go-to-ground dog, whether a Jack Russell by its various names or Cairn or other terrier, needs to have legs short enough and chest small enough to enter, maneuver, and exit the convoluted burrows of its quarry. Most of these earthdogs will have a span of approximately 15 inches, or the size of a DVD or computer CD, said to be roughly equivalent to circle made by a man’s thumbs and middle fingers. However, a petite woman judge is going to have a much different idea of that span than Eubie Blake or Kareem Abdul Jabar would. It’s grossly inaccurate, but it’s the “tool” that is recommended to us by tradition. I caught some flack once by a woman who complained that I did not span all the Jack Russells shown under me that day. I didn’t have to, because I could easily see that they would not be over the limit… with my finger measurement, at least. If I have to squeeze, he’s not going to go far that day. In breeds where there is a height disqualification, all a judge need do if there is a question in his mind, is measure the biggest dog and, if it measures “in”, then he doesn’t have to do it to the next-tallest. Others may complain about the way the dog is spanned. Most dogs are stood on the table and are spanned from above, the thumbs at the withers, the fingers meeting under and between the elbows. I have, on occasion, additionally used a technique taught to me by some old-timer hunters in Great Britain: pick the dog up, facing you, and hang him with your hands encircling the thorax behind the elbows. There are slight differences when you do this, so as long as I can get my fingers around him without effort, and can envision him in the burrow, I’ll give him a chance to move on to further competition with winners of the other classes. Still, I keep in mind that, as Sean Albert has said, “If a dog has a chest larger than about 16 inches in circumference, he will be unable to go after a fox.” And I would not want to envision a terrier getting trapped by his own bulk while going after a flexible fox or any other game. Quoting Joan Garber (who was quoting someone else, I think), “In the early 1900's Scottish, West Highland White and Cairn Terriers could come from the same litter and often were interbred. It wasn't until 1917 that the AKC decreed that no Cairn could gain registration if its pedigree carried a West Highland White Terrier ancestor within the first three generations. The Kennel Club [UK] followed soon after, in 1924, with a decree that white pups born in litters of Cairns could no longer be registered as West Highland Whites.” These breeds have diverged a little, but still retain similarities. Certainly they should all appear “game” in temperament and form. My attention has been called to a debate about whether the Cairn is a “short-legged” terrier. Let me make a generalization here, which may help beginners to understand. Normally the smaller the dog, the less relative leg length they have. The more they are bred for earth work, the more noticeable this should be. Look at the extremes: the small earthdog terriers vs. the desert courser such as the Saluki, Sloughi, Afghan, etc. The Sighthound has considerably more “daylight” under its chest than the shorter, non-coursing breeds. Even the “compromise” (all-purpose) intermediate-height breeds such as the GSD are supposed to have 45 to 50% of their height made up of chest depth, but the majority is air beneath its sternum and elbows. When you get down to the Springer Spaniel build, it is about 50/50, and when you consider the short-legged but non-dwarf dogs like Cairns and Cockers (and the incorrect AKC and “Alsatian” GSDs), the chest depth begins to account for more than 50% of the height at the withers. Earthdogs like the Cairn will have a leg length noticeably less than 50% of their total height. Lower clearance means better crawling ability in burrows. The Dachshund (a different type of earthdog) belongs to the achondroplastic club, its height determined more by lower limbs that would be abnormal in other breeds. The Cairn has height-to-length proportions more like the American Cocker than like the longer-legged terriers designed to handle above-ground bigger game. So, depending on whether you are comparing it to a dwarf like the Corgi or a courser/trotter like an Airedale, GSD, or Azawakh, the term “short-legged terrier” is very accurate. The purpose of relatively short legs for badger dogs and subterranean terriers is to facilitate crouching and crawling in tight places not much bigger than the dog’s chest. Of course, when Thelma Brown referred to the Cairn as the “longest of the short-legged terriers” (Cairn Terrier Club of America Newsletter of February, 1976), she was not comparing its body length to the extreme such as the modern Skye Terrier. When she used that phrase, I would interpret that as talking about leg length within the short-legged realm, rather than to the length of torso. Although some Cairns’ legs may be proportionately slightly longer than a couple of these other small, short terriers, the breed is still in the same leg-length-to-withers-height proportion category. They certainly should not start looking like bushy Borders or rough-coated Rat Terriers, nor as low slung as the Dandie or Skye (or perhaps even the average Scottie?). The ideal GSD has a height to length ratio of anywhere between 8.5 high to 10 long, and 9:10. The fad GSD in the AKC ring is usually between 8:10 and the correct rang; sometimes longer, and almost always far too deep in chest, as if it had some Basset Hound in its family tree. The Cairn should stand in a range somewhere around 6.7 to 10 up to around 7:10. That’s a considerably different proportion picture than seen in larger dogs. But an experienced eye and hand, and an understanding of historic function are far better than the measuring tape and wicket. If you start making measurements (and they will vary depending on whether you sneeze before or after reading the tape!), you will get bogged down and unable to see the forest for the trees. Your best choices for judges will be those who have seen earthwork or have seen foxes and other animals of the size the Cairn is supposed to come close to. Next to that, comes the set of judges who have handled, bred, or studied many dozens of Cairns. I remember a dapper little judge who got his AKC license for many breeds partly on the basis of being married to a famous breeder-judge and partly in the traditional way of playing footsies with the AKC decision-makers. He once remarked (aloud in the ring, and in all seriousness) about some dogs in the ring having an “eee-wee” neck. Once we figured out what he meant, it was painfully obvious that he had never seen a female sheep (otherwise known as a “ewe”) and that nobody ever corrected him that it was pronounced like the 21st letter of the alphabet. You’d better choose judges who, in the words of Meredith Wilson, “know the territory,” meaning they understand the terrain and tunnels these dogs must work in, as well as the animals they hunt. Many breeds have become larger than they were in the early days of their respective histories. The GSD is a good two inches taller than a century or more ago. The Cairn generally is one-half to one inch taller, perhaps more. Breeders and judges must get together on an equal footing and amiably discuss the direction their breeds are taking. If there is good reason to limit height, as there is in a breed where straying would make it look like a different member of the family or group, then a maximum wicket-mandated withers height is in order. Such as for the Italian Greyhound and the Whippet. But if it is proven that a 10.5-inch Cairn or Westie can go after a fox or other prey with success, you shouldn’t have to imagine a 10-inch wicket on the breed in the show ring. So, breeders, concentrate on spirited dogs who resemble in size the few actual working terriers (before Britain outlaws the sport), and judges, keep in your minds a vision of the tunnel and the dog that should be able to go through it. Judges with large hands perhaps should try to make sure that their fingers overlap a little when spanning these dogs. How does a judge estimate the size of a dog without using a wicket? (If it isn’t required, it won’t be allowed in the ring, so you’d have to do your practice measuring away from the site.) The answer is the same as for the question “How do I get to Carnegie Hall?”: “Practice, practice, practice!” Some judges palpate the dogs in the ring so much that it looks like a doggie “massage”; I used to do a little, but not quite that much, until I started apprenticing to be an SV judge and started relying on my eyes and brain. Except for smaller shows, where the vet and assistant judges have not already checked tattoos, teeth and testicles, SV judges almost never lay a hand on the dogs in the ring. We don’t have to. But habit is as tough as a boomerang to throw away. For matters of size, I have used such familiar mental images as these examples: U.S. currency is six inches. A male Cairn should not stand (much) taller than the old 10-inch vinyl records I used to play in the 1950s. You can start with such helps as you learn to estimate size. Before we finish, allow me to urge you to read my other articles and books, with emphasis on those dealing with canine structure. Several of them expose the myths surrounding angles. In that regard let’s also briefly mention the topic of Breed Standards. Take the Norwich/Norfolk, as examples. One of them states, “Short powerful legs… straight…” and… “The feet point forward” and these are clues to one difference between these dogs and the achondroplastic ones such as Corgis. The term, “well laid-back shoulders” in most Standards is far preferable to the old British Norfolk “requirement” of 90 degrees, as that angle simply does not exist. Even in the dwarf dogs, you will not find 90 degrees on any radiograph of a standing dog, no matter how superior the example. More wisely, that has been left out of the US Standards for the Norfolk, Norwich, Sealyham, and Scottie. I also urge judges and breeders to not worry about wording that describes the scapula and upper arm as ideally being of equal lengths. Believe me, there are no really good points from which to start measuring, and your eyes and fingers are not reliable. Just look for the “superior” dogs… they will be the ones with better reach and a bit more forechest in front of their forelegs. Even then, in an earthdog, this is nowhere near as important as in a herding-trotting breed. A closing word—one of my correspondents asked for a simple definition or distinction between the words “style” and “type.” A lot of words can be spent, but I propose this: TYPE is a description of the breed, and STYLE refers to the variations allowed within that description. p.s. For those who want to delve deeper, you can search for articles by Sean Albert regarding the Cairn Terrier’s origins and uses. The views and opinions expressed on this web site are solely those of the original authors and other contributors. These views and opinions do not necessarily represent those of SiriusDog.com, the staff, and/or any/all contributors to this site.

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Social and Cultural Foundations of American Education/Hot Topics/Year-Round Schooling< Social and Cultural Foundations of American Education | Hot Topics The school system was established when the United States was mostly an agrarian nation, basing it on a ten-month system. The reason for this system was because children were often needed at home to work in the fields during the summer months. Times changed and many people felt the need to do away with the ‘antiquated’ system and move toward year-round education. In 1904, the year-round educational system was implemented for the purpose of solving the problem of overcrowded schools. The trend ended with the advent of World War II, beginning again in 1967. Today, the system is used to solve many other problems the educational system has been faced with. There are 3,181 schools involving 1,118,608 students using alternative calendars. With the mounting dissatisfaction of U.S. elementary and secondary education, there is much interest in year-round schooling. Repeated studies show that American high school students’ scores are well below students from other advanced countries, especially on core academic subjects, such as mathematics and history. These students typically have longer and more instructional days than most American schools. For example, German, French, and Japanese children spend more than double the time studying basic subjects such as math, reading, history, and science than do American children (Gregory, 1994). Although only a small percentage of school-age children attend year-round schools, the numbers are steadily growing; however, there is still much controversy over the positive aspects of year-round education versus the traditional school year. The term “year-round” is actually misleading, with other more descriptive terms being “continuous learning,” “all-seasons learning” and “four-seasons school.” The purpose of the year-round school is not to be used as an alternative curriculum for learning but as “a reorganization of the school calendar into instructional blocks and vacations distributed across the calendar year to ensure continuous learning” as defined by Quinlan, George and Emmett (1987). Both traditional and year-round students attend school approximately 180 days per calendar year. The difference between traditional and year-round students is that traditional students attend for approximately nine and one-half months with a two and one-half months vacation, while year-round students attend school for twelve months, with shorter breaks during the school year. There are different options that schools can use for the year-round schedule, such as the single-track and multi-track pattern. The most common pattern for year-round student vacations/breaks is called the “60/20 calendar,” meaning that the students attend school for 60 days followed by a 20-day break, occurring three times during the school year. According to Eric Stone, Principal of Merrimack Elementary School, “Hampton City Schools have tweaked its balanced calendar (which is how he referred to the year-round schedule) to include two 9-day intersessions, one in the fall and the other in the spring, each followed by a 7-day vacation.” Mr. Stone expressed that he felt other schools have adopted a year-round calendar strictly as a way to address the need for physical space. He gave me the example of some year-round schools in California where students and teachers pack up their supplies at the end of the school year and a whole new group of students and teachers occupy the same classroom the next day. “Summer Brain Drain” and the Achievement GapEdit According to Duke University psychology professor, Dr. Harris Cooper, the average student test score in a traditional school is one month lower when they return in the fall than before their summer break. The lack of retention is most evident in math and reading skills. Information that is memorized such as math computations and spelling words carry the lowest level of retention and are therefore most likely to be damaged by the “summer brain drain.” This summer retention problem is more pronounced in students with lower socio-economic status. Math retention suffers across the board because parents are less-likely to review math skills over the summer break. Students in higher socio-economic classes are more likely to retain their reading level over the summer month and in some cases improve a few levels. This is due to the likelihood that their parents are more likely to see reading as an important skill and encourage their children to read over the long summer break. According to Ron Fairchild, Executive Director of the Center for Summer Learning at Johns Hopkins University, by the fifth grade the reading level of low-income students at traditional schools are on average two years behind that of their high-income peers. The issue of year-round education has many advantages, with information retention at the top of the list. Long summer breaks encourage students to forget knowledge they have learned the previous year, forcing teachers to spend weeks reviewing what was taught the previous year, which is time that could be used teaching students new information. A less interrupted flow of instruction, along with remedial reviews offered during breaks, is advantageous even to the slowest learner. For instance, Brenda Teeter, a science teacher who is participating in year-round schooling made the observation that “the year-round program is particularly good for at-risk students because they don’t have that long summer to forget what they struggled so hard to learn” (Gregory, 1994). With better information retention, reducing the number of students retained in grade and allowing more students to excel in their studies, more students are obtaining a high school diploma rather than the traditional student drop-outs due to the frustration of not being able to retain information throughout the summer and getting further behind in school work the following year. A great way that the education system has been able to measure the success of year-round schooling is by looking at test scores of which many of the results have been positive. One school district in Texas, Socorro, was known to have “some of the lowest test scores in the county” when they were using the traditional school calendar (Gregory). After Socorro schools switched to the year-round schooling schedule, however, the students ‘outscored the state average on the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills’ (Gregory).Another factor in less school drop outs is that fact that with more breaks, students tend to be absent less often, aiding in better grades. Students with learning disabilities that are worked with year round are aided by this program because shorter breaks makes going back to school for them less of an ordeal and also allows them to progress increasingly faster than they would on a traditional schedule. Another advantage is cost-effectiveness, to both the school system and the parents. By using the single- or multi-track system, schools do not lay empty for three months, but are being put to use all year, accommodating more students instead of having to build more schools. With the schools being in use all the time, there is less school vandalism. Studies show that most of school vandalism is caused by students with too much free time during summer break who get bored, turning to vandalism and other crimes. Since the majority of American families have both parents working outside the home, students in year-round schools are not left by themselves as often. Another positive factor for parents is that they have less child-care expenses with the children in school year round, with many have the option of putting younger children in programs during intersessions at a cost less than day care. Year-round education also benefits teachers’ attitude because they are less likely to be stressed or burned out with more frequent breaks. They can also use the time available in between sessions to plan new and interesting lesson plans. One teacher stated that she was sold on it because she was able to catch her breath and “come back and hit it hard again.” In addition to the perceived benefits of year-round education, research also shows perceived drawbacks. Such concerns include issues such as the cost of utility bills due to the constant use of school buildings, especially during the summer months when air conditioning can be very costly. Not to mention older schools that do not even have air conditioning. Many parents are concerned that without the traditional summer breaks, family vacations will become a thing of the past. Also, students are unable to attend summer camp or work summer jobs earning extra money. In an interview with Mrs. Michelle Koontz, a teacher at Woodside High School, she expressed that she feels “…in High School it is good for the students to be off all summer so that they can get jobs and learn skills.” She feels that summer jobs help them learn the responsibility of holding a job and paying for their own things. Teachers also encounter such challenges as organizational issues, especially those in multi-track YRE because four different teachers might be required to share three classrooms throughout the year. Thus, packing up their materials and moving out of their classrooms for the 3-week break and into a different classroom upon their return. In the overall scenario, moving day would include rolling carts, storage space and available custodial assistance (Worthen & Zsiray, 1994). There is a unanimous concern by teachers in multi-track schools regarding moving and lost materials (Quinlan, George & Emmett, 1978). Having students in school year round doesn't keep them from forgetting what they have learned. "Students are going to forget information whether they are out of school for three weeks or 10. Therefore, teachers will be performing four beginning of the year reviews instead of just one" (Kelly, Melissa). Cons to ProsEdit The No Child Left Behind’s costs are not only reflecting the funding but also on the instructional time, staff time, administrative time as well as human resources time. Several school divisions refer to opportunity costs as time that could have been used for other sources within the curriculum. Although, instead of the available time for opportunities of enhancing a child, the time was spent on some form of testing which can be distinguished into three categories: preparation, test administration, and loss of services and instructional time. The preparation of testing is complex and often consists of multiple school staff employees to complete the tedious tasks. For example, the testing material arrives at a school district in October and before any testing begins, each test booklet must have the accurate number of data labels as well as test booklets. Prior to and after the testing, the three versions of the test for each grade level must be stored in a confined and secured area. When all testing has been completed, the testing materials are to be returned to the school board office (central office), properly packed, and shipped to be scored. Among the entire staff, guidance counselors along with secretaries spend the majority of their time in preparation for the logistics. The average amount of time spent to complete the tasks range between ninety and ninety five hours. Test administration has lead to difficulties with the scheduling. “Paraprofessionals spent a per-district average of one hundred and two hours assisting teachers with testing. Teachers spent a per-district average of nine hundred and seventy six hours administering tests. Administrators’ spent a per-district average of sixty two hours in various testing tasks” (Chmelynski, 2006, p. 44).The testing criteria is at times so demanding and intense in that substitutes are often required to administer the students during testing. Often school divisions have to adjust the schedules in order to accommodate the testing.There is a loss of services for the disadvantaged students. For example, the special needs students in actuality need the instruction more so than the advantaged students. “One huge consequence is that the testing shifts the focus, for at least a month, from learning to testing. This plays out in many ways from the time actually testing to loss of guidance and reading specialist support to loss of administrative support”( Chmelynski, 2006, p. 45). Single and Multi-trackingEdit Single Track provides a balanced calendar for a more continuous period of instruction. Students and all school personnel follow the same instructional and vacation schedule. Single-track does not reduce class size, nor does it allow a school to accommodate more students. The long summer vacation is shortened with additional vacation days distributed throughout the school year into periods called "intersessions." Intersessions allow time for remediation and enrichment throughout the school year. The most common types of single-track calendars are 45-15, 60-20 and 90-30. Multi-Track is used primarily to alleviate overcrowding, although it also incorporates the educational values of single-track YRE, including intersessions. It was designed specifically for schools with a shortage of classroom space. Multi-track is used to avoid double sessions, building new schools and temporary structures. It not only saves on capital construction costs, but on the ongoing costs that are part of operating a new school. Multi-track divides students and teachers into groups, or tracks of approximately the same size. Each track is assigned its own schedule. Teachers and students assigned to a particular track follow the same schedule and are in school and on vacation at the same time. Multi-track creates a "school-within-a-school" concept Multi-track divides students and teachers into groups, or tracks of approximately the same size. Each track is assigned its own schedule. Example: implementing a four-track year-round calendar extends the capacity of a school by 33%. A school with the capacity of 750 students can accommodate 1,000 students, as only three tracks of 250 would be in school at the same time; there would always be one track on vacation or intersession every day of the school year. A five track model (60-15) allows for a 25% gain in capacity. Many year-round schools provide extra classes during their intersession breaks that students are offered but not required to attend. Timber Lane Elementary School in Fairfax County, Virginia provides classes in “diverse offerings ranging from academic topics as math to such hobbies and sports as gardening, photography, and soccer”(Haser 2003). Teachers are given the option to work during these periods. This part-time work provides some extra income as well as gives the teacher a chance to pursue something else that they are interested in. The flexible schedule that is provided by these intersessions also provides the accommodations to allow teachers who are on maternity leave to slowly enter back into the work force. A teacher was quoted saying “ I teach three intersessions a year and find the experience rewarding. I’m able to earn money, be with children, and use my skills as an ESL specialist. When I was pregnant, I thought about changing to a career in real estate while I stayed home, but the intersession teaching option has changed that. In another year, I think I’ll be ready to go back to teaching full-time.”(Haser 2003). On top of all these benefits teachers are also given the opportunity to take vacations during the off seasons, “Such as visiting Italy in October” when it is much cheaper. Also most teachers feel that this schedule makes our career one that is viewed as much more professional then the way in which people view the traditional scheduling (Haser 2003). Along with the teachers, the students also endure great benefits from year round schooling; even if though they might not agree. Studies have shown that when students attend school year round that they have a more continuous learning pattern. This helps the students remember things easier and it makes the need for review less necessary. By having a shorter vacation period students will not have to worry about forgetting lessons they were taught right before the break. Another great benefit is that during the break periods students are given the option to take classes over they might have failed. With this students are given the chance to retake a class with out having to wait until the next school year and falling behind all the other students. Now they are given the chance to keep up with their classmates if they are struggling in certain areas. Many people have also noticed an improvement in students overall school performance. By having shorter periods in school and out of school, it helps the students to stay motivated and excited about school. They are less stressed out and enjoy it more. Year-round schools are clustered in certain regions and states according to Charles Ballinger, National Association for Year-Round Education’s (NAYRE) executive director, who notes that “83 percent of our year-round schools currently are west of the Mississippi,” and that Eastern schools have been “far more resistant to change.” One explanation as to why year-round education is occupying only a tiny niche in American primary and secondary education is the negative attitude shared by many parents and educators. The fact is that 76 percent of year-round schools are in California, Florida and Texas, probably because these three states have experienced robust population growth in recent decades, causing severe school overcrowding. In today’s world where there is constant change, year-round education seems to be a change in which many parents and educators are not willing to accept. Is this resistance justifiable or is fear of change a primary factor in the resistance of year-round education? Mr. Stone believes it is. He stated that “When families first come to register [for school], many panic and students cringe when they hear ‘Merrimack is a year-round school’.” Does it make sense to use an outdated schedule when we want the newest and the best in every other aspect of our lives? Although the year-round schedule may not be the answer to all educational problems, it certainly is an option to consider! Multiple Choice QuestionsEdit Click to reveal the answer. Click to reveal sample responses. - Chmelynski, Carol. (2006) Extend School Day and Year for NCLB? The Education Digest, 71(7), 41-44. - Gregory, S. S. (1994). Everyone into the School! Time Magazine. Retrieved November 9, 2007, from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,981176,00.html - Haser, Shelly Gismondi, and Ilham Nasser. "Teacher job satisfaction in a year-round school." Educational Leadership 60.8 (May 2003): 65-67. General OneFile. Gale. Old Dominion University Library. 10 Nov. 2007. http://find.galegroup.com/itx/start.do?prodId=ITOF - Kelly, Melissa. “Year Round Education.” About.com. Undated. New York Times Company. 30 Aug 2007. http://.712educators.about.com/cs/reformtime/a/yearrounded.htm?p=1 - Koontz, Michelle, E-mail interview. 17 September 2007. 25 Oct 2007. - Patro, Stacy. “Year-Round Education.” Stacy Patro’s Online Research Portfolio. Ed. Patricia Ryan. Fall 2002. 30 Aug 2007. http://tiger.towson.edu/-spatro/researchpaper.htm - Shewe, Audrey. “Put a Plug in the Summer Brain Drain.” CNN.com http://www.cnn.com/2006/EDUCATION/06/29/summer.learning.loss/index.html. Accessed on November 9, 2007. - Stone, Eric. E-mail interview. 17 September 2007. - Unknown. "Scheduling Alternatives: Options for Student Success." Northwest Regional Educational Laboratory, September 2001, http://www.nwrel.org/request/feb97/article5.html - Unknown. “Year-Round Education.” Year-Round Education – Fact Book. Ed. Bobby Roy. 27 Apr 2007. CA Dept of Education. 30 Aug 2007. http://www.cde.ca.gov/re/pn/fb/yr05yearound.asp?print=yes - Warrick-Harris, Elaine. “Year-round school: the best thing since sliced bread.” Childhood Education. Ed: Gale. Mid-Summer 1995. General OneFile. 30 Aug 2007. http://find.galegroup.com/itx/start.do?prodld=ITOF - Worsnop, R.L. “Year-Round Schools.” CQ Researcher. 17 May 1996. 30 Aug 2007. http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/document.php?id=cqresrre1996051700 - Weaver, Tyler. “Year-Round Education.” ERIC Digest, Number 68 (1992). http://www.ericdigests.org/1992-4/year.htm

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This chapter introduces electronic assembly techniques, and gives wiring and other information for the electronic hardware used in the course. We assume the reader has no prior electronics background. Specific assembly instructions for the RoboBoard, the battery charger, and the IR beacon are printed each year as needed. The current RoboBoard assembly instructions are available as a pdf file (545 Kb) If there are places in life where "neatness counts," electronic assembly is one of them. A neatly-built and carefully soldered board will perform well for years; a sloppily -- and hastily -- assembled board will cause ongoing problems and failures. It is a good idea not to work too long at a time on building the board, as mistakes are very easy to make and costly in both time and money. The basics of electronic assembly are covered here: Following these instructions and guidelines should make future debugging less frustrating. Figure 2.1 shows proper soldering technique: insert the tip of the soldering iron into the joint, touching both the lead being soldered and the surface of the PC board. Use the side of the tip when soldering. The increased surface area will transfer heat more quickly. Then apply solder into the joint, not to the iron directly. The joint melts the solder, and both metal surfaces of the joint (the lead and the PC pad) are heated to the necessary temperature to bond chemically with the solder. Once solder flows into the joint, lift the soldering iron tip straight up, so that the finished soldered joint appears cone-shaped. This technique tends to wipe the excess solder along part of the component. Cut off any excess solder. Figure 2.2 shows what happens if the solder is "painted" onto the joint after being applied to the iron directly. The solder has "balled up," refusing to bond with the pad, which did not receive enough heat from the iron. It takes about ten times as long to desolder a component as it does to solder it in the first place. This is a good reason to be careful when assembling boards; however, errors will inevitably occur, and it is important to know how to fix them. The primary reasons for performing desoldering are: The most common methods for removing solder are desoldering pumps and desoldering wick. The ELEC 201 lab includes a desoldering pump and desoldering wick as standard equipment. To use the desoldering wick, simply place the wick between the soldering iron and the excess solder, being very careful not to apply heat for too long. To use a desoldering pump, first load the pump by depressing the plunger until it latches. Grasp the pump in one hand and the soldering iron the other, and apply heat to the bad joint. When the solder melts, quickly remove the soldering iron and bring in the pump in one continuous motion. Trigger the pump to suck up the solder while it is still molten. This takes a little practice to get right, even for experienced builders. Adding additional solder to a troublesome joint can be helpful in removing the last traces of solder. This works because the additional solder helps the heat to flow fully into the joint. The additional solder should be applied and de-soldered as quickly as possible. Don't wait for the solder to cool off before attempting to suck it away. The desoldering pump tip is made of Teflon. While Teflon is heat-resistant, it is not invincible, so the Teflon tip should not be jammed directly into the soldering iron. Solder will not stick to Teflon, so the desoldering operation should suck the solder into the body of the pump. You may need to occasionally open the desoldering pump and empty out accumulated solder. Polarity refers to the concept that many electronic components are not symmetric electrically. Reversing a polarized component in a circuit will result in very different, often undesired effects. For example, passing current through an LED in one direction (forward biased direction) will cause the LED to light up. Reversing the LED will stop current flow up to a certain, often much higher, voltage. Incorrectly mounted polarized devices will not work, and in some cases will be damaged or may damage other parts of the circuit. The following components are always polarized: Capacitors are an interesting case, because some are polarized while others are not. As a general rule, large capacitors (values 1 F and greater) are usually polarized, while smaller ones are not. Resistors are non-polarized, meaning it does not matter in which direction electricity flows through them. However, in the RoboBoard there are resistor single-in-line packages (SIPs), and these have non-symmetric internal wiring configurations, making them polarized from a mounting point of view. The following paragraphs discuss these components individually, explaining standardized component markings for identifying a component's polarity. Individual resistors are small cylindrical devices with color-coded bands indicating their value (how to read color-coding is explained in Figure 2.10). Most of the resistors in the ELEC 201 kit are rated for watts, which is a very low power rating; hence, they are very small devices. A few resistors are much larger: A 1 watt resistor has a large cylindrical shape, while a 5 watt resistor has a large, rectangular package. Resistor packs (or packages) are flat, rectangular packages with four, six, eight, or ten leads. There are two basic types of resistor pack: Isolated Element. Discrete resistors; usually three, four, or five per package. Common Terminal. One end of each resistor is tied to a common pin, and the other end is free. Any number from three to nine resistors per package. Figure 2.3 illustrates the internal wiring for each style of 8-pin resistor pack. All diodes (including the zener diodes and standard diodes used on the RoboBoard) have two leads, called the anode and cathode. When the anode is connected to positive voltage with respect to the cathode, current can flow through the diode; if polarity is reversed, no current flows. Zener diodes add a twist: at a particular value of reverse polarity voltage (called its "zener," or avalanche voltage), the diode conducts again. This functionality is useful in the design of voltage regulators and (the RoboBoard use) for precise over-voltage protection. A diode package usually provides a marking that is closer to one lead than the other (a band around a cylindrical package, for example). This marked lead is always the cathode and is always inserted into Pin 2 (the end opposite the square pad on the RoboBoard). Figure 2.4 shows a the correct orientation of the 1Nxxxx (where "xxxx" is a four digit number denoting the specific diode type) zener diodes used on the RoboBoard and on the battery charger board. LED is short for "light-emitting diode." An LED's cathode is marked either by a small flat edge along the circumference of the diode casing or the shorter of two leads. The latter case is the one present in the 1999 ELEC 201 kit. Figure 2.5 shows a typical LED package. Integrated circuits, or ICs, come in a variety of package styles. Two common types, both of which are used in the RoboBoard design, are called the DIP (Dual-Inline Package), and the PLCC (Plastic Leadless Chip Carrier). In both types, a marking on the component package signifies "pin 1" of the component's circuit. This marking may be a small dot, notch, or ridge in the package. After pin 1 is identified, pin numbering proceeds sequentially in a counter-clockwise direction around the chip package. All of the integrated circuits (ICs) on the RoboBoard (except the voltage regulators) are socketed. This means that they are not permanently soldered to the ELEC 201 RoboBoard. Components that are socketed can be easily removed from the board if they are damaged or defective. Do not place the components into the sockets before you mount the sockets onto the board! Sockets are also used to avoid the need to solder directly to ICs, reducing the likelihood of heat damage. DIP sockets have similar markings to those found on the component that they hold. DIP sockets are not mechanically polarized, but the marking indicates how the chip should be mounted into the socket after the socket has been soldered into the board. Sockets are polarized; however, a PLCC chip can only be inserted into the socket the "correct" way. Of course, this way is only correct if the socket is mounted right in the first place. When assembling the ELEC 201 RoboBoard, a marking printed onto the board indicates the correct orientation of the PLCC socket. Several different kinds of capacitors are made, each having different properties. There are four different types of capacitors in the ELEC 201 kit: As indicated, some capacitors are polarized and will therefore require special attention when mounting. This is very important. On the ELEC 201 boards, all polarized capacitor placements are marked with a plus symbol (). The capacitors themselves sometimes are obviously marked and sometimes are not. One or both of the positive or negative leads may be marked, using () and () symbols. In this case, install the lead marked () in the hole marked (). The () hole is also the hole with the square pad. Some capacitors may not be marked with () and () symbols. In this case, the positive () lead will be marked with a dot or a vertical bar. Polarized capacitors mounted backwards won't work. In fact, they often overheat and explode. They should be mounted carefully. When in doubt, ask. The inductors used in the ELEC 201 kit are a miniature coil of wire wound around a small ferrite core. They are about the size of a pencil eraser. Some inductors are coated with epoxy and look a lot like resistors. Others are big bulky coils with iron cores. Inductors usually are not polarized. The transistors and voltage regulators used in the ELEC 201 kit are small, three-wire devices. They stand out since they are the only three-wire devices used. Transistors and voltage regulators are polarized. The table shown in Figure 2.8 summarizes this discussion with regard to polarity issues. When mounting components, the general rule is to try to mount them as close to the board as possible. The main exceptions are components that must be spaced away from the board before being soldered; some resistors fall into this category. All LEDs used in the ELEC 201 kit are mounted upright while all resistors are intended to lay flat. See Figure 2.9 for clarification. Various electronic components have their values marked on them in different ways. For example, value markings on some resistors are based on a color code (see Figure 2.10). Other devices, such as transistors and integrated circuits, have their part number printed on the device package. Still others may have several numbers printed on them, some of which are unrelated to their value. The largest resistors -- in terms of wattage, not resistive value -- simply have their value printed on them. Other resistors are labeled using a standard color code. This color code consists of three value bands (four for a 1% resistor) plus a tolerance band. The first two of the three value bands form the value mantissa. The final value band is an exponent. It is easiest to locate the tolerance band first. This is a metallic silver-, gold-, or brown-colored band. If it is silver, the resistor has a tolerance of 10%, if gold, the resistor has a tolerance of 5%, and if brown, the resistor has a tolerance of 1%. If the tolerance band is missing, the tolerance is 20%. The more significant mantissa band begins opposite the tolerance band. If there is no tolerance band, the more significant mantissa band is the one nearer to an end of the resistor. Figure 2.10 shows the meaning of the colors used in reading resistors. A few examples should make this clear. (See figure 2.11 for help) Reading capacitor values can be confusing because there often are numbers printed on the capacitor that have nothing to do with its value. So the first task is to determine which are the relevant numbers and which are the irrelevant ones. For large capacitors (values of 1F and greater), the value is often printed plainly on the package; for example, "4.7F". Sometimes the "" symbol acts as a decimal point; e.g., "47" for a 4.7F value. Capacitors smaller than 1F have their values printed in picofarads (pF). There are 1,000,000 pF in one F, and 1,000,000 F in one Farad. Capacitor values are similar to resistor values in that there are two digits of mantissa followed by one digit of exponent. Hence the value "472" indicates 47 picofarads, which is 4700 picofarads or 0.0047 F. The ELEC 201 RoboBoard is the heart of the ELEC 201 Robot Controller system. It uses a Motorola 68HC11 family microprocessor coupled with 32K ofnon-volatile memory. It has outputs to drive six motors, inputs for a variety of sensors, a serial communications port for downloading programs and user interaction, and many other features. It is possible that after your best efforts, your RoboBoard is non-functional. This section provides some help to isolating and correcting the cause of the failure. A good working knowledge of the logical design of the RoboBoard and of the function of the various chips is invaluable in finding a fault, so read Chapter 5 carefully. The steps below will give you additional insight on the operation of the RoboBoard and its components, so read the entire section before starting. Also invaluable is a working RoboBoard, which can provide a comparison for measurements, but most importantly, provides a source of known-working chips for substitution. The donor RoboBoard should be loaded with p-code and optionally with a test program like testports. The two different cases of a board that has never worked, and a previously operating board that has failed, are treated separately below. However, there are a few common checks that should be done in any case. The usual cause of a failure at first startup is an error in construction. So the primary steps involve looking for common errors and then uncommon errors. First be sure to perform the power supply checks listed above. If none of the above helps, go on to the next steps. If the source of a problem is not obvious from such information as voltage checks and the nature of the problem, one technique is to pull out chips to get to the minimum working configuration, and then to replace chips sequentially with known-good ones from a working donor board. Will run the IC logo and heartbeat on the display. The set consists of: And that is all there is, so the RoboBoard should be fully functional at this point. In some cases, and with practice, you can skip some of the steps above if the problem is obviously limited to a particular area, like the motor drivers (a common problem). In that case, just pull the driver chips and the 574 latches and see if everything else works OK. If it does, just substitute latches and motor drivers. For other problems, jump into the sequence above at the appropriate point. Finally, please destroy and discard all chips found to be bad. Then fill up your donor RoboBoard with new chips as necessary, load it with p-code and testports, and test it, so you will be ready for the next problem. The ELEC 201 Robot Controller system uses a Panasonic 12 volt lead-acid battery rated for 1.3 ampere-hours of operation. These batteries are rechargeable. The battery is connected to the RoboBoard through the battery connector, labeled "DC in". These lead-acid cells are extremely powerful devices. Car batteries are constructed of similar lead-acid technology. When handling the batteries, be extremely careful not to short the () and () terminals of the battery together. A huge surge of current will flow, melting the wire and causing burns. In extreme cases, batteries can explode and cause serious injury. You will be supplied with a pre-assembled batttery cable, but in case you need to repair yours, or make a new one, here are instructions. Figure 2.17 illustrates how to wire the battery plug and cable assembly. Figure 2.18 illustrates how to wire the 12 volt DC adaptor and cable assembly. NOTE: DO NOT use the adaptor with the existing connector as it comes out of the box. It has opposite polarity from that required. Also, we use various models o adaptors, and the wiring markings may vary from that shown. To be sure, first measure the polarity of the output using your multimeter and modify the instructions accordingly. The infrared (IR) transmitter board emits modulated infrared light that can be detected by the Sharp GP1U52X IR sensors. The IR board features eight infrared emitting diodes positioned in a circle to generate a 360 degree signal. The diodes are driven by an oscillator circuit (the 74HC390 chip) and a transistor amplifier on the RoboBoard. The infrared LEDs are wired in series to minimize the current draw from the battery. The board also contains a visible LED, that when lighted, indicates all IR LEDs are transmitting. An unlit LED indicates problems with the board. You will receive an assembled IR transmitter. This section explains how to build reliable cables and connectors for the motors and sensors that will plug into the robot's controller boards. Sturdy and reliable connectors are critical to the success of a robot. If a robot's connectors are built sloppily, hardware problems will occur. Well-built connectors will help make the robot more reliable overall and will ease development difficulties. Sensors and motors are built with fixed wiring, which means that a sensor or motor will have a fixed length of wire terminating in a connector. It is possible to build extension cables, but it is more time-efficient to build cables that are the proper length already. The average robot has its control electronics near the physical center of the robot; hence, motors and sensor cables need to reach from the center of the robot to their mounting position. Given this geometry, most robots will need sensor and motor cables between 6 and 12 inches long. Several different connector styles are used depending on the device that is being connected to the robot. Figure 2.21 shows the connector configurations used for bidirectional motors, unidirectional motors, sensors, and the infrared beacon. The ribbon cable provided in the ELEC 201 kit is best for making sensor and motor cables. Use the "helping hands" to hold the connectors while soldering. Figures 2.22 through 2.25 illustrate the recommended method for wiring to a connector plug. When assembled properly, this method will provide for a sturdy, well-insulated connector that will be reliable over a long period of use. Be sure to place heat-shrink tubing on the wires, well away from the connection, before soldering. After soldering, slide the heat-shrink tubing down over the pins to make a neat connection. Then apply heat. The example shows wiring to opposite ends of a three-pin plug, as would commonly be used when wiring to a motor. The method, however, is suitable for all kinds of connectors. Step One: Strip a small amount of insulation off the wire ends. Tin the wire ends by applying a thin coat of solder to them. Step Two: Cut the male connector to size. This example shows a plug that can be used to wire a motor or the infrared transmitter. Cut 1/2 inch length pieces of heat-shrink tubing, and slide over tinned wires, well away from the point of soldering. Step Three: Using the "helping hands", hold the connector and wires in place and solder. Clip wires to a little less than the length of the male pins before soldering. Step Four: Slide pieces of heat-shrink tubing over connections. Shrink using heat gun. This section shows wiring diagrams for the following sensors: In most cases, some discussion of the sensor's principle of operation accompanies the wiring diagram. Further information on the use of all sensors is found in Chapter 9. Examples of correctly wired sensors are available for your inspection. As a general rule, do not wire a sensor until it is needed. This will conserve material, and will result in cable lengths appropriate to your robot. Several switches in the ELEC 201 kit may be used to make touch sensors. Diagrams for the white "ALPS" switch, the small red push-button switch, the Burgess lever switch, the lever switch, the mock roller switch, and the roller switch are shown. Touch switches should be wired in a normally open configuration, so that the signal line is brought to ground only when the switch is depressed. The photocell is a special type of resistor whose resistance varies in proportion to the impinging light. The more light hitting the photocell, the lower its resistance. The output signal of the photocell is an analog voltage corresponding to the amount of light hitting the cell. Higher values correspond to less light. Assemble the Mercury Tilt Switch according to the diagram below. Be sure to apply heat-shrink to both ends. IR reflectance sensors contain a matched infrared transmitter and infrared receiver pair. These devices work by measuring the amount of light that is reflected into the receiver. Because the receiver also responds to ambient light, the device works best when well shielded from ambient light, and when the distance between the sensor and the reflective surface is small (less than 5mm). IR reflectance sensors are used primarily to detect white and black surfaces. As you would imagine, white surfaces generally reflect well, while black surfaces reflect poorly. The output signal of the phototransistor receiver is an analog voltage corresponding to the amount of light hitting the phototransistor. Higher values correspond to less light, and hence, a smaller degree of surface reflectivity. The Sharp GP1U52X sensor detects infrared light modulated (e.g., blinking on and off) at 40,000 Hz. It has an active low digital output, meaning that when it detects the infrared light, its output is zero volts. The metal case of the sensor must be wired to circuit ground, as indicated in the diagram. This makes the metal case act as a Faraday cage, protecting the sensor from electromagnetic noise. The potentiometer can be used as a rudimentary rotary position sensor. The first diagram deals with shafted potentiometers. The second deals with slotted potentiometers. Like the IR reflective sensor, the slotted optical switch contains a matched infrared transmitter and infrared receiver. The slotted optical switch also works by measuring the amount of light transmitted from the transmitter to the receiver, but in this case the transmission is direct, rather than reflected. Best results are again achieved when ambient light is shielded from the device. We recommend that you examine the sample before attempting to wire a slotted optical switch. The output signal of phototransistor element is an analog voltage that corresponds to the amount of light hitting the phototransistor. Higher values indicate less light. Generally, however, the slotted switch is used as a digital sensor, with the two states Blocked and Unblocked. The Hall effect sensor detects the presence of a magnetic field. The charts on the following page show the results of laboratory tests and provide useful information on the expected performance of the Hall effect sensors. The device can be easily damaged during soldering. Be careful not to apply too much heat or to stress the device leads. This device is not in your kit, but can be obtained from a lab assistant. These magnetic switches are used as window sensors in home security systems. The switch will close when it comes within 1" of its companion magnet. The mounting of sensors on LEGO pieces is an important step towards providing your robot with the ability to interact with its surroundings. Sensors mounted haphazardly can behave unreliably and provide the robot with false or misleading data. The ideas presented here are just suggestions; feel free to experiment. An Alps switch may be mounted in a similar manner. If mounted on the side of a robot, this yields a side collision sensor that creates little friction along walls. The IR reflectance sensors can be mounted on a LEGO with some slight modification to the body of the sensor. Epoxy (obtained from a lab assistant) can also be used. Slotted optical switches are primarily used to count the number of times a wheel rotates. The following methods deal with how to build these devices, known as shaft encoders. Simply epoxy the switch to a short beam that is above or below a rotating wheel as shown in Figure 2.28. Make sure the holes in the narrow wheel periodically break the beam in the slotted switch when the wheel rotates. Place two 1x2 plates on a LEGO beam. Space them 2 dots apart. Insert the wires of the slotted optical switch between the two 1x2 plates. Pull the switch as flush as possible with the LEGO. Place a beam across the 1x2 plates to hold the switch in place. The device should now look like Figure 2.29. The procedure for mounting photocells is very similar to the procedure for mounting IR reflectance sensors. The assembly should resemble Figure 2.30. Both kinds of potentiometers provided in the 1999 ELEC 201 kit can have gears attached to them. The only gear that will fit this style of potentiometer is a crown gear. Notice how well the crown gear fits on the face of the potentiometer. Epoxy the crown gear to the face of the potentiometer as in Figure 2.31. The shaft on these potentiometers can fit most any LEGO gear. Simply slip the gear onto the shaft. Most gears should work without slipping, although crown gears do not. The RoboBoard can be LEGOized by using the threaded axles and a long LEGO beam. LEGOizing the RoboBoard could make it easier to mount to your robot. Figure 2.32 shows a RoboBoard mounted to a 16-Long LEGO beam. The threaded axles are slipped through the mounting holes on the RoboBoard and one of the holes in the LEGO beam. The threaded axles are then secured using two axle nuts. The side of the board with the LCD display can be mounted on LEGO by using one threaded axle and a 1 inch nylon screw. If you wish to do this, ask your lab assistant for a 1 inch nylon screw. The ELEC 201 kit includes two different shapes of motors: round Johnson motors, and oblate Johnson motors. This section will explain how to mount these motors onto a piece of LEGO to be used in robot construction. In every case, an eight-tooth LEGO gear should be more or less permanently installed on the motor shaft. In general, this is the most useful motor configuration. It is recommended that two motors with the eight-tooth gear mount be built and evaluated. Later, it can be decided if the remaining motors should be built differently. Only for unusual applications will another configuration be preferable. The original method of mounting gears to motors using shrink tubing is described below. It is relatively simple, but it is not flexible. To change the type of gear, or to remount the motor on another beam, the gear, epoxy, and shrink tubing must be removed and redone. We now glue a small piece of LEGO axle to the motor shaft. Instructions for the new method are on a Quick Link page. Both the Mabuchi and the Johnson motors can be mounted on a LEGO beam plate. Figure 2.39 shows one possible way of mounting the stepper motor available upon request for the 1999 ELEC 201 class. By using LEGO beams and spacers and the hardware provided with the stepper motor, many other possibilities for mounting exist. The stepper motor has two sets of three wires coming from it. Each of these sets may be connected to a three-prong male header as shown in Figure 2.40. If the stepper motor is to be used to turn in only one direction, only one of these sets needs to be connected to a header. For bidirectional control, both sets must be connected to the three pin male headers. Stepper motors may be connected to any of the six motor ports (two at a time for bidirectional control). The computers in the lab are equipped with a cable from the serial port to a RJ-11 telephone plug that connects to the RoboBoard. You may want to make a similar cable for your own personal computer; instructions are available in the diagram, in the printed Assembly Manual, or from a lab assistant. New Apple computers will require an adapter to provide a standard serial port. Diagram (pdf file).

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Though many now know it was the drying up of the Saraswati River that caused its decline-they miss what is even more interesting- that Harrapans’ major markets had collapsed following a similar drought, Near East and world trade nose-dived and this sudden reverse in the economic front started the decline. Not just the Harrapan trade seals and clay inscriptions are scattered around the Near East and overseas but the imported products from those markets as well abundantly found not just at Harrapa but all over India-So it wasn’t exactly ancient world’s sweat shop exporter but a world trading hub-This also shows ancient India was simply what is broadly speaking America today. The Chola-Pandyas’ pre-Islamic empires were built on the edifice of Global Trade and Post Islamic revivalist Vijayanagara and Maratha empires too.Global trade was the secret of ancient Hindu’s prosperity.Free Trade agreements were the engines of its Post Islamic resurgence. Not ‘swadeshi‘ which is plain old Protectionism along anti global trade. With such economic advisors the Harrapans wouldn’t have needed the drying up of the Saraswati to perish. FDI as East India Company- Indian companies became MNCs Even Bastiate doesn’t equate free trade with absent Regulator of truly fair and free trading. The Indian polity then favored and went beyond the Fair and Free trade principles conceding political advantages to the East Indian Companies. That is not to be made into xenophobic ant globalist protectionism’s excuse abolishing all investments and opening of domestic markets for ever.The term MNCs at the start of Liberalization meant Multinational companies mainly capitalist west- so the doomsayers’ invoking of calamity and grisly image in this return of the British East India Company was easier. But the reciprocal access to overseas markets had turned most Indian companies focused in India to swiftly become Multinational Companies in their own right-like the myriad Tatas and Reliance Indst. The British enslavement of India under the aegis of East Indian Company and the mercantile colonialism cannot deny the above historical facts that India in her own right was on the way to have become such a global mercantile colonialist super power- and her colonies have left us the splendid monuments to attest her capacity at the Angor Wat. The western outposts extending to Anatolia are yet to be made out. One can safely argue that the decline of India began with this in-turned and self focused Trade isolationism, and departure from world markets. Liberalization of our markets and globalization would lead to neo colonialist take over was the first myth that got exploded. What happened in reality was- Indian companies like so many frogs in the well jumped out and became Multinational giants. Internalization of Leftist anti-neo colonialism and anti imperialism Koenraad Elst had indicated the internalization of the Leftist rhetoric by the Hindu nationalist movement. He could have mentioned a booklet written by Dattopadhya Thengedi (Defeated Marxism) where he pitches the then Bharathiya Jan sangh’s economic line along Manu smriti- where the Law giver forbids the state interference in the operation of Free market dynamics. Leftists have infiltrated the Nationalist ranks and BJP too takes populist stands rooted in outdated Socialism and Protectionism. Not to forget that it was BJP that opened FDI of all things in media ! Which predictably became anti-Hindu and one cause of all our problems and its own defeats. FDI increase to 78% in Broadcast will bring in evangelist radios/TV. It is this alone BJP must oppose. Otherwise Retail chains will actually help farm uptake and drive Agro growth rate still in old Hindu growth rate. We can’t hold millions and millions of nearly 30% of India’s agro dependent population to ransom for imagined effects on a few hundred thousand or a million retailers. We believe in bi-partisan politics and welcome the FDI reforms even if it’s done by the anti-Hindu congress, because that will benefit our Nation. BJP must abandon its coddling with Leftists and anachronisms. People have already endorsed Manmohan’s stand on Nuclear Deal and sidelined communists. We must welcome PM Manmohan Singh’s last minute effort to put India back on the Neo-Hindu Growth rate of 7+ %. For us what help the Hindu nation alone are important-not partisan politics and Populist approvals. We should stand for kautilya’s Artha Shastra and not karl Marx’s Anti-imperialism rants. Imagine if leftists had blocked FDI in telecom? We would never have come out of 6 month waits for landlines! Remember leftist Protests and bandhs against Computers and computerization? The proposed NDA bandh is an update on that comic. Entombing the farmer all for his own good and protecting him in slow decay The Re- Lettering the Illiterates on need for Obsolete Protectionism and Leftist Price Controls Status Quo is lead by our patriot friend S Gurumurthy. Our Shukracharya of Leftist Economic Dharma is so upset at Wall Mart arrival that he had gifted us with a very ‘stunning’ revelation. Being also the Bheeshma of Protectionism and its canons he tells us gravely that-The days are numbered for Farmers and Food Security and end of days are near. So we would like to critique his take since I too happen to be a Nationalist but believe Free Markets seldom bring Doom but its tampering with controls and tampering. Planning Commission and its planned imprisonment of agricultural industry now is the new Shastra he rallies to begin his charge against the Forces of Imperialism and Capitalism that Wall Mart seems to appear to his nationalist vision. So let us read from his Selling India’s retail wholesale and try to understand him. First it declares the support to Retail sector opening up to Market economy against its controlled planned Stalinist era stagnation is ‘Illiteracy”. Since we expect to perceive soundness of its “literate’ version of the event-It starts quoting from the Holy Bible – Planning Commission Report of 5 Year plans! That’s your Literacy or update from Soviet era economic modelled planned economy that was huge flop. Re-education that is. This is the Sunday School of Protectionism and Leftism- Still, we can gaze if any insights are there to its Literate story- here it is “The US farm size is 250 times larger than the Indian; the Australian farms, 4000 times! Therefore, Farm Gate to Wal-Mart supply chain that works in the US/West cannot be imagined here”. Lest we start ‘imagining’ the corporate strategists who would be bringing in sparse capital in a global downturn into India to work their way around this seemingly ‘unimaginable’ block- It says – The Farm Gate to Wal-Mart theory is founded on the elimination of not only middlemen but also small farmers by making farming contractual and corporate to reap economics of scale. It ignores global studies and Indian experience that affirm that economics of scale does not operate in agriculture. Actually smaller farms give better production. The SMFs in India farm about 34% of the cultivated area, but produce 41% of food grains; their productivity is 33% higher. Replace small farms by large ones. Nation’s food production will instantly fall by 7%. Economics of scale through Contractual Farming is already done by Pepsi and none of this happened. Each line is a presumption and full of contradiction let’s stay with him till he is finished– It’s founded “On the elimination of not only middlemen but also small farmers” The contracts are with multiple small holders and if that’s a very big hurdle- they can always go for co-operative farming contracts? How will then Productivity of these very same Farmlands fall? The SMFs in India farm about 34% of the cultivated area, but produce 41% of food grains; their productivity is 33% higher. Frankly we don’t get that math at all. 34% of area under small holdings and them accounting for 41% produces means just 7% of produces more? And this data ignores what exactly that 7% more produce are? If they happen to grow more- 1. Crops that fetch less price at markets? 2. If they grow more of same due to lack of implements and agro-equipment? 3. Lastly the elimination of middle men- who would also pay barely production plus cost and pocket the margins due to their holding of the supply chain and shelf accessibility? None of this answered.So it then grandly jumps to its next alarmist conclusion- Nation’s food production will instantly fall by 7%. Like Commies who prophesied advent of Computers will make Industrial workers redundant and create a labor market crisis and Unemployment doomsday? What in fact happened in reality? Very same Communist governments started belatedly inviting Information technology industry to setup shops at Calcutta? Instead of the prophesy of labor doomsday the reform there ended in creation of a new Industry! Now when you look at this long pending opening of Protected and stunted Agro Industry from Stalinist Control regime-Is it hard to imagine what is coming? The small farmers always have the example of Pepsi contract farming as Co-operatives.In fact the productivity figures of meaningless and less paying produce will get replaced with higher fetching prices for what they produce. With more entry of big retailers the farmers will have more buyers biding for their produce? The eliminated middle men and wastage that this ‘Literate doomsters’ thunder- Will alone better price discovery and increase the Produce surviving without perishing as wastage due to poor Supply support logistics such as warehouses and Cold chains. This is one thing not mentioned at all- that the “high Productivity’ gets undone by Storage and Transportation that destroys them due to Wastage of produce-Especially for the perishable crops that need technological preservation such as cold storage. The upgrade of entire agro-industry moving into agro-Products instead farm produce is also missed. For instance Potato chips and Tomato sauces instead of plain tomatoes’ and Potatoes and happening right there where this small farmer lives and vegetates, thanks to our literate pundits and their regime of protections. Instead of seeing this as a pathetic state it tells us- A less known, stunning truth about rural India is that more than 60% of India’s food production does not enter commercial stream at all, but gets distributed, consumed within the villages. It is retained or stored by farmers for consumption, payment of wages in kind to farm labour; and for use as seed and feedstock for animals; for sale within the village. Because there is no way to get it to the distant markets or preserve them on transit?Wouldn’t More money in his pocket will fetch that –and not lack of options and consumption at source of production. “Even if a small part of the 60% un-marketed food production is drawn into the market through supply chain which Wal-Mart’s will establish, that will mean urban pricing in rural areas. Can SMFs and landless labour afford the market price and buy their food? Never”. That is assuming the farmer would stay the same way at same level of income and lack of options. When he gets a better price via co-operative contract farming and a sellers’ market where multiple chains bid for his produce and more money in his pocket and there is then no need at all this compulsion you hail to self- consume his stock of produce? Where is this grand deduction- Never? Dharma? or Adharma of Populist Economic fallacies? The rest of the doomsday forecast is so benumbing, specious that it isn’t worth quoting.It adds some romance of how farmers reach two major points of of take –stressing these transaction points are “ the farmers not just trade, but also exchange social and cultural information about neighbourhood areas, settle marriages and disputes, make crop choice and discuss resource allocation.”Must be a sad reading indeed- for a communist that is. So much proletarian culture lost and the last gem– “Resource Allocation discussion’ Meets and bonhomie missed!Note it’s not capital allocation but Resource allocation– Farmers are comrades of Planned Economists. Funny? What it argues is that the Local Mandi-Haats are the first stage of Exchange of what the Farmer grows that he sells to the middle man trader.This is the Status Quo- and the Rip off of this Farmer left without market access or choice or even electronic commodities Options.No Options save the Government man and the Middle man- that’s our socialist culture that needs to be guarded against the invader Western Wal-mart.All kinds of calamities await us we are told and all not because he is blocked by Literate Punditry that banished electronic access even to global market prices, but because -He is still unaware of Administered Floor price guaranteed to off take by government!A farmer who needs to be kept update on State mechanism- but strangely not World market situations electronically. So it tells us Planning commission has advised the government to go there to Haats instead of the next level of off take that is the Whole Sale Mandis.This is because it says only 5% of all they grow is reaches there.And it’s at such whole sale paradises that farmers actually get the Government doled out the deliverance of his poor soul through good news of Minimum Control Price. In other words it tells us –if only the poor sod Farmer who offloads the produce at Whole Sale points of pickup of his produce- where he will obtain a fabulous Govt Minimum Price, and then he can walk whistling to the bank a richer man.Since that is impossible and so demanding-the Planning Commission of Stalinist thinkers have wisely advised the Government instead to walk the extra mile and save the poor souls informing them of the Administered prices and give him salvation. All that is so nice to visualize- provided the Price the Govt gives under control regime as minimum price exceeds what he will get from Wall markets or even at the Mandis he sells now.If you ask the farmer he will tell you what a cruel joke this Minimum prices doled by government gives-Barely or at times even less than cost of production. This is why he ignores and stays content with what he sells now at level one- at Haats and returns home. The wonderful Stalinist era device of Minimum support price would hardly cover his transport to Whole sale points and would hardly be worth the ride. Not that he is such an ignoramus and illiterate but wiser than this Literate and literalist reader of the situation. The writer also celebrates the demise and shut down of Commodities exchange and trading- because such poor souls couldn’t even grasp this Govt Minimum price so how can they grasp nuances of Commodities Exchange? Patronizing and smothering can’t be bettered here when Gurumurthy pens this. So that was favour done by UPA which back tracked under this shouters’ show against Commodities trading- and robbed him of learning the current prices at his own villages and sell going by world futures market. Since they had successfully kept him in his place, at the double mercies of a Government administered Price mechanism that hardly covers cost of production and would at times even give him less than what he would get at nearby local Haats-And robbed him also the freely available Internet based Hindi readings of commodities markets and price accordingly-Throwing him at the mercy of middle men traders at Haats where he should be happy conducting his culture and commerce…. The doomsday prophet of Planned economic thinking is confident that his own self proclamation of Literacy will go unnoticed, unchallenged and be hailed instead as scientific force of Productive truths! He needs to be the Messiahs of our farmers, by our well meaning middle class who are sedate and love such myth making as a crusade worth this season. Anna Team and Ram Baba shows are getting boring isn’t it? Markets if allowed to function freely always have shown as bettering everyone-the producer and the trader and the consumer. Better that segment of economy and overall growth and prosperity. What never worked and will never work are –The Controls system and its Planning of Economic activity; by some arbitrary dictator of terms of exchange with well meaning but unhelpful intervention. This essay forgot to explain why at America and West Farm sizes are Bigger and average productivity as well as industrialization of agriculture and Market access –price discovery are incomparably better.That abysmal stagnation is thanks to your decades of Planning and meddling and saving the Farmer from all such transformations as the world moved on. While the farmer of the west moved ahead –ours remained- locked in prison of a paternal sing system of controls and doles and remained like a Bonsai Tree version of them. That was the Literate Protectionist church and Leftist little saints of Stalinist Planning and Controls’ miracle working.Anti Americanism is not in the best interest of the Hindu Nation. This appendix I did after a quick check if such ‘Big fish eateth small fish‘ is just scare mongering or something else actually happening. I was aghast that this eminent Chartered Accountant and trusted patriot who must be in the knowing of what Pepsi that accursed western Imperialist Capitalist Big Fish has already been doing to our Small Fishes- and yet has chosen to portray to us as Doomsday that very same story with Walmart’s arrival ! In this he seems very committed and opaque to any reason or previous mistakes. For instance the opposition to arrival of Cokes and Pepsis was in fact his first program.As though the Bad Ugly american corporates will bring doom- really? Just read how Illiterate he has assumed we are- perhaps since we don’t check his tall claims at all. Did the small Farmer perish with Contractual Farming or Productivity nose dive and he ended shirtless? Read for yourselves what it says about the Literate Panic seller- Buoyant Pepsi to take contract farming to troubled states Seema Sindhu / New Delhi June 11, 2010, 0:03 IST Ram Prasad Ghosal, a potato farmer from Bamunpara (Dist Burdwan) in West Bengal, owns 10 acres of land. Just two months earlier, though, his ilk faced a major scare. The region witnessed a bumper potato crop of 9.5 million tonnes — 73 per cent higher than last year’s production. Wholesale prices in Kolkata crashed to Rs 300 a quintal. Retail prices, too, dropped to Rs 6-8 a kg. Farmers were forced to sell their produce at Rs 3-3.50 a kg, almost half of last year’s price.Ghosal, however, was not worried. Not only were his fortunes hedged, but he also managed to get almost Rs 3 more per kg. He was one of the 6,500 potato farmers across six districts in West Bengal who got assured returns of Rs 6-8 a kg even as prices crashed around them. All had one thing in common — they were doing contract farming for food and beverages company, PepsiCo. Hardly a year after working with Pepsi, Ghosal bought a tractor and potato harvester. “It has been a wonderful experience with PepsiCo. Assured fixed rates and expert technical help has totally changed my life. I associated with PepsiCo four years earlier and my profit has risen by Rs 20,000-25,000/acre per annum,” says Ghosal. The company also helped him getting cheaper loans and last year, he also bought weather insurance. So our Learned pundit is striving and promoting ideas to keep these Farmers from emancipation from the twin blight of middlemen and crashing prices with his trumpeted more 43% productivity and the Government that would offer him the Minimum what? No wonder they are driven to suicide. Dharma? or Adharma of Populist Economic fallacies? Powered by Facebook Comments

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This essay has been submitted by a student. This is not an example of the work written by our professional essay writers. Epstein-Barr virus (EBV), also known as Human Herpes Virus 4, is the etiologic agent for infectious mononucleosis, an illness often colloquially called "mono." Although "mono" is notorious among adolescents, Epstein-Barr virus itself is frequently overshadowed by its viral relatives HSV-1 and HSV-2 when it comes to research and public interest. To combat these issues, this paper will provide specific information about EBV, including data on its structure, classification, pathogenesis, replication cycle, epidemiology, and the treatment and prevention of infectious mononucleosis and other EBV-related illnesses. Structure and Classification EBV is a linear, double stranded DNA virus with a Baltimore classification of Class I (1,16). Belonging to the family herpesviridae and the subfamily Gammaherpesvirinae, the virus can also be categorized as a human B-lymphotropic gamma herpesvirus (1,9,12). EBV has an icosadeltahedral capsid consisting of 162 capsomeres, and the virus is significantly large, with a diameter of 150 nm (12). Like all herpes viruses, the virus is surrounded by an envelope containing glycoproteins that play various roles in assisting in its proliferation (9,12). Glycoproteins B, H, and L, for example, assist in the virus's entry into its target cells, which include B cells as well as epithelial cells (9). Glycoproteins H and L aggregate together to form a heterodimeric structure on the surface of the virus (9). Subsequent folding of these proteins results in a 4-domained structure with a conceivable but as of yet unconfirmed movable portion that may play a further role in the fusion between the host cell and the virus (9). EBV's genome consists of 175 kilobase pairs, and within its DNA are numerous tandem repeats (1). Although the exact number of tandem repeats differs depending upon the strain, researchers have found that there are standard terminal repeats, called TRs, at both ends of the DNA strand, and approximately between six to twelve repeats of an area in the genome termed IR1 (1,16). EBV exhibits two lifecycles: the latent lifecycle and the lytic lifecycle (12). Once the virus infects its target cell, the viral genome is maintained as an episome, specifically a plasmid, during the latent lifecycle of the virus (1). The previously linear DNA forms its circular shape by covalent interactions between these aforementioned terminal repeats (16). The Epstein-Barr viral genome encodes for six important structural proteins that aid in the construction of its capsid. Three of these proteins are encoded from the late genes BFRF3, BcLF1, and BdRF1. In order for EBV to successfully complete its lifecycle, BFRF3, the small capsid protein, must be present and functioning correctly. BdRF1, a scaffolding protein, and BcLF1, the major capsid protein, are required to be present with the small capsid protein as the capsid self-assembles. Other proteins encoded for during this period include a protease, rising from the BVRF2 gene, which cuts the scaffolding protein and allows for EBV's maturation (8). Pathogenesis and Immunity EBV infects B lymphocytes as well as epithelial cells (12). When EBV infects epithelial nasopharyngeal carcinoma cell lines, the virus induces these cells to not only become round in appearance, but to also transform into large, multinucleated entities (15). Furthermore, syncytia as well as nuclear and cytoplasmic inclusion bodies begin to develop as the virus actively replicates (15). Despite these physical alterations, cells infected with EBV face other aspects of irregularity (12). EBV causes a lifelong infection in the cells it infects, and when it infects B cells, it exploits the stages of B cell growth in order to launch its infection (12). EBV contains certain attributes that allow it to thrive within the body of an infected person quite successfully; for example, the virus uses proteins to disallow for apoptosis and to allow for B lymphocytes to continuously divide, thus rendering these cells an everlasting production facility for the virus (12). Once an individual is infected, one B cell per milliliter of blood within the individual's body carries EBV (12). When EBV is actively replicating within B cells or the oropharynx's epithelial cells, the virus is shed within the saliva, and thus contact such as kissing is its mode of transmission. As a result, infectious mononucleosis, the disease that is caused by EBV, is often coined the "kissing disease." Once the virus is contracted, EBV invades the blood in order to effectively attack a plethora of B cells. During this initial infection, EBV manufactures certain proteins which are the first to be targeted by the immune system. These proteins include the viral capsid antigen, the membrane antigen, and the early antigen. The immune system builds antibodies to pursue and destroy these surface and cytoplasmic antigens, before building more antibodies to target the nuclear antigens of EBV. In conjunction with these antibodies, T cells help to control the replication of B cells as the EBV attempts to stimulate it. Nevertheless, EBV does employ mechanisms to fend off the immune system's attack. For example, EBV produces a molecule that resembles interleukin-10. This molecule competitively inhibits the TH1 CD4+ T-cell receptor and disallows for the regulation of B cell proliferation, thus leading to a surge in B cell replication (12). Infectious mononucleosis is a mild, nonfatal disease. Its symptoms are flu-like and include a painful sore throat, a fever, and swollen lymph organs (20). Those infected with HIV may suffer from hairy oral leukoplakia, a condition where white lesions can be found on and in the mouth, specifically on the tongue (4, 12). Viral DNA can readily be found within these lesions (4). As with most diseases, these symptoms are a result of the immune system attempting to control the infection (12). Once infected with EBV, the body's cellular immunity goes into overdrive in an attempt to control the infection (7). When analyzing the blood of an EBV-infected individual, T cells make up most of the abnormal number of lymphocytes found in circulation (7). Symptoms generally subside within one to two months, and although the healthy individual will be perpetually infected with the virus, having infectious mononucleosis does not result in long-lasting damaging effects (20). However, immunocompromised populations are in danger of developing cancers due to the absence of T cells (20). B cells can then proliferate to the point of causing lymphomas such as Burkitt's lymphoma, nasopharyngeal carcinoma, and Hodgkin's lymphoma (20). Burkitt's lymphoma is a cancer endemic to Africa that usually affects children (12). Malarial infections compromise the immune system and disallow T cells to control the infection (4, 12). As a result, tumors arise in the face and jaw (12). Unlike Burkitt's lymphoma, nasopharyngeal carcinoma is common in Asia, and the cancer is of epithelial-cell origin, not B cell origin (12). Moreover, all three cancers can occur in HIV/AIDS patients infected with EBV, and is therefore one of the many complications of the disease (4). EBV, as was previously stated, uses a receptor-mediated approach to gain entry into its target cells, which include B cells and the epithelial cells of the nasopharynx and oropharynx (12). EBV has an affinity for the CD21 receptor that these cells express; CD21 is an important receptor for the complement cascade, and thus only a select few cells display this protein on their surface (12). As a result, EBV has a narrow cell tropism and preferentially attaches to these aforementioned B cells (12). From here, the virus fuses with its target cell by using glycoproteins B, H, and L which are located on the virion's surface (9). These proteins undergo an as of yet unidentified conformational change that aids in fusion (9). From here, how EBV specifically uncoats and enters the nucleus is uncertain; however, its method may be similar to that of other gammaherpesviruses (10). These viruses use microtubules and manipulation of the cell's signaling pathways to direct the virion to the nucleus where it can then inject its genome (10). Once the viral DNA is inside of the nucleus, the virus can either enter a latent phase or a lytic phase (16). During a lytic infection gene expression occurs, and the host cell's DNA-dependent RNA polymerase is used for circularization of the the linear DNA as well as for transcription (16). EBV undergoes three phases of gene expression: the intermediate-early phase, the early phase, and the late phase (19). The intermediate-early phase controls genes such as BZLF1 and BRLF1, which initiates a productive infection by encoding for the ZEBRA protein (19). An origin binding protein, ZEBRA also activates transcription, thereby initiating gene expression and moving the virus from the latent phase, if it is in one, into the lytic cycle (5,19). In order to perform this function, the protein must bind to specific sequences of DNA called ZEBRA response elements (5). ZEBRA also uses these sequences to initiate viral replication; it is currently unknown how this protein can differentiate between when to initiate transcription and when to initiate viral replication (5). In all, EBV's genome encodes for six important proteins needed for viral replication, including ZEBRA (11). Early gene BMRF1 encodes for a polymerase processivity factor, and early gene BALF5 encodes for a catalytic subunit; once produced, these proteins interact to form the DNA-dependent DNA polymerase (5,11). Other early genes include BALF2, which encodes for a single-stranded DNA-binding protein, BSLF1, which encodes for a primase, and BBLF4, which encodes for a helicase (11). Furthermore, EBV expresses a protein known as EB2 that exports mRNA from the nucleus to the cytoplasm where translation by host ribosomes can occur (2). Once all of these necessary proteins are synthesized, DNA replication can begin. EBV uses a rolling circle mechanism for the synthesis of new DNA (11). Initiation of replication begins with ZEBRA recognizing a lengthy stretch of DNA termed oriLYt (5). This origin of replication contains seven ZEBRA-binding sites which the protein must recognize for replication to occur (5). The polymerase, helicase, and primase all work in conjunction at the origin of replication to produce progeny DNA in an intermediate concatemer form before being cleaved into several progeny viral genomes (11,19). The method by which this cleavage occurs has yet to be determined (16). Once viral replication has begun, late genes are expressed (19). These late genes include BLRFR, which encodes for a protein to be packaged in the tegument, BcLF1, which encodes for the major capsid protein, and BFRF3, which encodes for a small capsid element (8). Other important late genes transcribed and subsequently translated include BdRF1, which encodes for the scaffolding protein, and BVRF2, which encodes for a protease used to achieve maturation of the virus (8). Late genes are also expressed to lead to the production of glycoproteins, such as the ones mentioned earlier that aid in fusion (9,19). Again, the expression of these late genes seems to be tied to the ability of ZEBRA to commence the lytic cycle; once replication has occurred, these genes are immediately expressed (5,19). Assembly of the progeny virions occurs in the nucleus of infected cells; therefore structural proteins must make specific associations with each other in order to be moved to this location (8). For example, it is the scaffolding protein's task to transport the major capsid protein into the nucleus, and, subsequently, when these two proteins are associated with each other, the small capsid protein can enter the nucleus as well (8). Once inside, EBV structural proteins self-assemble through physical interactions (8). The small and major capsid proteins and the scaffolding protein form the procapsid; this shell interacts with the DNA packaging complex in the nucleus and is then filled with the progeny DNA (8). Once the genome is inside of the capsid, EBV uses a protease to dispose of the scaffolding protein, and the progeny virion is now mature and ready to exit the cell (8). The mechanism by which EBV obtains its envelope and exits the cell is still uncertain (13). One study, which looks at gammaherpesviruses in general, states that the virus may receive an initial envelope from budding off of the inner nuclear membrane followed by a de-envelopment stage where the virus fuses with the outer nuclear membrane (13). As a result, the naked virus is released into the cytoplasm where it obtains its tegument proteins (13). The virus acquires these proteins while in proximity to the Golgi apparatus; as a result, numerous vesicles are readily available to swallow the virions and carry them to the plasma membrane where egress occurs through exocytosis (13). Latency is established by the encoding of certain latency-associated genes on the EBV genome. These genes include EBNA1, a latency protein that creates an association between the EBV epsiome and the host DNA. As a result, as the host cells grow and divide, the EBV genome is maintained from generation to generation within the host cell. EBNA2 activates the expression of all other latency-associated proteins, and assists in inhibiting the cellular functions that lead to the inhibition of B-cell differentiation. The bulk of these latent genes work to initiate a false B-cell activation in order for latent infection of these cells to occur. The products of these genes emulate the signals produced from immune system cells such as the products of T-helper cells and antigen-presenting cells. For example, LMP1 functions as a T-helper cell signal. In short, the virus produces proteins to push infected B cells to become differentiated into memory cells. These memory cells will then act as a reservoir for the virus (17). Treatment and Prevention Due the ubiquity of EBV and the mild nature of infectious mononucleosis, an intense drug regimen is not necessary nor available (12). For most who fall ill with infectious mononucleosis, rest and avoidance of strenuous activity is recommended because splenic rupture can occur (4). Those with complicated infectious mononucleosis, including individuals with cardiac disease, central nervous system complications, elevated fevers, and those who experience severe symptoms, should be administered glucocorticoids, an anti-inflammatory hormone that also works to suppress the immune system (4,20). While glucocorticoids can assist in reducing severe inflammation of the throat and tonsils, they can also lead to secondary bacterial infections; therefore, glucocorticoids should not be administered to patients who do not suffer from any of the previously listed conditions (4,20). Like glucocorticoids, prednisone is administered to individuals infected with EBV who already have pre-existing medical conditions such as autoimmune hemolytic anemia or tonsillar hypertrophy (4). Prednisone, also like glucocorticoid, is an anti-inflammatory, immunosuppressive drug (2,20). In addition to these steroids, treatments are also available for complications that arise from an EBV infection or for manifestations of diseases that have a correlation with EBV (4). Acyclovir, an antiviral drug that acts as a nucleoside inhibitor, works well against oral hairy leukoplakia, an ailment that usually develops in those who are coinfected with HIV (4,12). Once introduced into the body, acyclovir is activated by cellular thymidine kinase; it then binds to the viral DNA polymerase after the polymerase falsely identifies the drug as a nucleotide (12). As a result, replication ends prematurely (12). Finally, for those suffering from Burkitt's Lymphoma, chemotherapy has proven to be an effective treatment (3). The most prominent problem with attempting to find an antiviral remedy for infectious mononucleosis is the fact that most of the symptoms an EBV-infected person experiences are a result from the immune system. This intense immune response, led by an influx of T cells, is the reason why immunosuppressive drugs such as the aforementioned corticosteroids are used, even though clinically they have little to no affect on the symptoms or outcome of infectious mononucleosis. Again, these steroids are mostly employed for their anti-inflammatory effects to prevent or lessen airway obstruction (7). A select few classes of drugs have been used to test for their effectiveness against inhibiting EBV replication. These groups include acyclic nucleoside analogues, acyclic nucleotide analogues, and pyrophosphate analogues, which all have a mechanism of action that works on EBV's DNA polymerase. 4-oxo-dihydroquinolines, maribavir, β-L-5-iododioxolane uracil and indolocarbazole NIGC-I are all drugs that also may have an effect on EBV with unknown mechanisms of action. The pyrophosphate analogues, such as fosacarnet and phosphonoacetic acid, bind to an available site on EBV's polymerase, thus preventing its function, while acyclic nucleoside and nucleotide analogues work by blocking elongation of the growing DNA chain and halting replication. For the most part, these drugs are not ideal because they are toxic and can result in the viral mutation. Other drugs, such as TCRB and BDCRB, inhibit a genomic processing step in herpesviruses, but have shown to have no effect on EBV. Maribavir, however, does work against EBV by preventing release of the virus from the nucleus and by impeding the function of EBV's protein kinases. Another drug, indolocarbazoles, has a similar mechanism to maribavir, but it has no effect on EBV, while 4-oxo-dihydroquinolines, like the pyrophosphate analogues and acyclic nucleotide/nucleoside analogues, inhibits the viral DNA polymerase. 4-oxo-dihydroquinolines have been shown to inhibit EBV replication, but in the laboratory only. Therefore, there is still no definitive treatment for infectious mononucleosis (7). Being that EBV is ever-present in the population and is transmitted from contact with saliva, preventing and controlling the spread of the virus is very problematic, if not impossible (20). However, preventative measures are very important when it comes to recipients of transplants (14). Transplant patients who have been previously infected with EBV or who acquire the virus at the time of their transplant are at risk of contracting lymphoproliferative disease (LPD) (14). The prevention of this disease is very important because its prognosis is bleak (18). Transplant patients at a high risk of contracting the disease, those with 1000 gep/mL of viruses in their plasma, could be administered rituximab, a drug currently used for the treatment of LPD (18). After testing rituximab on patients at a high risk of acquiring of LPD, the study found that none of these patients experienced EBV reactivations; therefore, it can be concluded that rituximab can successfully be used prophylactically (18). Finally, there are no vaccines in use to prevent EBV; however, a vaccine containing the major EBV glycoprotein is presently in clinical trials (4). EBV is ubiquitous worldwide (12). The vast majority of people become infected with EBV during the late early stages of their lives, particularly those who are in their adolescent years (12). In the United States, up to 70% of individuals are infected by the time they are thirty years old, and at least 95% of thirty-five to forty year olds are infected with EBV (12,20). For the most part, children who become infected with EBV acquire it by drinking from glasses laden with the virus (12). Fortunately, children do not experience as severe of a disease as those who acquire EBV when they are older, and children are also less likely than adolescents to become infected (20). Children show little to no symptoms and, as a result, often go undiagnosed (20). Adolescents generally become infected with EBV from the swabbing of infected saliva (12,20). The clinical outcome of infectious mononucleosis in adolescents and adults follows the typical presentation of mono with symptoms varying in intensity (20). Becoming infected with EBV, however, does not necessary guarantee that one will have infectious mononucleosis (20). Disease develops only 35% to 50% of the time (20). Because infection with EBV is life-long, a large percentage of individuals become asymptomatic shedders of the virus, thus aiding in its transmission (12, 20). It is safe to say that everybody is susceptible to becoming infected with EBV (12). The presence of asymptomatic shedders and the nature of human behavior (kissing, sharing glasses with loved ones, etc) facilitate the transmission and circulation of the virus (20). Other factors, found predominately in other countries, may increase the risk of contracting the virus (12). For example, there seems to be a correlation between malaria and EBV in Africa; the presence of parasite (and its subsequent effect of suppressing the immune system) seems to increase the population's susceptibility of acquiring the virus (12). Although not yet confirmed, there also appears to be a correlation between EBV and individuals from certain regions of China (12). Finally, already immunocompromised individuals, such as HIV/AIDS patients and transplant patients taking immunosuppressive drugs, have a severely high chance of contracting EBV and developing LPD (12). In conclusion, EBV is a multifaceted virus that latently infects a large percentage of the human population. Although the virus only causes a mild illness, infection with EBV can lead to serious complications, especially in at risk populations. While no vaccine or specific treatment exists for the virus, research and growing interest in EBV will hopefully reveal how to protect the vulnerable populations of America from contracting the virus.

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Change on the way The end of the Edwardian era. Alan Mathison Turing was born on 23 June 1912, two years before the outbreak of the First World War. Just before he was born two tragedies had happened: Captain Scott's Antarctic expedition and the sinking of the Titanic on its maiden voyage across the Atlantic. Looking back, these seem to mark the end of the lighthearted and jolly times we think of with the Edwardian era, and the beginning of a more serious and more tragic time. Europe goes to war Unrest in Europe was reaching a peak in the years when Alan was an infant. The Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 saw the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after five centuries of ruling over this area of Europe. The leading powers in Europe soon got involved, and when the Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria was assassinated in Sarajevo, in June 1914, a general war in Europe broke out. World War 1 (the Great War) brought the horrors of war home to all the peoples of Europe, with a tremendous toll on the lives of their young men. Even those who survived did not escape from the nightmares of the horrors they had seen. Many also died in the terrible flu outbreak of 1918 - 20 along with millions of other young people worldwide. Returning to turmoil The world the soldiers came back to had changed out of all recognition. Politically the world was in turmoil. Many of the leading powers before the war had vanished, replaced by republics. In Russia, a great Revolution had taken place in 1917 and the ideas that power should be taken, by force if necessary, by the working people spread. Closer to home, the Easter Rising in Ireland eventually led to the establishment of the Irish Republic. The populations of the British (and other European) colonies were becoming ever more militant in their wish for independence - including India, where Alan's father worked. Technology was on the advance; motor vehicles replaced horses, aeroplanes were used for warfare and then started to fly civilians, medical knowledge, which was learnt from the dreadful injuries of the war, could then be used in peacetime and the use of electricity was becoming widespread in homes as well as factories. Women get the vote The role of women was beginning to change. During the war, women had filled the jobs left by men away at front. They wanted the right to vote and were no longer willing to be second class citizens. In 1918, women over 30 were given the vote in the UK. Full suffrage had to wait until 1928. During the 1920s, social unrest did not diminish and as the economic outlook got gradually worse, working men and women became more militant (there was a General Strike in 1926), and political views split. Many people supported the ideologies of either communism or fascism. A sheltered early life Through all this, the young Alan Turing would have lived life in something of a safe bubble. The lives of his family and their friends seemed very distant from most of the unrest of the post-war world. His holidays were spent in Hastings, far from the unemployment and strikes of Industrial Britain. But, in these comfortable, old-fashioned surroundings, a unique boy was growing up who would help take the world into a future that the people around him could not even imagine. Classics versus Science Alan Turing was born into the upper middle class of Britain's class system. Therefore, his education was at fee paying private schools rather than the state elementary schools which the majority of children from the working classes attended. Alan displayed very early a deep interest in science and doing experiments This interest was not encouraged by his carers or his family. In fact, his mother was worried that this interest would stop him getting into the best public schools. At the time, the private schools had curricula biased heavily towards the classics and literature, rather than mathematics, science and technology. He appeared to 'dream' his way through preparatory (primary) school, building his own interests outside of school, reading books such as 'Natural Wonders Every Child Should Know'. However, he won a place at Sherborne, one of the most famous boarding schools in England. Here, the curriculum would have been easily recognised by any Victorian boy at a public school, and the games of rugby and cricket, both developed in Victorian times, were the main sports. Alan found the curriculum very limited and received very poor reports. He found teams sports difficult and preferred solitary running. Without meaning to be one, he was seen as a rebel - his head teacher reported that he was 'the sort of boy who is bound to be a problem for any school or community.' This was an early sign of the feelings that some in society would have about him later. A very long ride His first day at Sherborne also happened to be the first day of the General Strike in Britain. This meant that there were no buses or trains running. Alan was so determined to get to school that he rode his bicycle for the 60 miles from his home in Southampton to the school. This determination and persistence were also important parts of Alan's character, which would stand him in good stead during World War 2. Alan felt very isolated at school - his peers did not have the same interests as he and he spent a lot of time alone. In 1927, his grandfather gave him a copy of Einstein's 'General Theory of Relativity', which he read, and his notebook from that time shows an incredible depth of understanding by this 15 year old boy. However, he continued to feel very solitary until he entered the 6th form and met Christopher Morcom, another brilliant boy who shared his passion for maths and science. Christopher recognised how clever Alan really was and together they ate and breathed mathematics, astronomy, physics and chemistry. They both applied for Cambridge in 1929 and then, early in 1930, Christopher died suddenly. Alan was heart broken. His feelings for Christopher had been deeper than friendship and his grief took over his thoughts and actions for the next few years. He decided he would carry on the work they had discussed together and, in 1931, won a scholarship to King's College Cambridge to study mathematics. Training the mind and body Here, for the first time in Alan's life, the atmosphere did not restrict him and actually encouraged him to think widely and look at different ideas. Alan blossomed as an intellectual and as a person. His sexuality was not a problem at King's College and his work went really well. He found relaxation in rowing and running and became a very fine athlete, almost reaching Olympic standard later in life. At King's College he developed a deep interest in mathematical logic This would a little later lead him towards the idea of 'intelligent machines' and to eventually become the ‘father' of modern computing. He graduated with distinction and was awarded a research grant, followed later by a 'Fellowship', which allowed him continue his studies and research at Cambridge. "This Country is now at war with Germany" Unrest in Europe Alan Turing left university with a first class degree in 1934. The whole world was still in the grip of a deep economic depression started by the Wall Street Crash in 1929. Millions of working men in Britain, America and other countries were unemployed, unable to earn an income for their families. They and their wives and children were forced to live on tiny payments doled out to them by their governments, or even on soup kitchens organized by charities. Huge numbers of people lived in terrible poverty. In one country, however, things were getting better quickly for many people. In Germany, the Nazi Party had come to power and bulldozed all opposition out of the way but had put millions of Germans back to work in factories, in mines, and on bulding roads and railways. In Russia, at the same time, mass industrialization meant that there was no unemployment problem. It is no wonder that workers in Britain and America looked with envy at the working classes in Germany and Russia and were tempted by the ideas of Nazism or Communism. Alan had very little to do with this wider world, apart from an interest in pacifism, like many intellectuals, in the early 1930s. He continued to live comfortably as a Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. However, he was developing mathematical ideas which would, in due course, help to bring down the Nazi regime. The Turing Machine Alan became interested in a branch of mathematics that led him to imagine the idea of a machine which, by obeying a set of instructions written according to a set of "universal" laws, could do any calculation required of it. He created an imaginary machine (now called the Turing machine), which would be able do the work of any special-purpose machine "if a tape bearing suitable instructions is inserted into it". The paper which he published containing these ideas has proved to be of immense importance to mathematics and computer science ever since. As a result of this work, Alan was invited to become a graduate student of Princeton University in America, working with some of the best mathematicians in the world at that time. Meanwhile, Nazism was growing in Germany, and Europe moved unstoppably towards war. Soon after Alan's return to Cambridge University, in 1938, he was contacted by the Government Code and Cypher School, (which was not a school of course, but a highly secret organization under MI6), who asked him to help them in their work on breaking the German Enigma codes. The Enigma Machines The Enigma machines had been developed by a German scientist at the end of World War 1, and gradually refined during the 20s. When Hitler began building up the German military forces for war in the 1930s, the Enigma machines were used by the German High command to send coded messages to army units, to the Luftwaffe and most importantly to the U-boat fleets patrolling the Atlantic. Readying for war As Britain reluctantly got ready for the coming war, planes, tanks and ships were built for the expanding armed services and millions of workers found themselves back in work. Their lives improved greatly, but the shadow of war, so much feared after the horrors of the trenches in World War 1, created a dread of what was to come. Finally, on 3rd September 1939, war was declared. In the war, academics were drafted into the intelligence services in large numbers. Some studied maps and scraps of information, trying to work out what the enemy was up to, while scientists worked in research centres developing new weapons. They were the "boffins", the backroom boys and girls, whose work went on in total secrecy and which everyone, even those risking their lives in battle, knew to be of the greatest importance in winning the war. For this was a technological war as never before. New planes, ever faster and with longer range, flew; new tanks, larger and stronger, trundled onto the battlefields; new anti-submarine weapons, new radar, new rockets, new bombs ...new atom bombs. All the nations engaged in the fighting put huge effort in trying to develop war-winning technologies. All these developments helped to shape, not only the war, but the post-war world as well. The huge advance in telecommunications during the war years, laid the foundations for the entertainment and communication revolution in the 1950s and 60s. Medical improvements, such as penicillin, had a huge influence on post-war healthcare. Developments in aviation led to the expansion of air travel. Development of atomic bombs led to the Cold War. And, more than any other project, we haveTuring's work to thank for the digital world of the1980s onwards. When war was declared, Alan Turing, with other famous cryptologists of the Government Code and Cypher School moved to Bletchley Park. This was a converted country house surrounded by a growing collection of Nissan huts. At the start of the war, the staff numbered 150. By 1942 this number had grown to 3,500. By the end of the war, 10,000 people worked at Bletchley - all sworn to secrecy. Alan was there at the very start, arriving on 4th September, the day after war was declared. Hut 8 became his place of work. He was a brilliant mathematician and he had a good understanding of machines; these two things made his work key to the success of the code breaking efforts. The war against the U-boats Alan was deeply involved in the work of cracking the German Enigma codes. The cracking of these codes by Alan Turing and his colleagues, men such as Dilly Knox, had its greatest effect on the war against the U-boats. Breaking the codes meant that they could give the Admiralty information about where U-boats were; the Admiralty could then give the convoys routes away from trouble. The Allies had come close to losing the Battle of the Atlantic and, without the help of Alan and his colleagues, the whole war might very well have been lost. Turing enjoyed his work at Bletchley, among other people who were dedicated, like himself He was called ‘the Prof' and worked tirelessly alongside his, mostly young, colleagues. He became good friends with Joan Clarke and proposed marriage, but then realised it would not be fair to her and told her he was homosexual and broke off the engagement. Helping shape Computers and the Information Age Alan Turing also worked with electronics experts trying to speed up the mechanical operations needed by the code breaking machines. In his mind, a modern computer was beginning to take shape - a machine using electronic technology that could operate on any logical process. He was involved in the building of the Colossus machines, which speeded up the deciphering of coded messages to hundreds a day. These were the first programmable computers and the ancestors of all later mainframe computers. At the end of the war, Alan Turing received an OBE for his highly important war work, even though no-one outside of the Intelligence Services had any idea what he had been doing. Faster, bigger and more intelligent The Cold War The years after the Second World War were ones in which great scientific and technical advances were made. At that time, the governments of the USA and Russia were great rivals. They were both trying to become the leading nation on Earth. To help them do this, each country was always trying to make better equipment than the other one. Britain was allied to America, so British and American scientists worked closely together. Scientists from other countries such as France and Germany were also involved. Much of the work went on in great secrecy. Aircraft became much faster during these years. The first jet to fly faster than the speed of sound did so in 1947. Jet fighters and bombers became larger and faster. Passenger aircraft also increased in speed. In 1952, the first jet airliner, the Comet, began flying, although it soon had to be grounded after some crashes. Rockets became more and more powerful, so that a few years later they were able to take men into space. Atom bombs were replaced by the much more destructive hydrogen bombs as the most dangerous weapons on the planet. These caused ordinary people the most worry. People and Space In 1952, a huge laboratory, called CERN, was opened in Switzerland. Ever since, scientists there have continued to learn more and more about the tiniest particles in the universe. The building of the first radio telescopes soon led to great discoveries in astronomy, and by 1955, nuclear power stations were being built. In 1953, a British biologist called Francis Crick, along with his American colleague, James Watson, discovered DNA. DNA is what makes animals and plants different from one another. Modern Computers are developed In Alan Turing's field, these years were the time in which modern computers first made their appearance. Today's computers store information separately from the computer itself. This means that one computer can run different programs. Alan was the first to come up with this idea, before the Second World War. After the war, each year brought bigger and better computers in Britain and America, with names like ENIAC, EDVAC, BINAC and UNIVAC. The UNIVAC, built in 1950, was the first proper modern computer. It was the first to use a computer language. Towards the Possibility of Artificial Intelligence By then, Alan Turing was working at Manchester University and turning his attention to Artificial Intelligence. He was convinced that computers could be made to 'learn' and came up with a test which would discover if a computer could be called 'intelligent'. To perform the test, two humans and a computer are each put in different locations. One human is the 'interrogator' who holds 'conversations' with both the human and computer. Alan's theory was that a computer could be said to "think" if the interrogator could not decide which conversation was with a computer and which with the human - the computer would then have 'fooled' the interrogator into thinking that their conversation was with another human. (No computer has, as yet, passed the Turing test!) Alan also designed a program for a computer to play chess - many, many years before there was any computer powerful enough to run the program! The ancestors of Today's Devices The earliest computers had used vacuum tubes to generate electrical signals. These were large and heavy, used a lot of power, and soon overheated. By 1950, these were being replaced by transistors, which were much smaller, did not overheat and used far less power. Even so, a typical computer of this time was the size of large room. It needed a lot of technicians to keep it running, and only highly-trained experts knew how to feed the information (or data) in. A computer at this time was also very expensive. The cheapest of these machines cost more than £100,000 (a huge amount of money then). There were only a few around in the world, mostly in large universities or government departments. They were used to tackle tough mathematical problems. Despite all this, these were the ancestors of today's PCs, laptops, video games machines and mobile phones and the ideas for all this modern technology were being developed back then, by Alan Turing. Conformity, change and the cold war During Alan Turing's lifetime, the world and society and the way people thought, changed greatly. When he was born, Britain had a very rigid class system, which made the opportunities in life very unequal. Women were still second class citizens and expected to take an interest in only domestic affairs and child rearing. Ruling the country and taking an interest in affairs of state at home and abroad was only for men. Working people were expected to 'know their place' and be content to work for employers and masters who made all the decisions about their working life. People were expected to conform to what was considered the right way to think, believe and behave From the way you dressed and you talked to the way they interacted with other people, there were 'norms' or 'standards' to which you were expected to confirm in 'polite society'. The authorities were not happy about people who did not conform. Criminals were harshly treated and there were a lot of criminal offences. Unmarried mothers were looked down upon and sexual relationships between men illegal. Attitudes were very fixed. From his school days onwards, Alan's interests were different from the those expected, from his subject interests (sciences not classics) to his firiendships. This made him an innovator in his work but also a difficult fit in a rigid society, expect at University where attitides were broader and during his work at places like Bletchley Park where his genius was needed and appreciated. The two world wars brought about tremendous changes. Universal suffrage (all men and women over 21 being able to vote without having to own land or wealth) was achieved in 1928. Alan's young years saw a huge increase in the numbers of working people joining unions and demanding a say in their conditions of work. This did not impinge upon Alan's sheltered world very much until the strike of 1926 meant he had to cycle 60 miles if her were to start his new school on time. The Labour party began to become a force in British politics. Up until now, the country's rulers had been from the upper classes who inherited their wealth and status. A few people from the middle and working classes started to stand, and win seats, for Parliament. Society started to become more more aware of people's rights as human beings Women and people from working class backgrounds began to be accepted into higher education and universities, although the numbers would still have been small whilst Alan was there. Slowly, more careers became open to them, although society still expected women to make home and marriage their most important career - except during periods of war! Women made up the majority of personnel at Bletchley Park whilst Alan Turing was there. Views on capital punishment were changing; pregnant women were no longer hanged and from 1933 neither was anyone under 18 years of age. Calls were being made to abolish capital punishment altogether after the war - in 1948, the House of Lords overruled the House of Commons' attempt to have a trial period without capital punishment. Society and sexuality One thing that had not really changed in Alan Turing's time was how people viewed homosexuality. Homosexuality had been punishable by death until 1865 when the law was replaced to one preventing 'gross indecency' between males (women were not included). However, it was still illegal in the UK during Alan Turing's lifetime and most homosexuals hid their sexuality for fear, not only of the law, but of other people's attitudes. Many married in an attempt to fit in with what was considered a 'normal' life. Alan himself proposed to his friend and co-worker, Joan Clarke; but, being an honourable man he broke it off, telling her of his homosexuality. During the early 20th century, homosexuality was often regarded as a medical or emotional 'problem' Alan Turing was arrested for 'gross indecency' after a raltionship with another man was discovered, when that man tried to rob him. He was tried and given a suspended sentence on condition that he took medication to try to 'cure' his sexuality. At that time various 'treatments' had been tried out to 'cure' men or remove their desires. The medication made him ill and very depressed. The cold war and fear of spies After the Second World War, a struggle for dominance between the capitalist countries of the West, led by the USA, and the communist bloc in the East, led by the USSR, developed into the 'cold war'. Each side was trying to better the other with technology and weapons; and each side developed a huge network of spies, many of whom were recruited from the other side. Any person who the authorities thought might be able to be recruited by the other side (maybe through blackmail) was carefully watched and barred from holding any important posts. This atmosphere of distrust was very great in the early 1950's due to the discovery of some British spies in important government departments, Alan has his security clearance removed Despite the trial and his homosexuality being known, the government decided he might be in danger of being recruited by 'the enemy' and took away his 'security clearance'. This meant he was no longer able to work on any government projects at all. Alan was devastated; working on artificial intelligence and computer technology were his main interests in life. Death from cyanide poisoning Despite trying to find other projects and travelling, he felt that everything that he valued had been taken from him. Following his death on 8th June 1954, the post-mortem revealed that his death had been caused by cyanide poisoning and the inquest decided that he had committed suicide. 13 years after Alan's death, homosexuality was decriminalised in the UK and gay people were gradually accepted as 'normal' in society. Terms and Conditions

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Middle East and Northern Africa Overview Human Rights Developments Defending Human Rights The Work of Human Rights Watch The Role of the International Community Positive developments in some countries in the region were overshadowed by a continuing pattern of human rights abuses, political violence, and a faltering Arab-Israeli peace process. At this writing clashes unprecedented in their lethality had erupted between Palestinian demonstrators and Israeli security forces in Gaza, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and inside Israel itself. Serious abuses including arbitrary arrest, torture, and unfair trials' were pervasive, as emergency rule or laws suspending constitutional protections were applied in many countries and the death penalty remained in force in all except Oman, Qatar, and Tunisia. Against this sobering backdrop, local activists and human rights organizations challenged these policies, though they often paid a high price for their courage. The rulers of Saudi Arabia and Bahrain made statements and authorized initiatives that suggested they might be ready to take human rights issues more seriously than in the past. The year also saw a potentially significant transition as Bashar al-Asad took power in Syria, joining the new generation of rulers in Morocco, Jordan, and Bahrain. The status and rights of women were a key issue in many countries. In Morocco the issue of remedying the discriminatory provisions of the personal status law and a "national action plan" to give women more rights gave rise to large demonstrations for and against in March. Jordanian women and men joined together in a campaign to eliminate laws condoning "honor killings" of women, and women in Kuwait campaigned vigorously for the right to vote and stand for public office. Saudi Arabia in September ratified the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). But in all these countries as in others in the region, women continued to suffer from severe forms of institutional and societal discrimination in nearly every aspect of their lives, particularly in the form of unequal personal status laws and the lack of legal redress in cases of domestic violence. Despite some positive initiatives, tens of millions of women throughout the region continued to be denied full equality, a fact that was reflected in high rates of illiteracy and maternal mortality and low rates of political participation and was justified in terms of religion, culture, and tradition. The issue of refugees, internally displaced and stateless persons was prominent throughout the year. Palestinian activists in the region and beyond initiated a right-of-return campaign that was well-grounded in international human rights law, but the problem of statelessness for Palestinian refugees in host countries in the region, Syrian-born Kurds, and Bidun in Kuwait and Bahrain was largely unaddressed or addressed in unsatisfactory ways. The region as a whole accounted for millions of refugees-officially acknowledged and otherwise-and internally displaced persons who, along with similarly high numbers of migrant workers, endured violations of basic rights at the hands of indifferent or worse government officials and abusive private employers. Serious anti-Moroccan immigrant violence erupted in Spain in February. The government of Iraq continued to force Kurds and other minorities out of the Kirkuk region into the autonomous three northern governorates. At least 200,000 Iraqis were illegal residents in Jordan, vulnerable to pressure from Iraqi and Jordanian intelligence services and to involuntary return to Iraq. Thousands of Iraqis desperately seeking refugee protection have turned up in Europe, Australia, and the U.S. Many Iranians and Iraqis fleeing to Turkey were denied protection there and forcibly returned to the countries they were fleeing. Iran hosted an estimated half a million Iraqi refugees and 1.4 million Afghan refugees, making it, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the leading refugee host country in the world. Egypt continued to be host to an estimated two million or more Sudanese, although most did not have formal refugee status. Morocco began to come to terms with the legacy of human rights abuses under King Hassan II, who died in July 1999. His powerful and feared interior minister, Driss al-Basri, was sacked in November 1999 by the king's son and successor, Mohamed VI. In October, Moroccan activists protested at the infamous Tazmamert prison, carrying candles and red roses to commemorate those who died under horrific conditions at the secret facility in the 1970s and 1980s. The demonstrators were not permitted access to the prison itself, which reportedly was ringed by dozens of paramilitary forces. They called for the trial of those responsible for "disappearances," deaths in custody, and arbitrary detention, and the return to the families of the bodies of those who perished. This year saw another potentially important generational transition of power when the reign of Syrian President Hafez al-Asad came to an end with his death in June, but the carefully orchestrated succession of his son Bashar left no doubt that the apparatus of the ruling Ba'th party was still firmly in place. Nevertheless, supporters of political reform broke the ice with bold public statements that would have been unimaginable under the rule of the new president's father. In Iran, expectations that the election of a new parliament with the majority composed of reformers would lead to substantive progress in human rights were thwarted when hardline conservatives fought back by closing down some thirty independent newspapers and magazines, effectively destroying what had been a vital element of the reformists' power base, and dealing a severe setback to freedom of expression. Prominent reformists also faced intimidation, detention, and prosecution throughout the year. The year also saw important reminders, positive and negative, of the potentially constructive role of an independent judiciary in creating an environment of legal protection of basic rights. In Israel the high court issued important rulings outlawing common interrogation techniques that amounted to torture and the practice of hostage taking. In Egypt, the Constitutional Court struck down the restrictive associations law of May 1999 and the Court of Cassation ruled that parliamentary elections had to be supervised by the judiciary rather than representatives of the executive branch. The absence of an independent judiciary was unfortunately more apparent throughout the region. In Tunisia, the judiciary continued at the service of the state to harass and convict human rights activists and other peaceful dissidents. Egypt and Bahrian continued to try political critics and protestors before state security courts. In Iran President Khatami and his allies spoke eloquently about the importance of rule of law, but his conservative adversaries used revolutionary courts and special clergy courts to deliver unfair verdicts, persecute citizens peacefully advocating political reforms, and close down the country's freewheeling print media. Military operations claimed civilian lives in Algeria, Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, Israel, the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, and the Palestinian Authority territories. Several hundred persons were killed each month in Algeria as civilians were killed in indiscriminate attacks, and clashes continued between armed groups and security forces. U.S. and British air forces continued to enforce the "no-fly zone" over northern Iraq from Incirlik base in Turkey and southern Iraq from bases in Saudi Arabia, although according to press reports the number of overflights and use of missiles and bombs was considerably lower than in the previous year. The Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and south Lebanon generated civilian casualties and damage, as well as regional tension, as U.S.-brokered peace negotiations faltered repeatedly. Israel bombed Lebanon's electricity infrastructure twice during the year, targeting on February 8 the Jamhour plant supplying Beirut as well as facilities in Baalbek and Deir Nbouh near Tripoli, and the Bsalim station in Beirut and the Deir Ammar station in Tripoli on May 5. It appeared that the Israeli Air Force used U.S.-manufactured helicopters and U.S.-supplied AGM-114 Hellfire laser-guided missiles in the Bsalim attack, which completely destroyed three of the facility's six large transformers. In a previous Israeli attack on Bsalim on May 16, 1996, U.S.-built F16 fighter planes dropped laser-guided bombs on the plant. Israel's unilateral military withdrawal from south Lebanon in May, followed by the rapid collapse of the Israeli-backed militia-the South Lebanon Army (SLA)-marked the abrupt end of over two decades of occupation for the civilian population. Families who had fled violence, intimidation and impoverishment in the occupied zone began to return as well as those whom the SLA had summarily expelled from their homes. On May 23, local residents stormed the notorious Khiam prison, which since its opening in 1985 had been a joint enterprise of Israel and the SLA. They routed the SLA jailers without violent incident and freed about 130 detainees, some of whom had been held without charge for fifteen years. Within days, the facility was transformed into an informal museum, drawing thousands of Lebanese who toured the cramped cells and solitary confinement rooms, and read the names of torturers which were prominently posted on a large handwritten list near the entry gate. At this writing, the death toll from Palestinian clashes with Israeli police, border police, and IDF that began on September 29 had risen to some 120, almost all of them Palestinians. More than 4,800 were injured. Human Rights Watch's investigations in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip in early October revealed a pattern of excessive, and often indiscriminate, use of lethal force by Israeli security forces in situations where demonstrators were unarmed and posed no threat of death or serious injury to the security forces or to others. By mid-October the IDF had expanded its use of tanks and helicopter gunships armed with both missiles and medium-caliber machine guns in Palestinian residential areas in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. On October 7, Hizballah guerrillas captured three Israeli soldiers on the south Lebanon-Israel border, announcing that they were being held hostage in exchange for nineteen Lebanese in Israeli jails and possibly other Arab prisoners. A fourth Israeli was in Hizballah custody as of this writing; the Lebanese group alleged that he was a spy but the Israeli government said he was a businessman and army reservist. Successive Israeli governments have long maintained that two of the Lebanese prisoners, Shaykh `Abd al-Karim `Obeid and Mustafa al-Dirani, captured in Lebanon in Israeli commando operations in 1989 and 1994 respectively and held without charge ever since, were bargaining chips in exchange for Ron Arad, the Israeli navigator who went missing after his plane was shot down over Lebanon in 1986. Comprehensive international economic sanctions remained in place on Iraq. High oil prices and a Security Council resolution in December 1999 that removed limits on the amount of oil Iraq could sell meant that the oil-for-food humanitarian relief program no longer faced cash constraints. As a short-term emergency assistance program limited to commodities, however, the oil-for-food program could not provide the extensive investment and development efforts needed to address the overall humanitarian situation, which remained grave. The Security Council resolution provided for the "suspension" of non-military sanctions in the event that Iraq cooperated satisfactorily with a new arms inspection regime, but Iraq insisted that it had fully complied with earlier resolutions and that sanctions should therefore be lifted without qualification or delay. In the region and around the world, advocacy and demonstrations increased on behalf of Palestinian refugees and their right of return under international law. On October 7, Israeli troops opened fire at a crowd of 500 demonstrators in Ramieh on the Lebanese side of the Israel-Lebanon border. The protesters, carrying Palestinian flags and demanding the right to return, reportedly threw stones at a nearby Israeli outpost. Two Palestinians, residents of Lebanon's Shatila and Bourj al-Barajneh refugee camps, were killed and twenty-three wounded, two critically, according to press reports. Some 25,000 people participated in funeral processions for the victims the next day in Beirut. On October 24, security forces dispersed forcibly thousands of Jordanians who marched from Amman to the Allenby Bridge connecting Jordan and the West Bank to press for the right of return. The BBC reported that the demonstrators "were beaten into retreat by Jordanian police with baton, water cannon and tear gas, as helicopters hovered overhead." Among the protestors were Jordanian parliamentarians and members of professional associations. The rights to freedom of expression and association were trampled across the region. There were no independent and critical local media in Saudi Arabia, Libya, Iraq, and Syria. In Tunisia and Egypt, the state-run broadcast and major print media were not open to independent or critical perspectives. Journalists were harassed, arrested, or imprisoned in Egypt, Iran, Morocco, Tunisia, Yemen, and areas under the control of the Palestinian Authority (P.A.), and the independent weekly La Nation remained suspended in Algeria. P.A. authorities ordered the closure of five radio and television stations between May 5 and June 2, and arrested Samir Qumsiah, chair of the Council of Private Radio and Television Stations, after he called for a thirty-minute broadcasting halt to protest the closures. In Morocco, despite positive developments in other areas, foreign and local journalists faced harassment and threats during the year, and newspapers were banned or seized because of critical commentary about the current and former king, and interviews with Islamist and Polisario (Popular Front for the Liberation of saguia el Hamra and rio de Oro) leaders. Three journalists from France 3 were placed under house arrest for three days in October, the Paris-based press freedom organization Reporters without Borders said, after they had filmed the October 7 protest march to Tazmamert prison, and authorities confiscated their material before they left Morocco. The Moroccan government's relations with Qatar soured in July in part because of the content of programming by the emirate's regionally popular al-Jazeera satellite television station. Moroccan Prime Minister Abdel Rahman al-Youssoufi charged that the station "led a campaign against Morocco, against its democratic evolution, its institutions and image." Qatar's foreign minister, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr al-Thani, said that "today's world does not fear the press" and press freedom "should not be a reason for tension in relations between states." The trials of Capt. Mustafa Adib, including a prison hunger strike, attracted considerable attention in Morocco. Adib, 32 years old, had written in 1998 to then-Crown Prince Mohamed, in his capacity as head of the armed forces, to inform him of corruption and racketeering among the high command at the airbase where he served in the southeastern province of Errachidia. An initial inquiry led to the dismissal of those involved and cleared Adib of any wrongdoing, but he subsequently faced arbitrary transfers and retaliatory disciplinary measures. After failing to get relief inside the army, he filed a complaint in a civil court about his treatment, also to no avail. He was arrested on December 17, 1999, the day after he was quoted about the situation in the French daily Le Monde. A trial in February led to his conviction and a five-year prison term on charges of "violating military discipline" and "insulting the royal armed forces," despite objections by his lawyers that they were not allowed to call witnesses and that one of the judges had been among his commanders at the air base at the time of his original complaint. After Adib went on hunger strike in May the Supreme Court finally acted on his appeal, overturning the February sentence and returning the case to the Rabat military court. In what Adib's defense lawyer called "a parody of justice," the court on October 6 sentenced him to two-and-one-half years of imprisonment after again finding him guilty of the same charges. In late September, Transparency International, the global anti-corruption organization, named Captain Adib as one of four winners of the group's Integrity Awards at its annual general meeting. Intellectuals, including prominent novelists, poets, and songwriters in Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon and Yemen were prosecuted for the content of their work, sometimes based on complaints from self-appointed private guardians of the Muslim faith. In December 1999, Lebanese musician Marcel Khalifa was tried in a Beirut court for singing a song viewed as blasphemous of religious values because its text included a short verse from the Koran. The song was adapted from a poem written by Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish. In his testimony, Khalifa, who faced a maximum sentence of three years in prison, said "Could you imagine that Lebanon would bring its artists to court? When a country brings its artists to court, it brings itself before the court." The court acquitted Khalifa of the charges on December 15, 1999. In Yemen, conservative clerics and political groups targeted Samir al-Yusufi, editor of the weekly al-Thaqafiya, for serializing Sana'a is an Open City, a novel by Mohammed Abdulwali. He was charged in a criminal court in July with "insulting Islam," and the case was pending as of mid-October. Egyptian author Salahuddin Muhsin was arrested in March because prosecutors found two of his books, A Night Talk with Heaven and Trembling of Enlightenment, offensive to Islam. He was tried in a state security court and received a six-month suspended sentence in July. Earlier in April, violent clashes reupted between protesters and security forces in Cairo after an Islamist newspaper charged that A Banquet of Seaweed by Syrian author Haidar Haidar was blasphemous. A panel of literary experts appointed by the Ministry of Culture held that the novel was not blasphemous but authorities said that it would be withdrawn from circulation. A Kuwaiti appeals court in March banned a novel and a collection of poetry by prize-winning novelist and short-story writer Laila al-`Othman and Kuwait University philosophy professor Dr. `Aliya Shu`ayb and fined them both. While the court did not specify which references in the works constituted illegal expressions, during pre-trial questioning prosecutors focused on a description of an apple in feminine terms in Dr. Shu`ayb's collection of poetry and a description of the "lustful" coming together of sea waves in al-`Othman's novel. Palestinians who publicly criticized P.A. policies were arbitrarily arrested and detentained. Security forces arrested eight prominent personalities who signed a November 27, 1999, petition criticizing P.A. "tyranny and corruption." Six were released on JD50,000 (U.S. $70,000) bail on December 19, but Ahmad Dudin and `Abd al-Sattar Qassem were held until January 6, 2000. Qassem was re-arrested on February 18 and detained until July 28, despite a July 11 high court order for his release. The tightening of restrictions on freedom of opinion and expression extended to scholars and universities. The Tunisian government in January summarily dismissed and later expelled Jean-Francois Poirier, a French philosophy teacher at the Institute for Social Sciences, in retaliation for his association with Tunisian human rights activists, and in late July dismissed Moncef Marzouki from his post as professor of community medicine at the University of Sousse after he spoke out publicly in Paris and Washington about the government's human rights record. In late June, Egyptian authorities arrested Saadeddin Ibrahim, professor of sociology at the American University in Cairo, in connection with his efforts to mobilize students and others to monitor the country's parliamentary elections in October and November. The government held him without charge for forty-five days and subsequently filed charges against him before the Supreme State Security Court for allegedly receiving foreign funding without permission and disseminating information harmful to Egypt's reputation. Palestinian academic Jawad al-Dalou of the Islamic University in Gaza was suspended in November 1999, along with two students, for writing in a student newspaper that many beggars in Gaza came from a particular district. Yemeni authorities closed a women's studies center at Sana'a University in December 1999 in the wake of conservative objection to a conference the center had sponsored. The pervasive presence of Yemeni security personnel on campus led some faculty to request parliamentary legislation barring them from such a role, and Iran's parliament was reportedly considering similar legislation. On August 5, Iranian authorities arrested Hojatoleslam Hassan Youssefi Eshkevari, a leading independent religious scholar, after his return from Berlin where he had presented a paper on "Dictatorship and its History." He was held in solitary confinement for two months and put on trial in October before a Special Court for the Clergy on charges of apostasy and "being corrupt on earth," which carry the death penalty. As of this writing no verdict or sentence had been announced. Peaceful freedom of assembly, virtually non-existent in several counries including Iraq, Syria and Saudi Arabia was still a sought-after right throughout much of the region. Tunisian authorities closed down a publishing house after it had hosted a meeting on freedom of the press in that country. Palestinian Police Chief Ghazi al-Jabali in February issued new regulations prohibiting processions, demonstrations, or public meetings without prior approval from the district police commander. Offenders faced up to two months of imprisonment or a maximum JD50 (U.S. $70) fine. The high court suspended their implementation on April 29, but as of September had not acted to revoke these or other regulations limiting freedom of assemby. The Lebanese government in April suppressed peaceful, student-led protests against the Syrian role in Lebanon and prosecuted demonstrators in the military court. At an April 17 demonstration, dozens assembled at the Ministry of Justice in Beirut to protest the arrest of two students on April 13 for distributing leaflets calling for Syria's withdrawal of milittary forces. On April 18, demonstrators gathered near the National Museum and some put tape over their mouths to underscore the government's attempts to silence them. When this crowd refused to disperse on the order of a Lebanese army officer, security forces forcibly dispersed the demonstrators, and in an ensuing clash, several were reportedly injured. Eight demonstrators received sentences ranging from ten days to six weeks in prison. In the wake of these two incidents, some one thousand students peacefully rallied on three university campuses on April 19 to cries of "The Israeli army out, the Syrian army out," and "Lebanon first." Although the campuses were surrounded by security forces and army troops, there were no arrests and the rallies did not spill out onto the streets. Following serious clashes on October 6 between police and demonstrators protesting Israeli policies in the occupied Palestinian territories, the Jordanian government announced a complete ban on public demonstrations and detained hundreds of people. Clashes developed after Friday prayers, with the worst incidents taking place in Palestinian refugee camps. Police responded to crowds calling for an end to Jordan's peace treaty with Israel with baton charges, tear gas, and live ammunition. At least one demonstrator at the Baqa'a refugee camp near Amman was killed and scores were injured. Demonstrators and their supporters claimed that the police had used excessive force in quelling the protests. Shaikh Hamad Bin Issa Al Khalifa, Bahrain's ruler, announced on October 2 that he envisaged "a new organizational and constitutional concept of our state," but it was not clear if he intended to institute such changes through mechanisms specified in the constitution of 1973, whose provisions for a partially elected parliament were suspended by decree in 1975. The government continued to hold without trial five opposition activists arrested in January 1996 in connection with their campaign to reinstate the 1973 constitution. One of the five, Abd al-Wahab Hussain, was released on March 17 following an order by the High Court of Appeal but was rearrested after spending about an hour at home.Others who had been released in 1999, including Shaikh Abd al-Amir al-Jamri and Shaikh Ali Ashoor, had been compelled as a condition of their release to refrain from speaking out or engaging in political activities. On April 3, Peter Hain, the British foreign minister responsible for the Middle East, responding to a query from a member of parliament, said that Abd al-Wahab Hussain was being held in "a flat on Ministry of Interior property" and that "the decision to renew the detention order was again made on public security grounds." In Bahrain, individuals as well as associations and organizations with views critical of government policy continued to face severe restrictions. According to the London-based Bahrain Freedom Movement (BFM), for example, in late December 1999 the authorities intervened to prevent a planned meeting at the prestigious Uruba Club on the subject of human rights. On August 8 security officials intervened to force the cancellation of a long-scheduled public speech that evening at the Al-Ahli Club by Hassan Radhi, a leading defense lawyer, on the subject of constitutional rights. The BFM also reported that on July 4 speakers at the Al-Ahli club publicly criticized the ruling family's refusal to revive the partially elected National Assembly. Bahrain's government maintained its policy of providing no information concerning the numbers or identities of persons arrested, tried, convicted, acquitted, or released under the State Security Law or brought before the State Security Court, where procedures do not meet basic fair trial standards and verdicts were not subject to appeal. The government announced the release of several hundred prisoners during the year, but the opposition BFM charged that there were numerous new arrests and state security court trials. Women in the Middle East and North Africa continued to suffer from severe forms of discrimination in nearly every aspect of their lives and women's rights continued to be one of the most contested areas for reform. Institutionalized discrimination in personal status laws and the lack of legal redress for violence against women characterized the majority of women's human rights abuses. The year 2000 was declared by the Arab Parliamentarian Union as the year of the Arab woman. Instead of governments adopting reform policies that would address discrimination and violence against women, women's rights became a chip in political negotiations between conservative and liberal forces in society, and inaction on the part of the governments unfortunately prevailed. Countries that have signed or ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)-Iraq, Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Libya, Algeria, Tunisia, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia-maintained national laws that contradicted the spirit and letter of CEDAW. Workers rights were limited or nonexistent, particularly in Gulf states that employed large numbers of foreign workers. According to the annual report of the International Labour Organization released in May, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates were among the few countries anywhere that prohibited outright any type of labor organization, while Bahrain and Qatar allowed only committees or councils "whose freedom of action is tightly constrained and which therefore do not have attributes of independent workers' organizations." Governments in the Gulf continued to use legislation to promote employment of their own nationals and to discourage the use of foreign workers. In Kuwait, over one million foreign workers enjoyed little legal protection against abusive practices of employers, and women domestic workers were excluded from the labor law, increasing their vulnerability to physical and sexual abuse. In March, the Indian government stopped issuing immigration clearances for domestic workers in Kuwait due to reported abuses. In Saudi Arabia, 69 percent of the workforce of 7.2 million was composed of foreigners, many of them Asian. Nongovernmental organizations in Indonesia pressed the government of President Abdurrahman Wahid for a three-month hiatus in sending women workers to Saudi Arabia. In August, twenty-two groups demonstrated at the Manpower Ministry in Jakarta, demanding that the government educate women about their rights prior to leaving the country, and reach an agreement with Saudi authorities that would ensure the workers'protection against abuse and the availability of legal remedies. On June 19, an Indonesian domestic worker, Warni Samiran Audi, was beheaded in al-Ahsa in eastern Saudi Arabia. The Saudi interior ministry said she had been convicted of killing the wife of her employer. Indonesia's Manpower Ministry director general for labour, Din Syamsuddin, said the next day that the Indonesian embassy had not been officially informed of the execution, although the government had been seeking the woman's release or a reduced sentence for three years. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), foreigners comprised about 70 percent of the population of 2.76 million and 90 percent of the labor force. Workers did not have the right to organize trade unions, to strike, or to bargain collectively, and faced deportation if they carried out such activities. Domestic and agricultural workers were excluded from protection under the labor law, and reports continued of the physical abuse of women domestics and withholding of their wages. Migrant workers also faced corporal and capital punishment following unfair trials. An Indonesian domestic worker, Kartini binti Karim, was handed over to the police in 1999 when her employer discovered that she was pregnant and her husband was not in the country. The Fujairah Sharia court in February convicted her of adultery and sentenced her to death by stoning, while it acquitted in their absence the Indian national who was the woman's accused partner. Commenting on the trial, Sulaiman Abdulmanan of the Indonesian Foreign Ministry said that Kartini "did not understand Arabic, and it seems she was just trembling and saying yes to everything." Though she did not refute the adultery charges during the trial, she later testified that her pregnancy was the result of a rape. Kartini was never informed of her right to communicate with the Indonesian embassy or her right to a translator, and the embassy was not notified in advance of her trial. The harsh and inhumane sentence attracted international attention, and on April 25 the appeals court reduced the sentence to one year in prison and deportation. In September, the Sharia court in the emirate of Ras al-Khaimah found a Bangladeshi man and woman guilty of adultery and sentenced them to three months in jail and 150 lashes each. UAE Labor and Social Affairs Minister Humaid al-Tayer said the same month that employment visas would be issued "only to those who possess at least secondary education." The new measure was expected to affect adversely mainly South Asians, who comprised the largest number of unskilled wokers in the emirates. In Bahrain this year labor activists made an effort to win the right to establish an independent trade union body. The International Center for Trade Union Rights, an independent London-based nongovernmental organization, reported in August that the executive committee of the General Committee of Bahraini Workers (GCBW), set up by the government in 1981 as an alternative to independent trade unions, requested government permission to reconstitute itself as an independent union in accordance with ILO and Arab Labor Organization principles. Shaikh Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa, prime minister and uncle of the amir, reportedly summoned the executive committee to a meeting where he rejected the request and said that there would be grave consequences if they persisted with such demands. The minister of labor and social affairs subsequently instructed the committee to postpone GCBW general assembly elections scheduled for November 2000 to choose a new executive committee. Foreign workers were violently attacked in Libya, where hundreds of thousands of Africans reportedly migrated over the past several years in search of work. On September 21-22, there were clashes between African immigrants and Libyans in az-Zawiyah, a town near Tripoli, in which approximately fifty Chadian and Sudanese migrants were killed, according to the daily al-Hayat (London). Dozens of others reportedlywere injured, according to the Libyan media and Sudan's foreign ministry. The Reuters news agency reported from Lagos on October 5 that some three thousand Nigerians returned home from Libya on Nigerian-government-organized flights and that state television featured the migrants "describing killings and beatings as ordinary Libyans had set upon alleged illegal immigrants." Governments in the region continued gradually to embrace some of the language of human rights discourse and to establish what they said would be rights-monitoring bodies. There were welcome developments in the Algerian government's decision to permit four international human rights organizations to visit the country; the invitation that Saudi authorities extended to the U.N. special rapporteur on judicial independence; and the launching in Rabat of a human rights center co-funded by Morocco's ministry of human rights and the U.N. to provide training for judges, police officers, prison administrators, and teachers. Information about human rights developments in Bahrain remained difficult to access but there were several indications from high government officials that they were taking human rights issues more seriously. In October 1999 the amir announced the formation of a human rights committee comprising six members of the Shura Council, an appointed advisory body with no legislative or other authority. According to Bahrain Brief, a London-based pro-government newsletter, the committee's duties were to "scrutinize legislation," investigate reports of abuses, and "raise awareness within society that the government considers the protection of human rights a priority." Bahrain Brief also reported that in February the committee was asked to examine the treatment of foreign workers. As of October, no further information was available regarding the committee's activities or the results of any investigations it may have carried out. On August 2 the amir told Cable News Network (CNN) that he was ready to allow international human rights groups free access to the country. "I am ready to carry them on my private aircraft and they can meet any group," he said. A two-person delegation from the office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson visited Bahrain in late October to discuss technical assistance and human rights teaching. The delegation reportedly met with the ministers of education, justice, and the interior as well as the chairman of the Shura Council's human rights committee and the president of the University of Bahrain. On a less positive note, however, the government deferred once again a visit by the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention that was initially planned for 1999 and most recently scheduled for October 2000; the visit was rescheduled for February 2001. On October 28, according to the Bahraini daily Al-Akhbar al-Khalij, the minister of labour and social affairs denied the August 8 written request of eighteen Bahraini citizens for permission to set up an independent human rights committee. There were conflicting signals from the government of Saudi Arabia in response to the launching of Amnesty International's worldwide campaign-"End Secrecy, End Suffering"-that focused on the kingdom's human rights practices. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated in March that the government had a "keen interest and commitment to the cause of human rights." Interior minister Prince Nayef in April dismissed as "merely nonsense" the allegations of human rights abuses in the kingdom, and added: "We welcome anyone to see for himself the facts in the kingdom as it has nothing to conceal." But Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal appeared to rule out access to the kingdom for Amnesty representatives. He told the leading Spanish daily El Pais in April: "If Amnesty International was seeking the truth and if it informed itself honesty of the truth, we would consider" a visit. He continued: "But so long as it continues to use erroneous information as its basis without taking into account our responses," the visit would have "no sense." In October, Jordan signed a memorandum of understanding with the International Labor Organization that was designed to address the problem of child labor in the kingdom through actions of state ministries and NGOs. The ministry of labor said that the memorandum represented the initial step for Jordan's participation in the ILO's International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor. Jordan was the first West Asian country to ratify ILO Convention 182 Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor, which calls for immediate measures to eliminate child slavery, debt bondage, child prostitution, trafficking, and other forms of hazardous and exploitative child labor. There were also positive developments with respect to international justice. On September 8, Morocco and Kuwait signed the Rome Treaty for the establishment of an International Criminal Court, joining Jordan, which signed in October 1998. Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan Israel, The Occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, and Palestinian Authority Territories BACK TO TOP Copyright © 2001 Human RIghts Watch

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The dynamics of how a ~5.95mm plastic sphere travels down a 6.01mm-6.23mm barrel, accelerated by environmental pressure difference. It's commonly thought that the BB travels down the top of the barrel due to the hop up. I'm here to debunk this myth. This is a duplication of the post on my website here: https://letsbuildone.wordpress.com/mythbusting-airsoft-hopup-and-barrel-dynamics/ Step 1: The Basic Principles of Airsoft Projectile pneumatic acceleration: Atmospheric pressure on the open end of the barrel, compressed air on the other end of the barrel. The pressure difference across the BB which is on the boarder of the high pressure end of the barrel, accelerates the BB down the barrel. It's important to note, that the pressure difference across the BB reduces on it's journey down the barrel, because as it moves, the volume behind the BB increases. Since the volume of compressed air is set, the pressure must decrease accordingly. This acceleration starts high, and reduces. Hop up is a device used to correct the projectiles parabolic trajectory to something more flat. This extends/increases the range of the Airsoft gun. Conventional projectile weapons do not use this, they just have much higher projectile speeds so the drop is less noticeable. Hop up is only possible in Airsoft because the projectile is spherical. Applying a backspin allows us to utilise the Magnus Effect to apply an aerodynamic vertical force to the projectile to oppose gravity. The Magnus Effect: The Magnus Effect is when a spinning sphere or cylinder has air moving over it transverse to the axis of rotation. One side opposes the flow of air, slows the air via skin drag, and causes a higher pressure region. The other side is rotating in the same direction of the air, and either has no effect, or speeds it up via skin drag, lowering the pressure of the air, leading to a low pressure region. This creates a pressure difference across the sphere/cylinder, which in turn, imparts a force upon it. Bernoulli Principle states that restrictions cause the working fluid to move faster, and faster fluids have lower pressure. Diversions spread the fluid out, slowing it down, causing low pressure. This is important to understand the effects of air passing around the BB within the Barrel. The Coanda Effect is the tendency for a fluid to be attracted to nearby surfaces, and by extension; to follow a curved surface. This is important because the BB is curved. So the Coanda effect is prevalent in this application. Step 2: The Myth: the BB Goes Down the Barrel, Rubbing Against the Top Due to Hopup "So if the Magnus effect causes a vertical force to be applied to the BB accelerating it upwards, then, since the spin is imparted in the first inch of the barrel, for the rest of the barrel, it must scrape down the top of the barrel." I'm afraid not my misinformed friends. Here are four simple reasons why: - Firstly, if the BB is scraping down the top of the barrel, there is no air going over the top, so there is no Magnus effect, so there is no vertical force to hold it against the top of the barrel. So at best, the BB would be bouncing off the top of the barrel. - Secondly, there is (in comparison to flying through free air) almost no air passing around the BB. The pressure in front is roughly atmospheric, the pressure behind is significantly higher than atmospheric, the pressure difference accelerates the BB, which has relatively low mass, and is unrestrained, so is accelerated quickly. The amount of blow by is very small. With such little airflow over the BB, it experiences little vertical force due to the Magnus Effect. - Thirdly, Bernoulli Principle states that restrictions cause the working fluid to move faster, and faster fluids have lower pressure. Diversions spread the fluid out, slowing it down, causing low pressure. If the BB becomes off centre, then Bernoulli will re-centre it. This also means any blow by lowers the pressure just in front of the BB. - Fourthly, finally, and maybe most importantly, let's imagine for a moment that the BB is unrealistically heavy, or for some reason is fixed in place within the barrel, still with massive backspin. It has atmospheric pressure air in front of it, higher pressure air behind it, the air forces it's way past the stationary BB. Relative to the airstream now moving over it. The BB now has "forward spin", not backspin. So any Magnus effect it experiences while within the barrel, would be down rather than up. Step 3: Backing It Up It's all very well and good me sitting here behind a keyboard and postulating. I want to take opinion and belief out of the matter, and talk about cold, hard, facts. I am a scientist and an engineer after all. And I believe in utilising Newton's Flaming Laser Sword where applicable. This being the case; there are two ways to check if I'm right: - Build a test rig with a high frame rate camera and a glass barrel to video the BB travelling down the barrel and observe the reality of the situation. - Do a Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) study to model it. Building option one would take significant time, effort, and money. Maybe I could use a plastic barrel, and borrow the camera from the Slo-Mo Guys or something. Observing the boundary of the barrel and air could prove difficult. This could be solved with using smoke, or other coloured gas to propel the BB. Unfortunately all coloured gasses I know of are toxic. Could use smoke. I have a smoke machine. Or steam/ water vapour. All of these solutions have the same problem; They are not air. So their dynamics will be different due to their variance in density, viscosity, and a plethora of other issues. The Barrel and BB would also probably need to be marked to get any useful information out of the experiment. I'll happily do this, if someone provides the components, and does the filming. This leaves CFD. This is a method of using a computer to calculate the physical model mathematically using base principles. It is essentially free if you have a capable computer and the right software. It will just take a little time to generate the 3D geometry and set up the model. CFD it is! Step 4: The CFD Results: Free Flow So, generate the CAD, set up the model. Leave the computer for a few hours.I won't bore you with the exact model parameters, if you ask I shall tell. Otherwise, here are the important bits: I've assumed and applied a surface roughness of 0.4um for the polished plastic BB and Barrel ID. If you have a measured value for either of these, then please let me know so I can improve the model. Y is Vertical, Z is the axis of the barrel, X is lateral. Firstly I tested that the program models Magnus effect properly. to do this I modeled a BB in free flow of air. The BB has backspin about the X axis of 115,000 rpm, the air is moving over it at 106.68m/s. Force (X) [N] -0.000143715 Force (Y) [N] 0.074027023 Force (Z) [N] 0.07616237 This shows that there is minimal lateral movement, and that in this case; the drag on the BB is roughly equal to the Magnus lift. Step 5: 6.01mm Tight Bore Results Next I model the BB in the barrel. 5.95mm BB, 6.01mm Barrel. In this case, the BB is stationary, The pressure at the opposite end of the barrel is atmospheric. and the pressure at the closed end is 827371Pa. Force (X) [N] -0.000197728 Force (Y) [N] -0.007692067 Force (Z) [N] 20.24816055 Here you can see that the lateral force is roughly the same, there is a large accelerating force as expected, and that the vertical component is an order of magnitude lower, and negative. This means that the Magnus effect is reversed, and 1/10th as strong as in free flow. This is as expected. Though it is important to note, that this computer program cannot model induced movement. As such, this is a model of steady state. This is to say, the amount of air passing over the BB is much higher than in reality because it is artificially fixed in the computer model. In reality, this Magnus and Lateral Force would be far less. For interest, the mass flow rate out of the barrel muzzle at atmospheric pressure was 0.001219999 kg/s. i.e. naff all. Since the BB in this model isn't moving, all this air is coming out of the muzzle after blowing around the BB. This shows that the Magnus effect does move the BB off centre in the barrel. But up, rather than down. It is important to note that any variation from the exact centre of the barrel is countered with the Bernoulli Principle and the Coanda effect, to bring the BB back to the centre. To test this, I modeled the BB off centre down as if the magnus effect had moved it down. These are the results: Force (X) [N] 0.00212832 Force (Y) N] 0.142694822 Force (Z) [N] 20.27990608 The lateral force is 20x larger, I suspect this is due to flow detachment on the other side of the BB causing turbulence which in turn creates off centre pressure centre. The vertical force is now up and much larger. Even larger than the Magnus effect in free flow. This shows that the BB would self centre and self correct. The axial force is roughly the same as before, as expected. Step 6: How Long Range Barrels (LRB) Fit Into This... sypher told me about how they use S-Bent barrels in paintball to impart spin on the ball. I didn't know about that, but it reminded me about LRB mods, which are the Airsoft equivalent: LRB in airsoft is where the barrel is bent down to impart spin on the BB by making it rub down the top of the barrel on it's way out. LRB's work. So how do they work if the BB is kept central by a cushion of air? Simply put, the force pushing it to the top surface, must be larger than the force keeping it central. Lets do the maths to work it out what's going on and how this works: Take a barrel length 0.3m, muzzle velocity of 350fps= 106.68m/s. SUVAT gives us an acceleration of 18967.7 m/s^2, but more importantly, a 0.0056s in the barrel. Assume BB weight of 0.2g for that 350fps shot. Regardless of weight, the aerodynamic self centering force is ~0.15N. This would be different for different BB to bore ratios and magnitude it is off centre. F=ma means this leads to an acceleration of 750m/s/s. Back to SUVAT to find that the vertical displacement would be 11.86mm over that 0.3m barrel. Therefore, if your 0.3m long barrel is bent by more than 11.86mm and you're firing a 0.2g BB at 350fps, then the BB will contact the Barrel. This might suggest a reason why they are not very common too: For a different weight BB, or different muzzle velocity, you'd need a different barrel. For example, at 0.2g, 500fps, 509mm barrel, would be 16.73mm. It would be a very rigid set up. Manufacturing tolerances would make each gun shoot consistently to itself, but different to any other. Each may have a slight left/right lean, which may be difficult to correct due to the lack of adjustment in the set up. Perfect for technically capable modders maybe. A bit too restrictive for others. I imagine you get a much more consistent hop from this method, because there are no moving parts. Modern hop up is deformed slightly differently with each BB that passes through it, which will lead to some variation between shots. Steel doesn't yield... Well... When compared to silicone rubber... Step 7: What About Wide Bore Barrels? (6.23mm ID) Good question. No point in guessing, here are the results: Force (X) [N] 0.001410775192 Force (Y) [N] -0.01125947496 Force (Z) [N] 20.16382565 Off centre down, by the same amount (0.025mm) as the 6.01 barrel model: Force (X) [N] -0.004697257464 Force (Y) [N] 0.06429097636 Force (Z) [N] 20.158691 What this means: The first thing to note is that the Z axis force is less than the 6.01mm barrel in both cases. This is expected, and ties up well with the experimental results of a drop in FPS that a wide bore barrel is known to give. The magnitude of the drop in force is less than explains the magnitude of FPS drop. But this is because this is a steady state model. In reality, the force would diminish to almost zero as the BB accelerates down the Barrel. With a wide bore, the pressure drops off faster than a tight bore, due to the increased blow by. The blow by in 6.01mm was 0.001219999 kg/s. For 6.23 it was 0.005544020306 kg/s. That's 4.5x more air passing around the BB. The X force is not really relevant to the purpose of this investigation. It is noted that it's still pretty small. The Y force is the focus of this investigation. 6.01mm centred resulted in a reverse Magnus force of -0.0077N. For 6.23mm Centred, the Y force is -0.01126N. This is a ~30% increase in reverse Magnus force. This makes sense because it has more air moving over the BB in the reverse direction. Off centre down, the 6.01mm got 0.143N pulling it back to centre. For 6.23mm it got 0.0643N. This is a ~45% drop in force. This means that the force attempting to return the BB to centre in a wide bore barrel is less than that of a tight bore barrel,for the same pressure, and displacement. This makes sense, because Bernoulli works on relative aperture difference: In a 6.01mm Barrel, The BB, when centralised, is 0.03mm off the barrel all around. When you move it down by 0.025mm, it is 0.005mm from the bottom surface, and 0.055mm from the top. That's an 11:1 ratio. For a 6.23mm Barrel, it has 0.14mm gap to the Barrel when centralised. When moved the same 0.025mm down, it has 0.115mm below, and 0.165mm above. Giving a ratio of 1.44:1. Significantly lower. So Bernoulli principle and Coanda effect are decreased proportionately. To put another perspective on this: For 6.01mm, the vertical force went from -0.01126N down, to 0.0643N up. A swing of 0.07566N. The 6.23mm went from -0.0077N to 0.143N. A swing of 0.1507N. That's almost double. It would seem that for the same pressure, the BB is held more central by a 6.01mm barrel than a 6.23mm barrel. For the same FPS, a higher pressure would be required, which would increase the force swing. This may change things. More investigation is necessary. In order to bottom this out, I need to know what the pressure increase, to get the same fps on a 6.23 as you got on a 6.01 would be. At this point the results are inconclusive. All that can be said, is that all other things being equal, a tight bore should hold the BB more consistently central on it's journey down the barrel, than a wide bore. Step 8: Wide Bores Further Investigation... What about increasing the pressure? To be fair, you wouldn't run the gun with the fps drop associated with a wide bore, you'd tune it up to your class limit again. Higher fps is achieved with higher pressure air. Or, to a limited extent; a larger volume of the same pressure air. I have no real world numbers for this, so I'm going to take a guess. If you have numbers, please give them me, and I'll re-run these tests. I up the pressure by 15% and re-run it. The results are: Force (X) [N] -0.006858518 Force (Y) [N] 0.013336395 Force (Z) [N] 23.4898044 The pressure is increasing the fps roughly proportionately: 20.158691N to 23.4898044N. It is important to not that this is not a directly proportional relationship. The wide bore experiences more blow by, so the pressure drops off faster as the BB progresses down the length of the barrel. So although the initial force is higher, it may soon drop lower than the tight bore. The interesting thing is the vertical component: It was 0.06429097636N, but the increased pressure has lowered it to 0.013336395N. This is most likely because the Magnus effect is increasing more than the Bernoulli proportionally to the pressure difference. So increasing the pressure doesn't necessarily move the BB more central. What about proportional displacement? Ok, so moving a BB 0.025mm down in a 6.01mm bore barrel, makes a bigger relative difference to the air gap than moving it the same distance down in a 6.23mm barrel. Bernoulli states that the forces shouldn't be equivalent. 0.025mm down in a 6.01mm barrel gives an air gap on top of 0.055mm, and one below of 0.005mm. This is a ratio of 11:1. Applying the same ratio to a 6.23mm barrel makes the move 0.116666666666667mm down. Remodel and back to standard pressure. Here are the results: Force(X) [N] 0.00075039 Force (Y) [N] 0.346269096 Force (Z) [N] 20.23075439 Now that's much more like what I was expecting. The Z component is roughly the same, X is still very small. Y is now of an important magnitude. - You will lose fps with a wide bore. - The BB will still self centralise in a wide bore. - Increasing fps/pressure is likely to move the BB slightly down in the bore rather than up. - For the same pressure, and proportional displacement from the barrel axis, to the barrel ID wall, the wide bore will have a larger force, self centering the BB. - For the same displacement from the Barrel axis, the tight bore has a larger force holding it central. - BB's in tight bores follow a more stable path than wide bores. - The difference is microns and likely irrelevant. This is not definitive. This is not saying that tight bores are more accurate than wide bores. It may be that the larger bores allow for more dampening of oscillations between interactions with the barrel walls, thus producing a more stable flight at the end of the barrel. It may be that something else I haven't discovered or thought of yet it also going on and making a much bigger difference. Step 9: Conclusion From the previous results. it should be evident that the BB is very unlikely to travel down the top of the barrel. The evidence suggests that the BB should self centralise.But reverse Magnus effect would cause it to be slightly lower than central. In the case of the wide bores, the BB would be minutely lower in the barrel due to an increased reverse Magnus Effect. In addition to this, The Bernoulli and Coanda effect are reduced due to a lower change in relative gap proportion for a given displacement. This is to say, the same vertical displacement in a wide bore, produces a smaller change in gap ratio, than in a tight bore. As such, the Bernoulli and Coanda effects are both also reduced. Meaning that the BB will ride marginally lower in the barrel than in the tight bore, and will wobble around the centre by a larger displacement. This is all assuming that the same pressure is used. In reality, you would up the pressure to maintain the same FPS. This would increase the Bernoulli and Coanda forces that centralise the BB. In order to model this, I need to know what pressure a 6.23mm barrel needs to achieve the same fps that a 6.01mm barrel does at a given pressure, preferably the pressure I used in this model. This model doesn't have a fixed volume input like an airsoft gun. But the BB also doesn't move in the Z axis down the Barrel so it wouldn't change within the snapshot of this model. This is because of software limitations, it cannot move components dynamically. The model should be indicative of real world results though. I acknowledge that this is a purely theoretical investigation, and no physical, real world tests have been conducted. Although this does leave room for doubt, as "the map is not the territory", it is entirely plausible that the reality of the matter is quite different. All the scientific principles, thought experiments, and computational modelling, suggest that this is the case. Until it is observed in a physical experiment, it cannot be said for certain that this isn't the case, and at this point in time all that can be said, is that this is our best understanding. In future I'd like to corroborate these results with the aforementioned test using a transparent barrel and high speed camera. Then this matter can be put to bed once and for all. I suppose another alternative would be to take a photo down the barrel while the BB is on it's way down it. Maybe with a light behind it to highlight the gaps around it. I've heard that this has been done several times, but can't find any videos, photo's or results online. If you have seen them, and could send me a link, I'd be most appreciative. I'm in this for the knowledge. I want us, as a collective, to understand the world better. Which will enable us to make improvements that benefit everyone. I am likely blind to my own flaws. It is only through identifying faults that we can improve. If you have any recommendations, improvements, or further insights, I'd love to hear them. As a collective we are stronger and more capable than any one individual alone.

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Upping the ante in biochip research William Check, PhD Microminiaturization techniques developed in the computer industry have been adapted in the last 10 to 15 years to making silicon or glass chips, called biochips, on which biological reactions, typically nucleic acid hybridization, take place. Ulysses Balis, MD, instructor in pathology at Massachusetts General Hospital, uses the analogy of computers to describe progress in biochips. "Computers started out very expensive," he notes. "People weren’t sure what they would do. But they became a mass market commodity, with technology doubling every 18 months or so." Biochips also started as a powerful tool for gathering thousands of pieces of information concurrently on random bits of gene segments. "Yet initially there was a dearth of tools for processing that data," Dr. Balis says. Since the invention of the biochip around 1988 by Stephen Fodor, PhD, the ability to use information from these devices has grown exponentially. "Taking that into account, we can expect maybe in five to 10 years a transformation in diagnostics," predicts Dr. Balis, "not just tumor diagnostics but inborn errors of metabolism and genetic predispositions as well." For example, screening for the few main mutations and the hundreds of sporadic point mutations responsible for cystic fibrosis by current methods is laborious and impractical. But a relatively simple biochip could theoretically perform this task quickly and accurately. Patrick Brown, MD, PhD, associate professor of biochemistry at Stanford University and associate investigator at the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, quantifies the capacity of biochips. "We make microarrays where we try to represent all genes that can be expressed from the human genome," he says. "So far we have about 20,000. These are not all the human genes, but we are heading in that direction. Assuming that about 100,000 human genes are expressed, there is no fundamental reason we can’t get them all on a single array." From a diagnostic perspective, biochips represent "an incredibly powerful new set of tools for metabolic disorders, neoplastic predisposition, and neoplasia," Dr. Balis says. These tools will classify neoplasias with a prognostic accuracy not previously possible. Just as acute lymphoblastic leukemia and acute myeloblastic leukemia looked similar before flow cytometry and other tools distinguished them, gene technologies are revealing differences in tumor types that look the same morphologically. "But I don’t think gene chips are going to replace morphology," Dr. Balis says. "It will just be a new set of tools. Pathologists, especially surgical pathologists, don’t need to look on this technology with a jaundiced eye. They should embrace it as a better way to Advocates of bio-chips believe eventually physicians will be able to look at the spectrum of expression of 10,000 genes in a tissue sample, compare that profile to a database containing prognostic data associated with clinical histories and the chemotherapy used to achieve those outcomes, and select the best antineoplastic agents for that patient’s tissue type. "We will shift from empiric use of neoplastic therapy to targeting disease based on the molecular bases of oncogenesis," Dr. Balis says. He cites a preliminary report in which 31 of 31 chronic myelogenous leukemia patients went into remission following treatment with a chemotherapeutic agent targeted to a key molecule in the process that deranges the cell cycle. Dr. Brown presents a similar view. "A pathologist can look at tissue sections and recognize which are similar and different," he says. "If it is done systematically, one can recognize even subtle features that connect with clinical behavior, features that carry information about underlying biology." He continues, "A microarray too has double value, since we can trace prognostic differences in expression to particular genes that then become potential targets So far almost all biochips are intended for research and commercial uses rather than for clinical application. Says Tom Gingeras, PhD, vice president of biological sciences at the biochip pioneer Affymetrix, "All arrays that we make are for research purposes only." Bob Burrows, director of corporate communications at Gene Logic, which makes expression databases, sounds a similar note: "We want to be content providers to the pharmaceutical, biotechnology, and life science research communities." But, he adds, "the ultimate downstream use of this information is to put it into the hands of doctors for patient management and on the Internet for direct access Underscoring the distance that bio-chips have to go to reach the clinic is the experience of LabCorp’s Center for Molecular Biology and Pathology. Says Tim Alcorn, PhD, director of infectious diseases at the center, "Gene chips do not have much clinical utility right now." LabCorp was using Affy-met-rix’s chip for detecting drug resistance in HIV. But, Dr. Alcorn says, "There were limitations to what that HIV chip could do that forced us to move away from it." One problem is that the chip can detect only what it has been instructed to look for. "HIV resistance testing evolved so rapidly that by the time a chip design was set, it was obsolete," Dr. Alcorn says. "Ultimately," he believes, "a chip type format may replace gel-based sequencing and be standard for HIV resistance testing, but not now." Most people working in this field agree with the twin ideas that bio-chips will revolutionize diagnostics but will not make pathologists obsolete. Kieran Gallahue, chief financial officer at Nanogen, predicts, "The real excitement will be surrounding expansion of testing—pharmacogenomics and susceptibility and resistance testing. The objective is not to replace 30-cent tests, but to provide a whole new level of information that is much more specific and direct." He adds,"I don’t think anybody believes that laboratorians are going to go away, but they may have a higher level of information from which to interpret. Like many other aspects of modern life, people don’t go away; tools empower them to make better and more timely decisions." As Fred Waldman, MD, PhD, professor of laboratory medicine at the University of California, San Francisco, puts it, "Our goal is to identify genetic signatures for subtypes of cancers. Gene chips could distinguish between renal and bladder cancer, but a pathologist can do that already with 99.9 percent accuracy. So the real goal is to define prognosis of tumors better than histology can do alone." Ideally, chips would not displace pathologists, but would provide new information for them to use. Lawrence True, MD, associate professor of pathology at the University of Washington, envisions a scenario in which the initial workup of a patient with suspected prostate cancer, for example, will involve diagnosis by conventional his-to-pa-thol-ogy—"which is probably the most specific and cost-effective and efficient way to diagnose prostate cancer"—while expression array data will supplement some of the traditional measures used to distinguish that cancer’s malignant potential, such as histologic assessment of degree of differentiation. Expression profiles could replace assays of proliferation, such as DNA flow cytometry, and assays for over- or underexpression of genes such as HER-2/neu in pros-tate cancer. Dr. Gingeras sums up these ideas by saying, "We are looking to begin moving toward more tailored and individualized treatment." He thinks about the impact of biochips on medicine in terms of patient management. "One can think about the issue as a three-dimensional box," he says. These dimensions are the cost-effectiveness of treating an individual patient; the patient’s status, asymptomatic to symptomatic; and the likelihood of treatment success in that patient. "Where we most often are today," he says, "is in the corner with the lowest likelihood of a drug being successful as well as being fairly expensive, and we use it most often on symptomatic patients. Using genetics and profiling, you would like to move the population to the corner where you are treating before they have serious disease, where there is a higher drug effectiveness, and where you are getting more from your money by virtue of treating the right people in the right way." Genetic profiling could help match treatments to patients. "Then you know the patient will respond," Dr. Gingeras says. "You will not be doing an experiment on each individual." Two assumptions underlie this approach. The first is that variations in response to drugs are based on differences in metabolism that reflect detectable differences in genes and gene expression. The second is that there will be tissues available, such as blood cells, that will serve as surrogates when access to the affected tissue is not possible. This latter situation might arise in neurological conditions, for instance. And if you move from treating symptomatic to asymptomatic persons, it won’t be possible to take tissue from an apparently healthy heart or other organ. W hether these researchers’ visionary predictions become reality is still an open question. But one fact is certain—an overview of the several novel ways in which biochips are being exploited bears striking testimony to human ingenuity. These devices are being used to measure the relative number of genes in tissues, to quantitate gene expression, as discovery platforms for finding potential therapeutic targets in cancer, for screening libraries of chemicals, to generate reference databases, as concentrating devices—each hopeful researcher and company has a unique wrinkle. We can start with an exception, Cepheid. "We are different from other companies," says Curt Petersen, PhD, Cepheid’s president. "Our intention is to attack the clinical laboratory market first through pathogen detection with DNA probes." Cepheid uses chips as an adjunct device—for concentrating samples. Cepheid’s goal is automated sample preparation, including DNA extraction from biological samples. "We are trying to make a hands-off cartridge-based approach," Dr. Petersen says. "You take a specimen such as urine or blood, put it into our machine and it does everything." A prototype using a cartridge for chlamydia/gonococcus detection has been demonstrated. "It accepts up to 5 mL of urine and gives you a DNA probe result in 30 minutes," Dr. Petersen says. Potentially this will allow a small clinic or operating room to take a sample and get a rapid result for many infectious diseases or genetic disorders. Cepheid uses chips to concentrate DNA. Its micro-fluidic chip contains an array of single-crystal silicon etched pillars that capture DNA as a biological fluid flows through. With their high surface area, the pillars adsorb DNA by nonspecific interactions. Initial applications will be in areas where an answer is needed fast, although Dr. Petersen won’t specify which applications the company is working on. He does note that Ce-pheid’s prototype chlamyd-ia/gono-coccus cartridge "gave results in less than one-half hour that were comparable to commercially available, FDA-approved methods taking many hours." He adds that Cepheid has done a lot of work on biowarfare detection, including anthrax, for the Department of Defense. Dr. Petersen predicts that Ce-pheid’s products will have a strong impact on culture-based bacterial assays. "In the next three years," he asserts, "we will dramatically change that industry, making identification a lot easier, quicker, and more accurate." Dr. Waldman of UCSF uses bio-chips in a more conventional and research-oriented manner. In his work on genetic alterations in solid tumors, he uses them to evaluate changes in the copy number of genes. This application evolved from previous experiments on chromosomal copy number alterations using a technique called comparative genomic hybridization, in which tumor DNA and normal human DNA are labeled with fluorochromes of different colors and hybridized to human metaphase chromosomes. Changes in copy number show up as altered fluorescence ratios, allowing one to identify and quantify gains or amplifications in genetic material located to a particular chromosome region at low resolution—10 To increase resolution, Dr. Waldman performs the same type of experiment on biochips using much smaller 100-kb clones of DNA as probes rather than metaphase chromosomes. A "profusion" of such clones have been isolated and provided by laboratories funded by the Human Genome Project, Dr. Waldman notes. Each clone or DNA segment is placed into one well of an 864-well plate. A robot spots a sample of each clone onto a slide via pins, creating the array. Thousands of different DNA clones can be spotted onto one array. Then labeled tumor and normal DNA are hybridized to the arrays, revealing relative amounts of the two DNAs binding to each spot, which defines genetic gains or losses at high resolution. Dr. Waldman estimates that a useful map of tumor-related alterations in copy number can be achieved with about 3,000 cloned fragments distributed at one-megabase intervals along the genome. For regions of particular interest, such as a breakpoint in a translocation, analysis can be done at higher density. His goal is to identify candidate markers of clinical outcome either with therapy or in the absence of therapy. Already more than 30 oncogenes are known to be amplified in one or more forms of cancer. And many chromosomal regions are amplified or deleted but the identity of the presumed genes in those regions is not known. "Our hope is that identifying these genes that are altered in copy number will lead to better diagnosis and prognosis of cancers," Dr. Waldman One project involves renal cancer, for which other methods have defined specific genetic alterations associated with differing histologic subtypes. Dr. Waldman has worked with Guyla Kovacs, MD, of Germany, who provided 40 primary human renal cancers of differing histologic subtype—for example, clear cell, chromophobe, capillary. Dr. Waldman and his colleagues have produced arrays containing cloned fragments representing regions known to be associated with the different renal cancer subtypes. Hybridizing labeled DNAs from the human cancer samples onto arrays allowed them to classify these cancer DNAs with high accuracy. Although they have not yet totally unblinded the study, Dr. Waldman says,"We can see clear differences in genetic alterations of different renal tumors. So this becomes potentially a renal cancer diagnostic chip. "Right now there are not good therapies or adjuvant treatment for renal cancer," he continues. "But identification of new genetic markers opens up the possibility of gene-based therapies in the Dr. Waldman’s work concerns direct genomic analysis. More common today is expression analysis of genes, using a similar approach to ask whether some genes are over- or underexpressed in tumors. In this approach, messenger RNA (mRNA) is extracted from tumors, reverse transcribed into cDNA, cloned, and applied to an Dr. True, of the University of Washington, uses expression arrays in his research on prostate cancer. "Our goal is to use arrays of ultimately all genes whose expression is associated with growth and differentiation of human prostate tissue," ranging from development to benign proliferative diseases like nodular hypertrophy to prostate cancer, he says. "These arrays will allow us to identify patterns of gene expression that characterize prostate cancers that will progress to metastatic tumors and to see which features of those patterns are most strongly associated with progression." Once the specificity of such putative patterns of gene expression is validated, a standardized expression array of at least 10,000 unique genetic sequences can be used as a laboratory assay in the initial diagnostic workup to help tailor management to the individual patient. "We are increasingly able to detect prostate cancers based primarily on more sensitive serum PSA assays," Dr. True points out. "But only a minority of men have prostate cancer that will progress. The problem is that our present tools are not sufficiently specific to distinguish those patients whose cancers will progress from those whose cancers will not. The promise of expression arrays is to make that distinction with more certainty than we can presently do." Optimism that such distinctions are possible is based on precedents. Dr. True cites differences in molecular abnormalities of neuroblastomas in children, where the degree of amplification of the n-myc gene is a predictor of the probability of metastasis. In breast cancer, overexpression of the HER-2/neu protein characterizes tumors that progress more rapidly, although the link is weaker. "We have identified about 20 novel partial sequences of genes that remain to be identified, and we have reported on a couple of known genes that seem to be differentially expressed in the prostate," Dr. True reports. "We have been collecting fresh tumor tissue with information about stage and grade for the last six years. Probably within the year we will take some of those samples and see what expression differences we can detect. Using an array with a couple of thousand sequences, we will see if we can correlate expression patterns with clinical outcomes." (Dr. True’s collaborators at the University of Washington are Lee Hood, MD, PhD, and Peter Nelson, MD, of the Department of Molecular Biotechnology, and Paul Lange, MD, Alvin Liu, PhD, and Robert Vessella, PhD, of the Department Technically, handling tissue for expression arrays differs from handling tissue for anatomic pathology, Dr. True notes. Hybridization to an array now requires greater care and immediacy in handling of the tissue to minimize RNA degradation. Fresh, not formalin-fixed, tissue is required, and tissue must be put into solutions that inhibit enzymes that degrade RNA. Second, solid tumor biopsies contain mostly nontumor cells, so techniques to enrich for tumor cells are needed. Dr. True is optimistic about flow cytometric sorting using cell surface antigens, a method now used for lymphomas. A third, more general, issue is how representative a biopsy sample is of the whole tumor. "We don’t yet know the answer to that question," he says. Dr. Brown of Stanford is also an expert in expression arrays. "Recently," he says, "it has become possible to come close to looking at the activity of every gene in the genome in clinical samples." With this level of detail, he notes, "It is crucially important that our approach is systematic, making a series of detailed molecular characterizations of clinical samples using a rather standardized quantitative method. That allows us to look at large sets of samples and to use a rigorous statistical method to try to recognize correlations between variations seen at the molecular level and differences in the clinical behavior and biology of tumors." Dr. Brown’s method is to "print" about 140 arrays at a time with 20,000 to 30,000 genes each using a mechanical printing process. Then, using a selective hybridization method, he quantitatively measures the abundance of mRNA from each of the genes in a clinical sample relative to a standard scale. In an article published in early February in Nature, Dr. Brown and collaborators at the National Cancer Institute and other centers reported results of a study of variation in gene expression in diagnostic biopsies of diffuse large-cell B cell lymphoma. Based on gene expression patterns, they identified two subtypes of this malignancy not previously recognized. "Not only do these subtypes have a distinct difference in their gene expression pattern that suggests underlying biological differences," Dr. Brown says, "but they have a highly statistically significant difference in clinical outcome, a difference that has never before been possible to see." In this case the differences in gene expression suggest possible molecular differences that could account for the differences in outcome. These findings are now being expanded with a larger group of collaborators. "There will be many more such findings in the next year or two," Dr. Brown predicts. In a variation on gene expression analysis, David Per-sing, MD, PhD, vice president of diagnostics development at Corixa Corp. and medical director of the Infectious Diseases Research Institute, both in Seattle, is using expression arrays as what he calls "gene discovery" platforms. "We use expression microarrays as screening devices to identify potential targets for T-cell vaccines for cancer," Dr. Persing says. Such vaccines are based on the concept that tumor-specific proteins or nucleic acids can prime a patient’s own T cells to become cytotoxic to a tumor or pathogen. "For several tumor types, we aim to identify from the roughly 100,000 genes in the human genome between six and 20 candidate genes for which expression is essentially restricted to the tumor," Dr. Persing explains. Candidate genes identified on expression microarrays are subjected to real-time PCR (RT-PCR), which is more sensitive than expression analysis, to verify specificity, and to additional verification steps. "These candidate genes can be used for diagnostics, because their expression is consistent with the presence of tumor, and for vaccine targets as well as therapeutic antibody targets," Dr. Persing Immunohistochemical testing of a prostate-specific candidate protein discovered by Corixa showed that 65/65 prostate cancers or prostate tissues were reactive while all 4,635 nonprostate tissues were nonreactive. (For prostate cancer, markers only need to be tissue-specific, not cancer-specific, since vaccines will be used in men who have had Another candidate gene is mammoglobin, which Dr. Persing calls "the most breast tissue-specific gene that has ever been described in terms of its expression profile." Mammoglobin and two other markers were used to detect breast cancer cells in the blood of women who had had cytoreductive surgery. (Tumor cells can be detected in lymph nodes and blood of such patients even without obvious lesions.) Markers in addition to mammoglobin were needed since one-fourth of breast cancers either do not express it or lose the chromosomal segment that carries the mammoglobin gene. Dr. Persing says that, using RT-PCR to measure the expression of these three genes, expression of one or more targets was present in nearly 100 percent of breast cancers. Dr. Persing is "very optimistic" about using these techniques for detection of cancers of various types and for monitoring therapy. "We plan to use RT-PCR profiles on whole blood to determine if we can detect circulating cancer cells at a very early stage," he says. Cells will be captured on magnetic particles using antiepithelial antibodies and assayed with RT-PCR to detect particular types of cancer. "I think this will be a huge area of opportunity for diagnostics," Dr. Persing says. Corixa is involved in clinical trials to evaluate this hypothesis. Affymetrix, the company that trademarked the term "GeneChip," employs a unique approach to making microarrays. "Arrays are usually made with premade oligonucleotides or cloned DNAs that are bound to a substrate," Dr. Gingeras explains. In Affymetrix’s proprietary method, oligonucleotide probes, usually 20 to 25 nucleotides long, are synthesized on the substrate in a combinatorial fashion using photo-catalyzed reactions. By masking sites in a preset pattern as oligonucleotides are lengthened, each position on the surface identifies a unique sequence. "This approach allows us to achieve much higher densities of information than competitors," Dr. Gingeras says. Affymetrix’s chips routinely carry 240,000 to 280,000 unique oligonucleotides. With these gene chips, three kinds of questions are answerable. In resequencing applications, a consensus sequence is defined for a portion of the genome. One can then do base-by-base interrogation of a sample testing for identity with each of the bases in the consensus sequence. Discovery of SNPs (single-nucleotide polymorphisms) is a direct application of this approach, Dr. Gingeras says. Affymetrix has relationships with bioMérieux and Roche Molecular Systems to develop chips for this purpose. Clinical applications include bacterial identification, viral genotyping for drug resistance mutations, and genotyping of p53 genes and some human cytochrome P450 genes. Both companies are building proprietary platforms for diagnosis based on GeneChip probe arrays. Affymetrix will manufacture and provide arrays to the companies, who will handle development A subset of resequencing applications arises when one wants to focus not on identifying each base in a long string of bases, but on looking at snapshots across the whole genome. "A large amount of work is being done identifying SNPs on the human genome," Dr. Gingeras says. "We are beginning to develop assays and arrays to interrogate many of those polymorphisms." Affymetrix has just released a product that interrogates 1,500 SNP sites mapped on the human Quantitative mRNA profiling—gene expression—is a third application. "We currently make a variety of arrays that have varying numbers of genes for evaluating message levels in a cell," Dr. Gingeras says. "For each gene in the expression array, the sample is interrogated with a set of 16 to 20 oligonucleotide pairs." Each pair consists of an oligonucleotide that is the perfect complement of the message, which interrogates a single base positioned along the length of the mRNA molecule, along with its companion, which has a deliberate mismatch incorporated at its center, and which is designed to serve as a negative control. "This approach allows one to have multiple interrogations for each sequence," Dr. Gingeras says, "so you are not dependent on a single interrogation by a single probe as with a single PCR product or a single spotted clone." With this redundancy, results are less likely to be compromised if a sequence in the public database has Nanogen also supplies chips for researchers, but with a difference: Its chips can be custom designed in the investigator’s laboratory. As CFO Gallahue puts it, "We supply open platforms for targeted genetic analysis. Our products are unique, since their integrated electronics allows researchers to create their own genetic array." With a Nanogen chip, it is possible to do an analysis and get results in a single day, an advantage in research and eventual clinical applications. One of today’s biggest challenges, Gallahue notes, is to translate clinical research into clinical practice. "Nanogen’s technology," he asserts, "allows users to bridge that transition by designing their chips to meet requirements for either clinical research or clinical application." More specifically, Gallahue notes, most biochips are passive systems, whether lithographically synthesized or spotted. In either case a genetic sequence is put down on a glass slide and heat and chemistry are manipulated to facilitate hybridization and stringency. "You have to apply the same characteristics to all of the chip at the same time," he says. Nanogen’s product integrates electronics into the analysis process. The company’s first product will be a 100-site chip with 100 individual controllable electrodes. A user can create an environment around each electrode without affecting the others. "In effect you have 100 independent test sites," Gallahue says. "You can use the electronics to turn each site positive or negative or neutral. So a user can manipulate the electronics to attach genetic content to a blank chip at sites of their choice, then use reporter probes to interrogate the whole chip or only portions of it at one time." Later this year Nanogen will sell its first product—NanoChip molecular biology workstation—to the research market—pharmaceutical companies, genomics firms, biotechnology firms, and clinical investigators. Last year, Dennis O’Kane, PhD, of Mayo Clinic, one of the beta-testing sites for the product, reported that he and colleagues had successfully used a customized Nanogen chip for a pharmacogenomic application, looking at SNPs in the gene for thiopurine methyl transferase (TPMT), which metabolizes immunosuppressant thiopurine drugs used to treat leukemia, Crohn’s disease, and other conditions. Variants in the TPMT gene result in high and low activity forms of the enzyme, which can affect drug toxicity in individual patients. A Nanogen chip customized by the Mayo researchers was 100 percent accurate in identifying SNPs in the TPMT gene in 115 patient samples, while two widely used comparison methods had six percent and 11 percent error rates. A similarly positive result was reported by the Bode Technology Group, a leading private forensics laboratory, using a custom-designed Nanogen chip to identify short tandem repeats, genetic identifiers used by the government for populating criminal identification databases. Caliper Technologies makes no microarray products as such, but it uses biochips in a unique way—as total reaction platforms. Michael Knapp, PhD, vice president of science and technology at Caliper, notes that a conventional array has one partner of a single biochemical reaction, often an oligonucleotide probe, immobilized on its surface. As a result, such chips are unifunctional: They perform one step of a complex series of reactions, such as hybridization, with high throughput. But other steps in the process, such as amplification, may be done in a more labor-intensive format. Caliper uses photolithography and photoetching techniques to create a custom network of channels on the order of 10 µm deep and 50 µm wide in a chip. "These channels," Dr. Knapp says, "amount to an instruction set for a series of fluid manipulations." Such chips incorporate three innovations: They miniaturize functional steps to volumes of 100 picoliters to a nanoliter; integrate multiple steps on the same device; and automate the reaction sequence with a custom-designed software program that can exert forces on fluids inside the chip using pressure or vacuum or electrokinetic forces. Caliper’s main product, targeted to the pharmaceutical industry, is a high-throughput device for screening large libraries of compounds for desired activities, such as antagonism of a cell surface receptor, inhibition of a kinase or calcium flux, or DNA hybridization—all multistep assays. Several such high-throughput chips are in production. A reservoir feeding into one processing unit of a chip stores enough reagent for a 24-hour run, perhaps 10 µL for each reaction, adequate for about 10,000 assays. Chips can have up to 12 processing units, thereby having a capacity of more than 100,000 assays per day. Finally, at Gene Logic, the product is applied expression arrays targeted to the research market. Gene Logic uses Affymetrix GeneChip expression arrays, supplemented by a proprietary method to quantitate low-abundance transcripts, to generate expression databases. It then sells these databases in two formats: tailored databases sold exclusively to pharmaceutical customers, or their large reference database called Gene-Express by subscription. The company just signed up its first two subscribers to GeneExpress, one biotechnology company and one large pharmaceutical company, says director of corporate He notes that the goal for GeneExpress is to have quantitative expression profiles for all 100,000 genes across 30,000 human samples across all tissue types and all disease types plus all underlying clinical data. This will enable researchers to query on hundreds of factors for their influence on clinical outcome. Says Burrows, "It will be possible to say, ’Show me all genes that are expressed in livers of men aged 15 to 45 who drink a lot of alcohol and take Prozac and compare that profile to similar individuals who don’t take Prozac.’’" So far GeneExpress contains about 1,200 profiles, and profiles are being added at 400 samples per month; the company plans to accelerate to 800 per month later this year. Samples are obtained from volunteers recruited through an international network of centers. If the scope of Gene Logic’s database seems overwhelming, consider a pharmacogenetic application conceived at Caliper. "With massive genotyping in the developmental phase of a drug," Dr. Knapp says, "one can identify different responses and different toxicities that are genetically determined." This requires 100,000 different genotypes on perhaps 1,000 patients. To enable this project, Caliper has developed an integrated chip that does amplification and genotyping as a high-throughput screening operation. Says Dr. Knapp, "Generating such a database requires a scale of experimentation that is unprecedented in any field." William Check is a freelance medical writer in Wilmette, Ill.

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Breast Cancer Survivors: Breast Cancer Survivors: Breast cancer deaths have been diminishing in recent years; the absolute annual decrease is 1.7%.1 As a result, a growing number of women-more than 2 million in 2000-have a history of breast cancer. Because many of these women are followed by primary care practitioners, a general understanding of their medical needs is essential. The goals of evidence-based primary care follow-up of survivors include: Diagnosis of local and systemic recurrences. Evaluation of complications of the disease and of therapy. Lack of standardization of follow-up leads to a wide variation in the types and numbers of tests performed. Evidence-based guidelines allow patients to avoid tests that do not decrease mortality or improve quality of life. In this article, we review current strategies for the follow-up evaluation of survivors of breast cancer. In a future article, we will focus on survivors of colon cancer. By the end of this year, an estimated 250,000 new cases of breast cancer will have been diagnosed in the United States. The incidence was stable in the 1990s but appears to be declining in younger women.1 After a breast cancer diagnosis, the risk of a new primary breast cancer is 3 to 5 times the risk of a first breast cancer.2,3 Metastatic disease develops in 23% of women with stage I or II breast cancer.4 Evaluation is determined by the pattern of recurrence associated with each type of primary therapy. The preferred primary therapy for breast cancer is lumpectomy with radiation. The role of radiation following mastectomy remains controversial. The American Society of Clinical Oncology (ASCO) published guidelines for the follow-up for breast cancer patients in 1997.5 The following recommendations are based on the ASCO guidelines and additional studies as indicated; they are not intended to supersede physician judgment with respect to individual patients. The ASCO guidelines were modified initially from criteria established by the Canadian Task Force on Periodic Health Examination.6 The ASCO classification system is outlined in Table 1. Several studies have evaluated intensive versus symptomatic follow-up after breast cancer treatment. A recent multicenter trial of 1320 women compared intensive surveillance with a program of regular physician visits and clinically indicated tests. There was no significant difference in overall survival time, time to detection of recurrence, or health-related quality of life.7 Most recurrences are signaled by symptoms or by findings on physical examination.8 Advise patients to report any new symptoms immediately rather than waiting for their next scheduled appointment. Recommended examinations. Regular clinical assessment and mammography are the only recommended evaluations (Table 2).5,6,9 History and physical examination.The ASCO guidelines recommend a history taking and physical examination every 3 to 6 months for 3 years after primary therapy, then every 6 to 12 months for 2 years, then annually.5 The history taking focuses on symptoms of recurrence, which include palpable or visual breast changes, bone pain, shortness of breath, and weight loss as well as neurologic changes such as headache, weakness, numbness, and incontinence. Physical examination includes an evaluation of both breasts, critical lymph node areas, and spine, as well as auscultation of the chest and palpation of the liver. Mammography. An annual mammogram of the contralateral breast is a level IA recommendation.5,9,10 The ASCO guidelines recommend that women have their first posttreatment mammogram 6 months after the completion of radiotherapy and annually thereafter, unless signs or symptoms warrant earlier investigation.5 Mammography of the ipsilateral breast is a level IVC recommendation. However, it is prudent to obtain an annual mammogram of the ipsilateral breast in women older than 40 years.11 Other diagnostic tests. The level of evidence varies. Breast self-examination.There is insufficient evidence to recommend for or against teaching or performing monthly bilateral breast self-examination. In one study, the authors observed that the number of recurrences detected at routine visits was about the same as the number detected at unscheduled visits.12 Monthly bilateral breast self-examination is a level IIID recommendation.10,12,13 Chest radiography.The evidence forannual chest radiography varies.4,5,8,10,14,15 The ASCO guidelines do not recommend this test and encourage the development of better means of detection of pulmonary recurrences. A number of studies have demonstrated that although intrathoracic metastases were diagnosed earlier, survival time was not improved. One study found no increase in survival time with biannual chest radiography.14 However, Loprinzi15 and the senior author of this article10 recommend annual radiography for the first 3 years after primary therapy because of improved quality of life with treatment of pulmonary metastases. Some experts recommend annual screening chest radiography.8 Other studies.Routine bone scans are not indicated for asymptomatic patients.4,5,8,14,16 Although regular bone scans may occasionally provide earlier diagnosis of bony metastases, survival time is not improved. The ASCO guidelines do not recommend routine complete blood cell count or evaluation of electrolytes or liver enzymes.5 Routine tests of serum tumor markers (CEA and CA 15-3) are not recommended, nor are ultrasonography and abdominal CT. There is no evidence that earlier treatment of metastatic breast cancer alters prognosis.5,16 COMPLICATIONS OF THERAPY Surgery, chemotherapy, and radiotherapy (whether primary or adjuvant) are often associated with adverse effects, some of which may be long-lasting and/or life-threatening. For example, surgical resection can result in lymphedema, infection, or seroma formation. An increased frequency of hot flashes and sweats-resulting from ovarian failure or tamoxifen use-is seen in women who undergo adjuvant chemotherapeutic treatment.17 In one study, primary radiotherapy reduced recurrence by two thirds and breast-cancer mortality by 13.2%.18 However, overall mortality was increased by 21.2%. Lymphedema. This condition, which has been reported to affect up to 44.4% of women following an axil-lary dissection,19,20 results in pain, decreased mobility, and cosmetic damage. Since it cannot be cured, prevention is extremely important. The risk of lymphedema is directly related to the extent of axillary surgery and radiotherapy. In one study, overweight or obesity was the only significant risk factor for lymphedema after a level I or II axillary dissection.19 Neither physical therapy nor drug treatment (including coumarin21) is effective for treating lymphedema. A randomized study that compared treatment with pneumatic compression with no treatment failed to show a statistically significant response in the treatment group.22 Seroma formation after an axillary dissection occurs in a small number of patients. One study showed that 59.5% of patients required seroma aspirations after the discontinuation of postoperative drainage.19 The incision and surrounding area must be checked carefully for fluctuance. Cardiotoxicity. Doxorubicin, a common component of both adjuvant and metastatic chemotherapeutic regimens, has been associated with 3 forms of cardiotoxicity23: Acute or subacute injury. Chronic anthracycline-induced cardiomyopathy. Acute toxicity may range from nonspecific ECG changes to rare incidences of sudden death with the first administration. Elderly patients with preexisting heart disease are susceptible to congestive heart failure (CHF) after several doses of doxorubicin. Other risk factors for cardiotoxicity include age greater than 70 years, preexisting heart disease, and concomitant chest irradiation.23 Dexrazoxane can be administered before doxorubicin infusions to bind free radicals and limit cardiotoxicity.24 Echocardiographic evaluation is warranted in patients with a history of doxorubicin treatment if signs or symptoms of CHF develop. Side effects of tamoxifen. Widely used for the adjuvant treatment of breast cancer, tamoxifen is associated with an increased risk of hot flashes, thrombophlebitis, and endometrial carcinoma. Hot flashes. These occur in about half of women who take tamoxifen. The symptoms appear to intensify for 2 to 3 months and then plateau or decrease.25 A number of studies have evaluated medical and alternative therapies for significant hot flash symptoms. The use of soy for hot flashes was evaluated in a double-blind, randomized, placebo-controlled multicenter trial of postmenopausal women. Soy protein, 40 g/d, was associated with a significant reduction in the number of hot flashes.26 However, in another study no alleviation of hot flashes with soy phytoestrogens was noted.27 The means to evaluate the efficacy of alternative agents for hot flashes is still evolving.28 In the meantime, the use of soy protein for symptomatic hot flashes cannot be recommended. In a phase II trial of venlafaxine, 12.5 mg bid, a reduction of more than 50% in hot flash scores from week 1 to week 4 of treatment was reported in 58% of patients.29 A larger randomized, prospective trial confirmed the efficacy of venlafaxine.30 Clonidine was associated with a moderate reduction of tamoxifen-induced hot flashes in one study; side effects included dry mouth, constipation, and drowsiness.31 Although several studies have supported the use of clonidine for hot flashes, its side-effect profile is a significant disadvantage. Vitamin E, 800 units daily, was associated with a statistically significant but marginal decrease in hot flashes compared with placebo.32 A trial is under way to evaluate fluoxetine for the treatment of hot flashes. Endometrial carcinoma.Although some breast cancer survivors forgo tamoxifen therapy because of the fear of endometrial carcinoma, the incidence of this malignancy in this group is only about 2 per 1000 women (compared with 1 per 1000 in the general population).33,34 Tamoxifen use is limited to 5 years because of the 4-fold risk of endometrial carcinoma with longer exposure.35 However, the benefits of tamoxifen in terms of improving disease-free and overall survival time far outweigh the risks of endometrial carcinoma. Two recent reviews concluded that annual gynecologic examinations are indicated for women taking tamoxifen; however, routine endometrial biopsy or uterine ultrasonography is not indicated unless patients report abnormal bleeding or discharge.33,35 Thrombophlebitis. This condition has been reported in 1% to 3% of patients taking tamoxifen. Thrombophlebitis is unlikely to occur in women who are generally active. GYNECOLOGIC AND REPRODUCTIVE ISSUES Hormone replacement therapy (HRT). The role of HRT in postmenopausal women has been the subject of debate and controversy for many years. From the late 1980s through the early 1990s, prescriptions for HRT rose because of evidence based on observational and cohort studies that appeared to show an association between this therapy and a reduction in the risk of coronary artery disease of 30% to 70%. However, more recent studies have not demonstrated cardioprotection with HRT in women with established coronary artery disease.36,37 In women with breast cancer, adjuvant chemotherapy and tamoxifen result in premature ovarian failure and thus a lack of estrogen. Because of concern that estrogen might accelerate the development of breast cancer, HRT was traditionally discouraged in postmenopausal breast cancer survivors. Following an editorial by Cobleigh and colleagues38 that challenged this concept, a number of trials were instituted to evaluate the safety and efficacy of HRT in this group of women. However, recent results from the Women's Health Initiative study have reopened the question of the safety of HRT.39 In this trial, more than 16,000 women were randomized to receive a combination of conjugated equine estrogens, 0.625 mg/d, plus medroxyprogesterone acetate, 2.5 mg/d, or placebo. The trial was discontinued after an average of 5.2 years of follow-up because of the increased risk of cardiovascular disease, stroke, and breast cancer in the group taking HRT. The risk of breast cancer was 26% higher in this group. Consequently, the role of HRT in postmenopausal breast cancer survivors remains undefined. Pregnancy. Most physicians recommend that women who have had breast cancer wait 2 to 3 years before becoming pregnant. A recent study compared women with a history of breast cancer who subsequently became pregnant with women who did not become pregnant. The results suggested that pregnancy did not adversely affect survival.40 The age-adjusted relative risk of death associated with subsequent pregnancy was 0.8. The US Army Breast Cancer Research Program is conducting a prospective study that will address the issue of pregnancy following breast cancer. n 1. Jemal A, Thomas A, Murray T, et al. Cancer statistics. CA Cancer J Clin. 2002;52:23-45. 2. Rutgers EJ, van Slooten EA, Kluck HM. Follow-up after treatment of primary breast cancer. Br J Surg. 1989;76:187-190. 3. Mellink WAM, Holland R, Hendriks JHC, et al. The contribution of routine follow-up mammography to an early detection of asynchronous contralateral breast cancer. Cancer. 1991;67:1844-1848. 4. Rosselli Del Turco M, Palli D, Cariddi A. Intensive diagnostic follow-up after treatment of primary breast cancer. JAMA. 1994;271:1593-1597. 5. American Society of Clinical Oncology. Recommended breast cancer surveillance guidelines. J Clin Oncol. 1997;15:2149-2156. 6. The Periodic Health Examination. The Canadian Task Force on the Periodic Health Examination. CMAJ. 1979;121:1193. 7.The GIVIO Investigators. Impact of follow-up testing on survival and health-related quality of life in breast cancer patients: a multicenter randomized controlled trial. JAMA. 1994;271:1587-1592. 8. Winchester DP, Sener SF, Khandekar JD, et al. Symptomatology as an indicator of recurrent or metastatic breast cancer. Cancer. 1979;43:956-960. 9. Bernardo F, Bruzzi P, Cionini L, et al. Appropriateness of the use of clinical and radiologic examinations and laboratory tests in the follow-up of surgically treated breast cancer patients. Results of the Working Group on the Clinical Aspects of Follow-up. Ann Oncol. 1995;6(suppl 2):57-59. 10. Khandekar J. Cost-effective preoperative and postoperative treatment testing in a managed care environment. In: Winchester DP, Jones RS, Murphy GP, eds. Cancer Surgery for the General Surgeon. Philadelphia: Lippincott-Raven; 1999:43-54. 11. US Preventive Services Task Force. Screening for breast cancer: recommendations and rationale. Ann Intern Med. 2002;137:344-346. 12. Dewar JA, Kerr GR. Value of routine follow up of women treated for early carcinoma of the breast. Br Med J. 1985;291:1464-1467. 13. Morow M, Bland KI, Foster R. Breast cancer surgical practice guidelines. Society of Surgical Oncology Practice Guidelines. Oncology. 1997;11: 877-881, 885-886. 14. Roselli Del Turco M, Palli D, Cariddi A, et al. The efficacy of intensive follow-up testing in breast cancer cases. Ann Oncol. 1995;6(suppl 2):37-39. 15. Loprinzi CL. It is now the age to define the appropriate follow-up of primary breast cancer patients. J Clin Oncol. 1994;12:881. 16. Temple LL, Wang EE, McLeod RS. Preventative health care, 1999 update, 3: follow-up after breast cancer. CMAJ. 1999;161:1001-1008. 17. Ganz PA, Rowland JH, Meyerowitz BE, et al. Impact of different adjuvant treatment strategies on quality of life in breast cancer survivors. Recent Results Cancer Res. 1998;152:396-411. 18. Early Breast Cancer Trialists' Collaborative Group. Favourable and unfavourable effects on long-term survival of radiotherapy for early breast cancer: an overview of the randomized trials. Lancet. 2000;355:1757-1770. 19. Roses DF, Brooks AD, Harris MN, et al. Complications of level I and II dissection in the treatment of carcinoma of the breast. Ann Surg. 1999;230:194-201. 20. Schunemann H, Willich N. Lymphedema after breast carcinoma: a study of 5868 cases. Dtsch Med Wochenschr. 1997;122:536-541. 21. Loprinzi CL, Kugler JW, Sloan JA, et al. Lack of effect of coumarin in women with lymphedema after treatment for breast cancer. N Engl J Med. 1999;340: 346-350. 22. Dini D, Del Mastro L, Gozza A, et al. The role of pneumatic compression in the treatment of postmastectomy lymphedema: a randomized phase III study. Ann Oncol. 1998;9:187-190. 23. Dorshow JH. Anthracyclines and anthracenediones. In: Chabner BA, Longo DL, eds. Cancer Chemotherapy and Biotherapy. 3rd ed. Philadelphia: Lippincott Williams & Wilkins; 2001:500-537. 24. Speyer JL, Green MD, Kramer E, et al. Protective effect of the bispiperazinedione ICRF-187 against doxorubicin-induced cardiac toxicity in women with advanced breast cancer. N Engl J Med. 1988;319:745-752. 25. Loprinzi CL, Zahasky KM, Sloan JA, et al. Tamoxifen-induced hot flashes. Clin Breast Cancer. 2000;1:52-56. 26. Albertazzi P, Pansini F, Bonaccorsi G, et al. The effect of dietary soy supplements on hot flashes. Obstet Gynecol. 1998;91:6-10. 27. Quella SK, Loprinzi CL, Barton DL, et al. Evaluation of soy phytoestrogens for the treatment of hot flashes in breast cancer survivors: a North Central Cancer Treatment Group Trial. J Clin Oncol. 2000; 18:1068-1074. 28. Sloan JA, Loprinzi CL. Novotny PJ, et al. Methodologic lessons learned from hot flash studies. J Clin Oncol. 2001;19:4280-4290. 29. Loprinzi C, Pisansky T, Fonseca R, et. Pilot evaluation of venlafaxine hydrochloride for the therapy of hot flashes in cancer survivors. J Clin Oncol. 1998;16:2377-2381. 30. Loprinzi CL, Kugler JW, Sloan JA, et al. Venlafaxine in management of hot flashes in survivors of breast cancer: a randomised controlled trial. Lancet. 2000;356:2059-2063. 31. Goldberg RM, Loprinzi CL, O'Fallon JR, et al. Transdermal clonidine for ameliorating tamoxifen-induced hot flashes. J Clin Oncol. 1994;12:155-158. 32. Barton D, Loprinzi C, Quella K, et al. Pro-spective evaluation of vitamin E for hot flashes in breast cancer survivors. J Clin Oncol. 1998;16: 495-500. 33. Creasman W. Endometrial cancer: incidence, prognostic factors, diagnosis, and treatment. Semin Oncol. 1997;24(suppl 1):S1-S150. 34. Fischer B, Constantino JP, Redmond CK, et al. Endometrial cancer in tamoxifen-treated breast cancer patients: findings from the National Surgical Adjuvant Breast and Bowel Project (NSABP) B-14. J Natl Cancer Inst. 1994;86:527-537. 35. Bernstein L, Deapen D, Cerhan J, et al. Tamoxifen therapy for breast cancer and endometrial cancer risk. J Natl Cancer Inst. 1999;91:1654-1662. 36. Herrington D, Reboussin D, Brosnihan B, et al. Effects of estrogen replacement on the progression of coronary artery atherosclerosis. N Engl J Med. 2000;343:522-529. 37. Grady D, Herrington D, Bittner V, et al. Cardiovascular disease outcomes during 6.8 years of hormone therapy: Heart and Estrogen/progestin Replacement Study follow-up (HERS II). JAMA. 2002; 288:49-57. 38. Cobleigh M, Berris RF, Bush T, et al, for the Breast Cancer Committees of the Eastern Cooperative Oncology Group. Estrogen replacement therapy in breast cancer survivors: a time for change. JAMA. 1994;272:540-545. 39. Risks and benefits of estrogen plus progestin in healthy postmenopausal women: principal results from the Women's Health Initiative randomized controlled trial. JAMA. 2002;288:321-333. 40. Velentgas P, Daling JR, Malone KE, et al. Pregnancy after breast carcinoma: outcome and influence on mortality. Cancer. 1999;85:2424-2432.

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The most significant event of the last century was the global conflict referred to as the Second World War. Nearly every nation on Earth participated in or was affected by WWII. Although the Mass Media of the time seems primitive by the modern standards of the Internet and 24-hour Cable News Coverage, old time WWII radio shows brought the war home to the American people in a way that had never been imagined before this time. Modern Cable TV coverage of significant events is notable for the saturation of coverage as events unfold. This was true with early Radio coverage. To experience coverage of significant battles and events of WWII listen to: The rise of the Nazi Party in Germany was followed by the American Press and those with an interest in European Affairs. Some American hobbyists followed reports from Germany and Europe by "Long Distance Listening (DXing)" over their shortwave radio receivers, but most information came from print and radio journalists. Throughout the 1930s, in spite of the Great Depression, electricity, and with it radio, was coming into most American homes. By 1939 a majority of housewives considered the radio to be more indispensable to their homes than the clothes iron or the refrigerator. Although most radio listening was music and entertainment in the form of comedies and dramas, the various radio networks developed news departments. These began to rival print media, if not in depth of coverage, certainly in immediacy. CBS sent Edward R. Murrow to London to head their European Operations. His initial job description did not include "On Air" time; his job was to persuade European figures to broadcast over CBS in competition with NBC. The Anschluss, the Nazi Annexation of Austria, occurred while Murrow was in Poland arranging the broadcast of Polish Children's Choirs. Murrow immediately sent William Shirer to London to broadcast an uncensored report. The CBS home office in New York called for a "News Roundup" special to be put together in reaction to the Anschluss. The program was broadcast on March 13, 1938, and became the basis of the CBS World News Roundup, which still broadcasts on CBS Radio. World War II began on Sept 1, 1939, when Nazi forces invaded Poland. The entire broadcast day of CBS affiliate WJSV, Washington DC, on that date has been preserved, including coverage of the invasion. Please also see Blitzkrieg Collection (Invasion of Poland). CBS had sent their leading news analyst to Europe to report on WWII events, and persuaded the likable Elmer Davis to fill the spot beginning in August 1939. Davis became a trusted and comforting voice during the second world war, and in 1941 he was appointed by President Roosevelt to head the Office of War Information. As tensions increased in Europe, American Radio Journalists continued to cover the events. During the summer of 1940 many expected the Germans to attempt an invasion of the British Isles, and CBS had Larry LeSueur in place to report on the Battle of Britain. While democracy was endangered in Europe, there were still many voices in the US that called for America to stay out of World War II. At the same time, other Americans called for intervention in order to keep the conflict from reaching our shores. This was partially addressed in the intellectual discussion program on NBC, Speaking of Liberty (1941), in the months prior to the attack on Pearl Harbor. America was finally drawn into the second world war when the Navy Base at Pearl Harbor was attacked. The attack is detailed in the Complete Broadcast of Dec 7, 1941. Although not as complete as cable news coverage would be today, the collection includes programming and reports from NBC Red, Blue, and the CBS Network. The first notice of the attack came at 2:26pm, Eastern Time, over the Mutual network, interrupting a football game 63 minutes after the first bombs fell. The press brought WWII back to the home front with WWII old time radio shows. The United Press Syndicated sponsored Soldiers of the Press (1942-45) detailing the adventures of correspondents on the front lines. The correspondent's job was to stay out of the way that the soldiers could do their job, and then send reports back to the States. But it was difficult to stay objective when the people around them, whom they had come to care about, were fighting and dying. During World War II, America had ample reason to be proud of her fighting men and radio did all it could to show the folks back home the fine job they were doing. Although they were not in uniform, the men and women of the Civilian Aircraft Warning Service during WWII were vital to the mission of the Army Air Forces 4th Fighter Command. Their story was told by NBC in Eyes Aloft (1942-43). NBC also carried a four-part report on the Navy fighting in five oceans called Battle Stations (1943). Thrilling tales of the Army Air Force were heard on The Fighting AAF (1945), produced by the Air Force and presented on ABC. On weekday afternoons during 1943-45 CBS presented programs from the various Service Bands. It's Maritime (1944-45) featured tales of seagoing life along with Swing Music.Even more popular was Captain Glenn Miller and the Band of the AAF Training Command on I Sustain the Wings (1943-45). True tales of WWII heroes in action were also popular WWII old Time radio shows. Wings to Victory (1940-45) gave us dramatized stories of our flying heroes over the Blue Network. Wounded heroes and the Gallant Doctors who worked to save them was the subject of The Doctor Fights (1945), featuring A-List Hollywood talent like Cary Grant, Gregory Peck, Robert Montgomery and Franchot Tone. The Man Behind The Gun (1942-44) featured highly dramatized stories of America's fighting men during the second world war. Brought to us by the Elgin Watch Company, few programs were able to portray the terror of combat contrasted with the numbing boredom that can accompany an overseas posting; perhaps most of all the WWII old time radio program brings home the comradeship that our fighting men have for one another. By the end of the First World War the importance of recreation for the troops was becoming recognized. It has been pointed out that the soldier's life is 90% boredom interrupted by periods of sheer terror. If morale was allowed to slip there could be a fatal decline in combat efficiency. Experiments with radio for troop entertainment had been attempted in various overseas locations before the WWII with varying degrees of success. The most important improvement needed to be reliable and desirable content. The various efforts came together during WWII and were expanded after May 26, 1942, when the War Department created the Armed Forces Radio Service (AFRS). The fragile disks and turntables that were being provided in "Buddy Kits" to units deploying overseas were replaced by radio receivers. Programs would be sent to overseas radio stations from the ARFS Hollywood studios. Sometimes shortwave transmission to the frontline stations was used when the program required immediacy, but the preferred method was by phonographic disk. Transcription to disk was a relatively expensive process, but it guaranteed quality and reliability that shortwave could not. Command Performance (1942-49) was an early hit over AFRS during World War Two. Servicemen were encouraged to write to the show and request their favorite stars, and suggest performances they would like to hear (Ann Miller tap-dancing wearing Army boots?) As the show gained popularity producers worried over the cost of talent to fill the show. From the beginning Hollywood A-List performers such as Bob Hope, Dinah Shore, Fred Allen, Frances Langford, Spike Jones, Frank Sinatra, Burns and Allen, Vincent Price, Ginger Rogers, Gary Cooper, Tallulah Bankhead, Andrew Sisters, Bette Davis, Judy Garland, Bing Crosby, and Margaret Whiting all appeared free of charge, allowing AFRS to produce extremely high quality shows for far less than expected. The free performances by celebrities became a tradition, and it has been pointed out on numerous occasions that no career was ever harmed by performing for the Troops for free. In 2009 the Military cable network, The Pentagon Channel", reprised Command Performance featuring currently popular acts. Mail Call(1942-49) was another early AFRS WWII radio show. Premiering in Aug 1942, the show drew its title from the military practice of gathering the troops when mail was delivered to the unit. The show also used A-list talent (working for free) and took the form of a love letter from the celebrities to the troops. GI Journal (1943-46) used the celebrities as the guest editors and staff for a weekly newspaper for the WWII troops. Comedy and Pin-up girl talent was featured with a healthy share of popular music. Music was the emphasis of GI Jive, a disc jockey program for WWII soldiers. Several disc jockey's "spun hot wax" for the program, sometimes civilian celebrities while other times servicemen would man the microphone. One of the most popular DJs was "GI Jane", the on-air persona of Martha Wilkerson. GI Jane was thought to be an answer to the Tokyo Rose propaganda broadcasts. The plain fact was that the WWII American troops like Ms Wilkerson better. The Jubilee Program (1942-53) was unique because it was directed towards African-American soldiers during World War Two. Modern collectors value the programs as some of the best War-time jazz performances. Music America Loves Best was produced and broadcast by NBC, then decommercialized and transcribed for AFRS. The program featured classical as well as popular music. Everything for the Boys (1944-45) was dedicated to raising the morale of our fighting men and sponsored by Autolite. The show featured a play by Arch Oboler and included a call to a serviceman stationed overseas, sometimes allowing a family connection to be made over the radio. Not everyone could go fight or be involved directly in Wolrd War related industries. Commercial radio was still a business. War related content found its way into regular programming. The day-time Soaps would often lose a character who had joined the military, or add one who had returned home to convalesce from battle injuries. The bad guys in Kiddie Shows and some detective dramas changed from gangsters and rustlers to Japs and Nazis, or at least worked for them. One type of program that seemed to take WWII in stride was the Situation Comedy. The teenage girl in the family program would become a sucker for anyone in uniform, and the Smart-mouth kid suddenly knew enough Military and War jargon to open a new front in the backyard. Marjorie from The Great Gildersleeve was constantly writing to WWII servicemen, or organizing dinners or shows for the troops. Early in the show's run, just before America entered the War, the Gildersleeve household organized Thanksgiving dinner for the Troops at the local Army post. Gildy was often involved in War bond drives and even helped to christen a Liberty Ship. Fibber McGee and Mollybecame a darling of the Office of War Information. Finding spies was a favorite plot device on many programs, including Fibber and Amos 'n Andy. Fibber writer Don Quinn was well known for subtly incorporating the sponsors message into the fabric of the program, and this same talent was even better showcased in messages for the OWI. Fibber McGee and Molly was so good at getting OWI's message out that they were occasionally given exclusives"; the day following a program showcasing the need for Merchant Mariners was the single most successful recruiting day for Merchant Mariners. War time rationing was a common complaint on sitcoms, but Fibber managed to get the message across better than others by getting it beat into his own head. Several episodes dealt with gas rationing and meat rationing, with Fibber chagrined as he learns the necessity of the sacrifices. One of the most poignant of the lessons came on the Dec 1, 1942 episode. The nation is approaching its second Christmas of the War, and not only does Fibber get a lesson about gas rationing, but he gets it from a beloved member of the company, Mayor LaTrivia played by Gale Gordon, as both the character and the actor are leaving to join the Coast Guard. No gathering of more than ten sets of civilian ears would have been complete without an appeal for War Bonds, and entertainment radio was no exception. Not only were the Treasury Department programs popular, but almost every show had a appeal in the closing dialog. Bob Hope even made Bye bye, and buy Bonds" a personal trademark. All of the major combatant nations in the war recognized the power of radio to transmit propaganda, not only to the other side, but also to their own populations. President Franklin D. Roosevelt began his Fireside Chats (1936-45) during the Great Depression, and continued then through the War Years. The chats were thought to be a great comfort to the nation during dark and frightening times. The series Speaking of Liberty (1941) was presented by NBC in the months prior to Pearl Harbor. The highly intellectual discussions featured some of the periods best minds discussing the importance of freedom and civil liberties, created by the Council for Democracy. The Institute for Democratic Education presented Lest We Forget (1943-48) dramatized morality tales that demonstrated not only the superiority of American ideals, but the dangers if they are lost. Hitler and his misguided philosophy were confronted directly in Dear Adolph (1942) and You Can't Do Business with Hitler (1942). The first presented letters from Americans outlining their feelings towards the German regime, while the latter was based on the experiences of an American trade attaché who had worked at the American Embassy in Berlin before the Second World War. The enemy tried to use propaganda old time radio to disrupt Allied morale using the radio. Charlie and His Orchestra played popular American Jazz tunes with the lyrics rewritten with a pro-Nazi message. The germans also used Axis Sally while the infamous "Tokyo Rose" was played by as many as a dozen different English speaking women for Japan. Tokyo Rose's mission was to make the GIs homesick by playing popular American Music and telling outlandish tales of girlfriends being unfaithful while their men were at war. The effectiveness of Tokyo Ros's efforts is in dispute, and tales of her supposed clairvoyance in speaking directly to individual units was largely a fabrication for the movies. A global war doesn't come cheap. World War II stimulated the economy, but this in turn had the danger of increasing inflation at a time when shortages could and did occur. Many of the Presiden Rosevelt's advisers advocated increased taxation and enforced saving programs that would raise the funds necessary and control inflation. Roosevelt wisely took the advice of his Treasury Secretary, Henry Morgenthau Jr., and put a voluntary Loan program in place as War clouds loomed in the fall of 1940. The War loans, funded by bonds sold to citizens, had several effects. First, they did raise the money needed to fight what would be a very expensive war. Next, that money was taken out of circulation, thereby controlling inflation. And finally it gave the general citizenry a direct feeling of contributing to the WWII effort. Selling the bonds during WWII became part of a truly phenomenal public relations and advertising campaign. Kiosks manned by volunteers began to pop up where ever people would gather, such as shopping areas and theater lobbies. Celebrity and media support for the War Bond Drives almost became a competition to see who could do the most. Popular singer Kate Smith, well known for her signature rendition of "God Bless America", held a 16 hour marathon broadcast on CBS which sold over $40 million in bonds. The sign-off of nearly every popular radio program had a pitch for WWII bonds. The Treasury Department sponsored a number of popular old time radio programs which would remind listeners to buy bonds. Treasury Star Parade (1942-44) featured Hollywood Stars in short dramas, many of which would remind listeners to comply with rationing and take seriously the other home front sacrifices the second world war made necessary. Treasury Star Salute (1944-46) paid tribute to individuals and organizations that contributed to the American Way of life and the war effort with music and dramatic sketches. Music for Millions (1945) didn't seem to attract the A-list talent of some of the other shows, but featured songs made up just for the bond drive. Guest Star Radio (1947-66) ran after WWII, with an even greater selection of Stars, and promoted "Savings Bonds" rather than "Victory Bonds". President Franklin D. Roosevelt passed away on April 12, 1945 leaving Harry S. Truman in the presidency during the second world war. By the end of the month Mussolini would be killed by Italian Partisans and Adolph Hitler would commit suicide. On May 8, 1945 the Allied Powers accepted the unconditional surrender of the armed forces of Nazi Germany. In early August under President Truman's orders, the United States dropped Atomic Weapons on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. On August 15 Emperor Hirohito announced over the radio to the Japanese people that Japan would accept the terms that the Allies had set forth at the Potsdam Conference. The formal surrender took place on September 2 on board the USS Missouri. The economy of Europe was in ruins. The Soviet Union was able to make a rapid and powerful recovery; soon they would be able to rival the US militarily and in a short time they would develop their own atomic weapons. Because the economy of continental Europe was interdependent between nations, when the German economy was aided by the Marshall Plan most of Europe recovered as well. Great Britain, one of the leading Allied Powers, had been to severely drained by World War II and continued to decline for decades. The US economy had been stimulated by the War, and rode this wave for a number of decades. The post war years were a time of prosperity and baby boom. However there was a growing insecurity as the Soviets gained a degree of world dominance. One World Flight (1947), a program by Norman Corwin, demonstrated how small the world had become as a result of the War. It also highlighted the need for a type of World Government to preclude any possibility of future war, especially as the World entered the Atomic Age. In many ways post War America was better represented by a favorite Veteran, Sad Sack (1946). Sad Sack had been a pantomime cartoon character featured in the Army weekly newspaper Yank. Sad Sack was a lowly private who always wound up at the butt end of the absurdities of military life. He first appeared on the radio, played by Mel Blanc, on GI Journal. After WWII he returned to misadventures in his home town. The series was sponsored by Old Gold Cigarettes as a summer replacement for the Frank Sinatra Show. In many ways radio matured as an technical and entertainment medium during the War. Although VE and VJ day came and went, unresolved tensions among the Allies remained, particularly between the Soviet Union and the Western Powers. Although not as universally acknowledged as the World War, the nascent Cold War soon became pervasive through out Radio in reflection of the Nation as a whole.Just as Bad Guys had gone from Gangsters and Rustlers early in WWII, the new boogie men became Reds and Communists. This was in no small degree a reflection of the destructive power released as the Atomic Age dawned. The Red Scare was another important influence on the entertainment industry, and many careers were hampered. Often as the result of unjustified accusations, see the actions of Sen Joseph McCarthy. Technology had improved in answer to the needs of the Military, and these improvements naturally made their way into the civilian market. Radio broadcasting equipment became easier to operate, civilian receivers cheaper to manufacture, and the sound quality of transmissions improved. Advertisers recognized the improved entertainment value, and began to spend more of their advertising dollars. Unfortunately for Radio, the electronic and manufacturing advances also made possible the rise of Television. Despite the many advantages of the less expensive radio medium, advertisers were drawn by the flashy new kid on the block, and invested their advertising money there. Radio as the dominant entertainment medium was more a victim of post war prosperity than the superiority of TV. Although old time radio was relegated to Little Brother" status by the rise of Television, the solid entertainment value of Programing from the Golden Years of Radio is still with us just as much as the many legacies of the Second World War. |WWII Compilations:||WWII Complete Broadcast Days:| |WWII Entertainment & Music||WWII News| |WWII Propaganda||WWII War Bonds| |America Looks Abroad||1939- 1940||News Commentary/ Allied Propaganda||Produced in co-operation with The Foreign Policy Association. Commentators analyze the situation in Europe, and to a lesser extent the Pacific, in the months prior to America's direct involvement in WWII. Reports emphasize American Diplomatic moves in the Pre-War months.| |American in England||1942||Anglo American Propaganda||Norman Corwin reports from England, whose entire citizenry is basically on the front lines of WWII. Combined Norman Corwin Writing, Edward R Murrow producing, and Benjiman Britten score| |Any Bonds Today?||Home Front War Bond Drive|| Entertaining fifteen-minute Treasury Dept spot featured a Patriotic Sketch and a Patriotic Song |Axis Sally||1942- 1945||German Propaganda||Mildred Gillars lead an abused and disjointed life, eventually winding up in Germany and landing a job with German State Radio. Her reaction to Pearl Harbor nearly got her sent to a concentration camp. Instead she began began broadcasting different shows directed at the US Homefront and G.I.s., disrupting morale with lies developed by Nazi Intelligence Ms Gillars was convicted of a single count of Treason. After her release from prison she lived out most of her days in the Our Lady of Bethlehem Convent in Columbus Ohio| |Band of the AAF Training Command||1944||Troop Morale Builder and Recruiting||Glenn Miller Band in Uniform. In Dec, 1944, Captain Glenn Miller's single engine plane went missing over the English Channel. At the time he was arranging a Tour of Continental Europe to entertain the Troops.| |Battle Stations||1943||Home front Morale Builder||Report to people of the United States on the progress of its navy in the war being fought in five oceans. NBC Department of Special Event, in cooperation with the US Navy| |Blitzkrieg||1940||News Reports||New reports and speeches from various sources concerning Nazi occupation of Europe| |CBS News Around the World (AM Edition)||1942||News Reports||CBS Morning News Reportage| |CBS World News Today||1942- 1945||News Reports||CBS News Broadcasts from 1942- 1945| |Ceiling Unlimited||1943- 1944||home front Morale Builder||Orson Welles writing for Lockheed about aviation and the war| |Charlie and his Orchestra (Nazi Propaganda)||Nazi Propaganda||American Jazz tunes rewritten with Nazi Lyrics| |Christmas At War||Collection||The Holiday Season with the Nation At War| |Churchill (Winston Churchill) Recordings||Historic Recordings||Churchill was the British Prime Minister during the War. His speeches are credited with boosting the morale of the British People during the War's darkest hours, as well as that of people in all the free nations.| |Command Performance||1942- 1949||American Troop Morale Raiser||Hollywood Celebrities gather to answer requests sent into the show by GI's stationed overseas during WWII| |Complete Broadcast 1939 (Nazi Invasion of Poland)||1939||Historic Recordings||The opening of the War in Europe. The Nazi's invade Poland, to which Great Britain and France are forced to respond by declaring War on Germany| |Complete Broadcast 1941 (Japanese Attack on Pearl Harbor) "Day of Infamy||1941||Historic Recordings||The "Day which will live in Infamy". The Japanese sneak attack on Pearl Harbor drew the United States into the War, Germany declares War on the US in support of Japan| |Complete Broadcast 1944 (D-Day Invasion of Normandy CBS)||1944||Historic Recordings||Considered the turning point of War in Europe. The opening of a Second front had long been demanded by the USSR to take pressure off the Eastern Front. The D-Day invasion was the largest Amphibious Invasion ever attempted, and the results were far from assured.| |Complete Broadcast 1944 (D-Day Invasion of Normandy NBC)||1944||Historic Recordings||Considered the turning point of War in Europe. The opening of a Second front had long been demanded by the USSR to take pressure off the Eastern Front. The D-Day invasion was the largest Amphibious Invasion ever attempted, and the results were far from assured.| |Dear Adolf||1942||Allied Propaganda||Six letters from Americans expressing their opinions of Hitler and the Nazi Regime| |Doctor Fights||1945||Stories of our Brave Fighting Men||Exploits of Military Medical Men with an emphasis on the lives saved by the miracle drug penicillin| |Elmer Davis and the News||1939- 1941||News Reports||Long time Indiana Journalist appointed by Roosevelt to head the Office of War Information analyses events of the day though the early days of the War.| |Everything for the Boys||1944 - 45||American Troop Morale Raiser||Star Studded effort to raise the Morale of the troops featuring plays by Arch Oboler, sponsored by Autolite. After the play a Telephone conversation with GIs stationed overseas is featured, they get the chance to request sounds they miss, like an ice cream soda being made, and a maybe to talk to loved ones brought to the studio.| |Eyes Aloft||1942- 1943||Home Front Efforts||In Praise of the efforts put forth by the Civilian Aircraft Warning Service along the West coast.| |FDR Fireside Chats & Speeches||1936- 1945||Historic Recordings||FDR's speeches were broadcast to boost the morale of American at home during WWII| |Fighting AAF||1945||Home front Propaganda From AAF||Reports of the Technological Advances the Army Air Forces used in Victory in WWII and beyond, program claimed to be "an official military operation of the AAF." Produced by the AAF and played over ABC. Notable for early use of Wire recording in the field.| |Gabriel Heatter||1942- 1945||News Reports||Heater's signature sign-on, "There's Good News Tonight" brought optimism to the nation in some of the War's darkest days.Paradoxically, the Nation's great comforter was almost crippled by personal insecurity,| |GI Jive (with G.I. Jill)||Allied Propaganda and Troop Comfort||AFRS Program featuring "Hot Wax" for the Troops. Several DJs are used, including "Pin-up" girls and GI Jane. GI Jane featured hot music and became an answer to Tokyo Rose| |GI Journal||1943- 1946||American Troop Morale Raiser||Celebrities put together a "Newspaper" for the AEF. Featuring Top Name Acts, great set up of Fibber McGee and Molly with Frank Sinatra as Editor. Great feature is a song composed by GIs overseas and sung by starlet at the studio in LA (Connie the "Coffee Girl" Haines)| |Guest Star Radio||1947-1966||Home Front War Bond Drive||Top Flight Celebs soliciting War Bonds with songs and sketches| |Harry S Truman Speeches||Historic Recordings||Truman took office when FDR passed away early in his 4th term as President, less than a month before VE day.| |Hitler (Adolf) Recordings||Historic Recordings| |I Sustain the Wings||1943- 1945||Music for the Troops and the Folks back home.||Capt Glenn Miller and the Band of the AAF Training Command doing there best with Swing Music to beat the Axis. CBS featured a Service Band program or Recruiting/info program each day during this time slot| |Its Maritime||1944- 1945||Troop Morale and Recruiting vehicle||Presenting Stories of America's Maritime tradition and great 40's popular music dedicated to Merchant Mariners. Featuring the Maritime Service Orchestra. Weekly on CBS, sustaining. Produced in cooperation with War Shipping Administration| |Its that Man Again||1939- 1949||British Home Front Morale Builder||ITMA referred originally to Hitler and his advances in Europe. Later the phrase referred to comedian Tommy Handley. The program was vital to helping keep up British Morale during the Wars darkest times. The show was noted for jokes based on the latest breaking War news.| |Jubilee||Troop Morale Builder||Unique in Broadcasting of the time, Jubilee was directed at the many black GIs serving their country.| |Keep Em Rollin||American Home Front Morale Builder||"Remember Pearl Harbor!" The program presents Patriotic music and interviews along with a play, all pointed towards reminding America of the need for the Nation to be united in the War Effort. Some of the talent was provided by the Hollywood Victory Committee. Program presented by the War Production Board| |Lest We Forget||1943-1948||American Home Front Morality Tales||Several series with the central theme of combating prejudice and reinforcing American Ideals and Morals. Presented by the Institute of Democratic Education| |Mail Call||Troop Morale Builder||A Radio "Fan Letter" from Movie and Radio Celebrities to our Troops presented by the Hollywood Victory Committee, transcribed in the AFRS studios in LA. GIs could write in to request their favorite celebrities and content of the show| |Man Behind the Gun||1942-1944||Stories of our Brave Fighting Men||Tales inspired by true stories from the front lines. The listener is placed in the boots of our fighting men, feels the boredom and the terror of war, and feels the sting when a buddy is lost. Sponsored by Elgin Watch Co., emphasis on Precision Time Keeping important to modern Warfare.| |March of Time||News Reports||Weekly program dramatizing the week's news events. When actual recordings were not available, actors would be called in to imitate the actual news-makers and World Leaders. A companion News Reel Series was played in movie houses, but because of high production costs they only appeared once a month or so.| |Music America Loves Best||1944- 1948||MusicalTroop Morale Builder||All types of 40's Music is featured, popular as well as classical. Broadcast every Sat evening over NBC Blue Network, and transcribed for AFRS. Although the program originated on Commercial radio, it was dedicated to the "men and women in the Armed Forces of the United Nations". The shows were decommercialized for AFRS broadcast so that the War Dept would not be seen as endorsing any product.| |One World Flight||1947||POST WAR Propaganda||Corwin flies around the world interviewing and recording, trying to make a case for a World Government in dangerous Atomic times. The One World Award was intended to foster the creation of a One World Government in order to prevent the possibility of War, especially as the world entered the Atomic Age| |Over Here||Home Front War Bond Drive| |Pacific Story||1943-1947||See Atomic Radio Sheet||With much of Europe in ruins during WWII, the nations of the Pacific would become more important to the US as trading and cultural partners. The series examines the culture, people, and history of the region.| OTRCat presents some of our favorite Patriotic Radio Episodes. Included are Historical Dramas, WWII episodes, AFRS Programming, Family Comedy, and Baseball Stories |Plays for Americans||Home front Propaganda||Presented by Arch Oboler| |Robert Arden News Commentary||News Reports||Robert Arden, Foreign Correspondent, makes his comments on pre-War conditions and discusses Anti-Nazi agenda (KFWB, Los Angeles)| |Sad Sack||Jun-Sep 1946||Sit Com POST WAR||The popular WWII cartoon comes to the radio sponsored by Old Gold Cigarettes, starring Herb Vigran and Jim Backus. The Sad Sack Cartoon was drawn in pantomine with no dialog, while the radio program had no pictures! Sad Sack originally came to radio on GI Journal, played by Mel Blanc| |So Proudly We Hail||1947-1957||Army and Air Force Recruiting Drama||Long running Drama Anthology using major stars and recorded before live studio audience| |Soldiers of the Press||1942- 1945||Stories of our Brave Fighting Men||Front line stories of War Correspondents, United Press Reporters get into the thick of battle and bring the story behind the headlines back to the folks back home| |Sounds of War|| The Major events and campaigns of WWII are presented using historic recordings and reenactments of important speeches. |Speaking of Liberty||1941||Intellectual Interview Program||Presented by NBC Before the US entered the War. Discussions under the auspices of the Council for Democracy (Hosted by Rex Stout)| |Summer of 1940 New||1940||News Reports||CBS News reports PreWar Europe, during the period just previous to the US entry to the war (CBS News)| |This is War||1942||Home Front Propaganda|| The project was intended to inform the American People of the Reasons the US was fighting the War, the greatest talent in radio was called upon in support of the project. Norman Corwin directed the series and wrote 9 of the 13 episodes. The program was concurrently broadcast on the four major networks. |These Are Our Men||1944- 1945||Stories of our Brave Fighting Men||Focus on American Leaders of the War. Sponsored by Parker Watch Company as part of the War Bond Drive. The company went out of business after the War.| |Today in Europe||1939- 1940||News Reports||CBS News reports PreWar Europe| |Tokyo Rose (WWII Japanese Propaganda)||Japanese Propaganda||NHK broadcast Popular American Music to attract GIs, then peppered the broadcast withtidbits designed to disrupt their morale and dedication to the Allied cause. GIs often tuned in the broadcast to "read between the lines" to get a feel for how the War was going. Iva Toguri D'Aquino, one of several "Tokyo Rose" broadcasters, was pardoned by Pres Ford in the 1970s| |Treasury Salute||1944-1946||Home Front War Bond Drive||Presented by the Treasury Department, program was based on a salute to heroic individuals, both military and civilians, as well as occupations and Military Units| |Treasury Star Parade||1942- 1944||Home Front War Bond Drive||Well written 15 minute dramas broadcast for the Treasury Department in support of the War Effort and the War Loan drive. Great Radio talent worked on the program in in front of and behind the mike, all donated to the War Effort| |War Telescope||1943- 1944||News Reports||Weekly reports from Elmer Peterson from the European Theater, presented over NBC. Elmer Peterson based his commentary on preWar experience in Europe as well as interaction with American and Allied soldiers of all ranks.| |WEAF 12-Hour Broadcast, (Aug 10 1945 Atomic Bombing Nagasaki)||1945||News Reports||Station WEAF began transcribing their broadcast under the assumption the atomic detonation on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 would be the final day of the war. The station recorded the entire Broadcast day in expectation of the Japanese surrender.| |Wings to Victory||1940- 1943||American Homefront Morale Building Propaganda||Dramatic presentations of American Fliers in the fight against the Axis| |Words At War||1943- 1945||"Free words of Free Men", dramatizations of the best books and literature to come out of the War. Sponsored by the Johnson Wax Company, summer replacement for Fibber McGee and Molly.| |World War II Collection||Compilation||From the rise of the Nazis in 32 through the War to VJ Day and the beginnings of the Cold War. The Collection includes extensive News reports, AFRS Broadcasts, Homefront Entertainment shows, and War related PSAs| |You Can't Do Business with Hitler||1942||American Propaganda||The Nazi regime had declared a trade war on the US years before the bullets began to fly. Unfair trade practices are described in the book that inspired the series, written by Douglas Miller, former employee of the US Embassy in Berlin (Office For Emergency Management, Division Of Information, syndication.)| |Your Hit Parade||1935 - 1959||Hit Music||Weekly chronical of Hit music from the Tin Pan Alley era through the War Years until the beginning of the Rock and Roll Era|

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2D Graphics Algorithms (part 2) – transcript Previously, we’ve gone over a so-called “naive” line drawing algorithm, which, while workable, doesn’t have the best performance. Bresenham’s line algorithm, named for its inventor Jack Bresenham, is the most commonly used method for drawing lines, as it requires using only addition and subtraction per pixel instead of slower division and multiplication operations. Like with our naive line algorithm, in Bresenham’s, we treat line drawing as two separate cases: When our slope is between 1 and negative 1, we draw each pixel such that x increases by 1 while y increases by the slope. When our slope is greater than 1 or less than negative 1, we do the reverse, drawing each pixel such that y increases by 1 while x is incremented by the inverse of the slope. The difference from our previous method is that, in Bresenham, we aren’t using the equation of our line except once to find the slope: instead of plugging in x values to get y values or vice versa, we simply increment by the slope (or inverse of the slope) for each pixel. So here for example, we have our line starting dead center on the leftmost pixel and sloping up to the right with a slope less than 1. For each subsequent pixel-center x coord, we can find the line’s corresponding y coord by simply accumulating the line slope. So for a slope of 0.4, the y coord for the second pixel is 0.4 units higher, the third pixel is 0.8 units higher, the fourth pixel is 1.2 units higher, and so forth. Be clear that these are coordinates relative from the center of the first pixel. The next question is how to use these relative y coordinates of the line to get pixel y coordinates. The most straight forward solution is to round to the nearest integer, giving us relative pixel y coordinates we can add to the starting pixel’s y coord. Rounding 0.4 gets us 0, 0.8 gets us 1, 1.2 also gets us 1, etc. We add these values to the y pixel coordinate of the first pixel, yielding our y pixel coordinates for the rest of the line. The problem is that rounding, like multiplication and division, is a relatively costly operation which we’d rather avoid. So the Bresenham algorithm instead proceeds by observing that the y pixel coordinates here get incremented by 1 every time the accumulated slope reaches a threshold of point 5. So when the accumulated slope first passes 0.5, we go up a pixel; when it hits 1.5, we go up another pixel; and when we hit 2.5, we go up another pixel, and so forth. So rather than rounding, we can simply increment our y pixel coordinate each time the accumulated slope reaches these point 5 thresholds. Let’s see how this plays out in code. The basic structure is the same as our previous algorithm, with vertical lines treated exactly the same as their own special case. We also again treat lines with a run greater than rise as one case and lines with a run greater than rise as another. Zooming in on the run greater than rise case, where the slope, m, is between 1 and -1, things are very similar, except we no longer calculate the line intercept value b; instead, we have an offset that starts at 0 and a threshold to check against that starts at 0.5. Again, the idea is that we iterate from the smallest x value to the largest x value, computing the proper y value coord for that x, and drawing a pixel at that coord. So depending upon whether x1 or x2 is smaller, we designate one of the end points as our starting x and y values. We then use a for in loop to loop from the smaller starting x up to the larger end x, drawing a pixel at the current x and y, incrementing the offset by delta (which is our slope), and if the offset is now greater than the threshold, we increment y by one pixel and increment the threshold. Notice that our offset and threshold are always positive, but the variable adjust is negative 1 if our slope is negative because in that case we want to move the y coordinate down, not up. So again, we’re accumulating the offset by delta and then incrementing the y coordinate and the threshold every time the offset passes the threshold. The case for a rise greater than run is virtually identical but for swapping the x’s and y’s (except in the call to setPixel) and but for the initial delta of run over rise instead of rise over run. So far so good: we have a working Bresenham algorithm that works using just simple addition and comparisons without any multiplication or division (aside from the one time we compute the slope). However, we could get even better performance on most hardware by forgoing the use of any float values and instead just using integers. This is perfectly doable once we observe that the particular values of the offsets and thresholds only matter in proportion to each other; we can multiply them both by anything we want as long as we scale them equally. So first off we want to double everything so that our threshold values go from 0.5, 1.5, 2.5, 3.5, and so forth to 1, 3, 5, 7, and so forth. This requires not only doubling our starting threshold value but also doubling the value by which we increment the threshold. So the threshold starts out at 1 and each time we increment it, we increment it by 2, not 1. Now our threshold values are integers, but what about the delta? Well when the delta is rise divided by run, we can get an integer by multiplying by run, and when the delta is run divided by rise, we can get an integer by multiplying by rise. So in sum, we multiply everything by 2 and also either the rise or the run, depending on the slope. Remember that when the slope is between 1 and -1, our delta is normally rise over run, our starting threshold is 0.5, and the threshold increment is 1. If we multiply them each by absolute(run) and 2, we get a delta of absolute rise times 2, a starting threshold of absolute run, and a threshold increment of absolute run times 2. For the other case of a slope not between 1 and -1, our delta is normally run over rise, our starting threshold is again 0.5, and the threshold increment is again just 1. If we multiply them each by absolute rise and 2, we get a delta of absolute run times 2, a starting threshold of absolute rise, and a threshold increment of absolute rise times 2. So we’ve effectively gotten rid of floats in our algorithm. You can see this code at work in our draw module as the bresenhamLineOpt method. Before moving on, I should note that details of the Bresenham line algorithm often differ in various implementations: the core idea in all cases is to use an accumulated offset tested against a threshold, but it is not always described in those terms, and some implementations handle the offset and threshold differently. In particular, it’s very common to keep the threshold constant and instead adjust down the accumulated offset. So instead of a threshold that goes from 0.5 to 1.5 to 2.5 and so forth, the threshold can be kept at 0.5, instead decrementing the offset when it passes the threshold. Here for example, you see that when the threshold is met and the pixel coordinate adjusted by one, the offset gets decremented by one, going into negative territory (denoted as the blue lines). Because the offset passes the threshold at the same pixels this way, it all works out the same. Does adjusting just one variable in the comparison instead of two make the loop perform better? I’m not sure, but I imagine it depends upon the hardware. In either case, I just find this variant initially more difficult to visualize and explain, which is why I presented the other variant. Here we see the result of the same large image shrunken down to a quarter size, but using different algorithms. On the left, we used nearest neighbor interpolation, but on the right, we used bilinear interpolation. The bilinear technique avoids the pixilation of nearest neighbor and so is preferred in almost all circumstances. The one exception is with pixel art. Here we see the same small pixel image doubled in size using nearest neighbor on the left and bilinear on the right. Whereas bilinear interpolation effectively blurs the image, nearest neighbor preserves the hard-edged, pixely look of the smaller original. Let’s look at how these two interpolation techniques work. First off, consider the simple case of scaling a one-dimensional image using nearest neighbor. We have a row of 5 pixels we want to resize to a row of 8 pixels. For our purposes here, we can think of pixels as little squares, even if that isn’t totally accurate in other contexts. The essence of what we want to do here is translate from one coordinate system to another. The five pixel image is a coordinate system that runs from 0.0 at the left edge of its leftmost pixel to 5.0 at the right edge of its rightmost pixel. Likewise, the eight pixel image is a coordinate system that runs from 0.0 on the left edge to 8.0 on the right edge. The question is how the coordinates in our five pixel “source” image line up with the coordinates in our eight pixel “destination” image. Clearly 0.0 in the source cooresponds to 0.0 in the destination, and 5.0 in the source corresponds to 8.0 in the destination, but what about everything in between? Well that’s a simple math problem of scaling. The point that lies at N percent along one axis lies at the N percent point along the other axis, e.g. the point that lies halfway along one axis corresponds to the point that lies halfway along the other, and the point that lies one third along one axis corresponds to the point that lies one third along the other. In this case, halfway between 0.0 and 5.0 is 2.5, and halfway between 0.0 and 8.0 is 4.0, so 2.5 in our source corresponds to 4.0 in our destination. Given a particular point on one axis, we can find the corresponding point by first figuring the proportion of the point along the axis by dividing by the length of the axis, then multiplying the result by the length of the other axis. For our purposes, we want to go from destination coordinates to source coordinates, so our formula is source coord = destination coord divided by destination length multiplied by the source length. So given a destination coordinate 5.5, we find the corresponding source coordinate by dividing by 8 and then multiplying by 5, yielding 3.4375. In nearest neighbor interpolation, the idea is that, for every pixel center in the destination, we find the corresponding point in the source and simply copy the pixel value there. So because 5.5 corresponds to 3.4375, which is falls in the bounds of the purple pixel, that destination pixel will have the same purple color. If we do the same for the destination pixel at coordinate 1.5, we divide by 8, multiply by 5, and get 0.9375, which in the source is in bounds of the first pixel, so that destination pixel will have the same blue color. We use this method for every pixel and this is what we get. Every pixel value in the destination comes verbatim from the nearest corresponding pixel in the source. Applied in two dimensions, we simply interpolate along two axes. (Note that whether our y axis goes up down is arbitrary as long as we’re consistent between the source and destination.) Here, we find the source coordinate corresponding to the pixel center at 1.5, 0.5, yielding 0.6, 0.33, which lies in the bounds of the red pixel, so the destination pixel will have that same red color. Again, exact same principle, just applied twice for two dimensions. Consider though the case of the pixel center at 2.5, 0.5. The corresponding point in the source lies perfectly on a boundary between two pixels, raising the question which color to copy. Whether we consider points on boundaries to fall one way or the other is arbitrary, but we should be consistent. In this case we decide that points on vertical boundaries count as inside the pixel to the right, so we copy the purple value. Linear interpolation starts from the same place: we want to find the source coordinate corresponding to each pixel center coordinate in the destination. The difference in linear interpolation is that we don’t take the color value of the overlapping pixel verbatim but rather factor in the color of the second-nearest pixel. So here, when a pixel center corresponds to a point 7.8 inside this blue pixel of the source, we don’t just take the blue color verbatim but factor in the orange of the second-nearest pixel. The question, now, is how to blend the two colors. We want the blending to be proportional to how close the coordinate is to the other pixel. A coordinate lying directly on the border between two pixels should take equally from both, while a coordinate lying on the exact center of a pixel should take nothing from other pixels. So were our coordinate here 8.0, it would lie directly on the border between the blue and orange pixels and so should result in an equal mix of the two. But were our coordinate here 7.5, the center of the blue pixel, we would just take the blue color verbatim. Another way to put it is that, at coordinate 7.5, we take 100 percent of the blue and 0 percent of the orange; at coordinate 8.0 we take 50 percent of the blue and 50 percent of the orange; at coordinate 8.5, we take 0 percent of the blue and 100 percent of the orange. So, for a coordinate 7.8, which lies 30 percent of the distance from the blue pixel center to the orange pixel center, we take 70 percent of the blue and 30 percent of the orange. As a formula, we first find the distance of the coordinate between the pixel centers expressed as a percentage along the way. The hiccup is that we can’t simply subtract 7.5 from 7.8 because we don’t have the figure 7.5: we just have the coordinate. To find the coordinate of the center of the pixel to the left, we subtract 0.5, take the floor (i.e. we round down), and add back 0.5. The distance is then our coordinate minus this pixel center. This distance is effectively the percentage of where the coordinate lies along the distance between the two surrounding pixel centers. Here 7.8 minus 7.5 gets us a distance of 0.3, which correctly denotes that our coordinate is 30% of the way between the left pixel center and the right pixel center. As a small optimization, we can avoid adding back the 0.5. We subtract 0.5 and use that as an “adjusted coord” from which we subtract the floor of that same adjusted coord. We effectively moved both our start and end point by 0.5, so we get the same distance between them. For another example, say our coordinate is instead 8.2. Again, the problem is to find the distance between the coordinate and the first pixel center to its left. That pixel center is here again 7.5, and 8.2 minus 7.5 gets us 0.7. 8.2 is 70 percent of the way from the blue pixel center to the orange pixel center, so we want a color value that takes 30 percent from the blue and 70 percent from the orange. To figure this, we first note that the ratio we want to take from the right pixel is the same as our distance, 0.7, and the ratio we want to take from the left pixel is the inverse, 1 – 0.7, which is 0.3. With these ratios, we can blend the two pixel colors by calculating each color channel separately. For the red channel value, for example, we multiply the left pixel red value by the left ratio and multiply the right pixel red value by the right ratio, and then add those two products together to get a our blended red value. Do this for red, green, and blue, and we get our color value. So let’s say here our blue pixel has a red channel value of 30 and the orange pixel has a red channel value of 150. Then leftRed multiplied by leftRatio is 30 * 0.3, yielding 9; rightRed multiplied by rightRatio is 150 multiplied by 0.7, yielding 105; add 9 and 105 together gets us our red value, 114. Understand that this formula finds the value that lies 70 percent along the distance between our left red value 30 and our right red value 150. While the more intuitive method is to subtract 30 from 150 to get 120, then take 70 percent of that to get 84, and then add back in 30 to get 114, that method requires first identifying which color value is lesser to decide which to subtract from the other and so requires a branch when implemented in code. This less intuitive formula here requires no branching. On the other hand, it does require two multiplications instead of just one. Which formula ends up being more efficient probably depends upon the hardware. Linear interpolation applied in two dimensions we call bilinear interpolation. Again, like in nearest neighbor, the first thing to do is find our coordinate in both dimensions. So say our destination pixel center maps to source coordinate 8.2, 4.9. What we want to do then is factor in all four nearest pixels: the blue, purple, and red, as well as the orange. We can do this by first interpolating between the top pair and the bottom pair of pixels to get another pair of color values, then interpolate that pair to get our final color. Alternatively, we could first interpolate the two left pixels and separately the two right pixels, then interpolate their results together. The choice is arbitrary. In this case, we’ll pair them off top and bottom. So to interpolate the blue and orange pixels together and then separately the purple and red pixels together, we need the distance from coordinate 8.2 to the center of the left pixels, which will again be 0.7. So using this ratio, we can get two new color values, which we can then in turn interpolate together, but this time using the ratios between the top and bottom we get by subtracting 4.5 from 4.9, yielding 0.4. So the top color contributes 60 percent while the bottom color contributes 40 percent. It may seem odd that we can interpolate the pixels in pairs instead of all together, but we can see it all checks out if we ask how much each of the four pixels should contribute to the end result. The left pair should contribute 30 percent while the right contributes 70, and the top pair should contribute 60 percent while the bottom contributes 40. Multiplying these values for each pixel tells us how much each contributes: the blue contributes 18 percent, the orange 42, the purple 12, and the red 28, all adding up to 100 percent, as it should. And note that, in line with intuition, the orange contributes the most, the purple the least, and the red more than the blue because the coordinate is closer to the red pixel than it is to the blue. Looking at code, we use our coordinate to get distances and from the distances ratios. We then use the ratios to first compute the red component interpolated between the two top pixels, then the red component interpolated between the two bottom pixels, and last we get our final red value by interpolating between these composited top and bottom red values. Lastly, there is the question of how to deal with the edge case–the literal edge case–of coordinates lying on the edge of the image. How can we interpolate between pixels that don’t exist? Well, the simplest and most common solution is to treat the edges, for the purpose of interpolation, as surrounded by duplicates of the outermost pixels. So here now we could do a four way interpolation on this coordinate. To be clear, the four-way interpolation results in the same color as the two-way interpolation would, but this way we can use the same code for all coordinates without branching for special cases, which, depending upon hardware, may be the more efficient approach. Another solution is to wrap the image around, which is a good solution when our image is being tiled, like in a wallpaper. If we’re compositing our image over a solid background color, we’ll get the cleanest looking edges if we interpolate with that background color as the border around our image. So here, if we’re going to display this resampled image on a solid black background, it makes sense to interpolate using a black border. For an actual implementations of image resampling with nearest neighbor and bilinear interpolation, we won’t belabor the actual code here, but you’ll find their implementations in our draw module.

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Benjamin N. Cardozo |Benjamin N. Cardozo| |Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court| March 2, 1932 – July 9, 1938 |Nominated by||Herbert Hoover| |Preceded by||Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.| |Succeeded by||Felix Frankfurter| |Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals| January 1, 1927 – March 7, 1932 |Preceded by||Frank H. Hiscock| |Succeeded by||Cuthbert W. Pound| |Associate Judge of the New York Court of Appeals| February 1914 – December 31, 1926 Benjamin Nathan Cardozo May 24, 1870 New York City, New York July 9, 1938 Port Chester, New York |Alma mater||Columbia University| Benjamin Nathan Cardozo (May 24, 1870 – July 9, 1938) was an American jurist who served on the New York Court of Appeals and later as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. Cardozo is remembered for his significant influence on the development of American common law in the 20th century, in addition to his philosophy and vivid prose style. Cardozo served on the Supreme Court six years, from 1932 until his death in 1938. Many of his landmark decisions were delivered during his eighteen-year tenure on the New York Court of Appeals, the highest court of that state. Life and career 1 - Early years 1.1 - New York Court of Appeals 1.2 - United States Supreme Court 1.3 - Death 1.4 - Personal life 1.5 - The question of Cardozo's ethnicity 2 - Cases 3 - In his own words 4 - Bibliography 5 - See also 6 - Notes 7 - Further reading 8 - External links 9 Life and career Cardozo was born in 1870 in New York City, the son of Rebecca Washington (née Nathan) and Albert Jacob Cardozo. Both Cardozo's maternal grandparents, Sara Seixas and Isaac Mendes Seixas Nathan, and his paternal grandparents, Ellen Hart and Michael H. Cardozo, were Western Sephardim of the Portuguese Jewish community, affiliated with Manhattan's Congregation Shearith Israel; their families emigrated from London, England before the American Revolution. The family were descended from Jewish-origin New Christian conversos who left the Iberian Peninsula for Holland during the Inquisition, after which they returned to Judaism. Cardozo family tradition held that their marrano (New Christians who maintained crypto-Jewish practices in secrecy) ancestors were from Portugal, although Cardozo's ancestry has not been firmly traced to Portugal. However, "Cardozo" (archaic spelling of Cardoso), "Seixas" and "Mendes" are the Portuguese, rather than Spanish, spelling of those common Iberian surnames. Benjamin Cardozo was a twin with his sister Emily. They had a total of four siblings, including an older sister and brother. One of many cousins was the poet Emma Lazarus; another was the preacher, politician, and teacher Francis Lewis Cardozo. Benjamin was named for his uncle, Benjamin Nathan, a vice president of the New York Stock Exchange and the victim of a noted famous unsolved murder case in 1870. Albert Cardozo, Benjamin Cardozo's father, was a judge on the Supreme Court of New York (the state's general trial court) until 1868, when he was implicated in a judicial corruption scandal, sparked by the Erie Railway takeover wars. The scandal led to the creation of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York and his father's resignation from the bench. After leaving the court, he practiced law for nearly two decades more until his death in 1885. Rebecca Cardozo died in 1879 when Benjamin and Emily were young. The twins were raised during much of their childhood by their older sister Nell, who was 11 years older. One of Benjamin's tutors was Horatio Alger. At age 15, Cardozo entered Columbia University where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, and then went on to Columbia Law School in 1889. Cardozo wanted to enter a profession that could materially aid himself and his siblings, but he also hoped to restore the family name, sullied by his father's actions as a judge. When Cardozo entered Columbia Law School, the program was only two years long; in the midst of his studies, however, the faculty voted to extend the program to three years. Cardozo declined to stay for an extra year, and thus left law school without a law degree. He passed the bar in 1891 and began practicing appellate law alongside his older brother. Benjamin Cardozo practiced law in New York City until 1914. In November 1913, Cardozo was narrowly elected to a 14-year term on the New York Supreme Court, taking office on January 1, 1914. New York Court of Appeals In February 1914, Cardozo was designated to the New York Court of Appeals under the Amendment of 1899, and reportedly was the first Jew to serve on the Court of Appeals. In January 1917, he was appointed to a regular seat on the Court of Appeals to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Samuel Seabury, and in November 1917, he was elected on the Democratic and Republican tickets to a 14-year term on the Court of Appeals. In 1926, he was elected, on both tickets again, to a 14-year term as Chief Judge. He took office on January 1, 1927, and resigned on March 7, 1932 to accept an appointment to the United States Supreme Court. His tenure was marked by a number of original rulings, in tort and contract law in particular. This is partly due to timing; rapid industrialization was forcing courts to look anew at old common law components to adapt to new settings. In 1921, Cardozo gave the Storrs Lectures at Yale University, which were later published as The Nature of the Judicial Process (On line version), a book that remains valuable to judges today. Shortly thereafter, Cardozo became a member of the group that founded the American Law Institute, which crafted a Restatement of the Law of Torts, Contracts, and a host of other private law subjects. He wrote three other books that also became standards in the legal world. While on the Court of Appeals, he criticized the Exclusionary rule as developed by the federal courts, and stated that: "The criminal is to go free because the constable has blundered." He noted that many states had rejected the rule, but suggested that the adoption by the federal courts would affect the practice in the sovereign states. United States Supreme Court In 1932, President Herbert Hoover appointed Cardozo to the Supreme Court of the United States to succeed Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. The New York Times said of Cardozo's appointment that "seldom, if ever, in the history of the Court has an appointment been so universally commended." Democratic Cardozo's appointment by a Republican president has been referred to as one of the few Supreme Court appointments in history not motivated by partisanship or politics, but strictly based on the nominee's contribution to law. However, Hoover was running for re-election, eventually against Franklin Roosevelt, so a larger political calculation may have been operating. Cardozo was confirmed by a unanimous voice vote in the Senate on February 24. On a radio broadcast on March 1, 1932, the day of Cardozo's confirmation, Clarence C. Dill, Democratic Senator for Washington, called Hoover's appointment of Cardozo "the finest act of his career as President". The entire faculty of the University of Chicago Law School had urged Hoover to nominate him, as did the deans of the law schools at Harvard, Yale, and Columbia. Justice Harlan Fiske Stone strongly urged Hoover to name Cardozo, even offering to resign to make room for him if Hoover had his heart set on someone else (Stone had in fact suggested to Calvin Coolidge that he should nominate Cardozo rather than himself back in 1925). Hoover, however, originally demurred: there were already two justices from New York, and a Jew on the court; in addition, Justice James McReynolds was a notorious anti-Semite. When the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, William E. Borah of Idaho, added his strong support for Cardozo, however, Hoover finally bowed to the pressure. Cardozo was a member of the Three Musketeers along with Brandeis and Stone, which was considered to be the liberal faction of the Supreme Court. In his years as an Associate Justice, he handed down opinions that stressed the necessity for the tightest adherence to the Tenth Amendment. In late 1937, Cardozo had a heart attack, and in early 1938, he suffered a stroke. He died on July 9, 1938, at the age of 68 and was buried in Beth Olam Cemetery in Queens. His death came at a time of much transition for the court, as many of the other justices died or retired during the late 1930s and early 1940s. As an adult, Cardozo no longer practiced his faith (he identified himself as an agnostic), but remained proud of his Jewish heritage. Of the six children born to Albert and Rebecca Cardozo, only his twin sister Emily married, and she and her husband did not have any children. As far as is known, Benjamin Cardozo led a celibate life. The fact that Cardozo was unmarried and was personally tutored by the writer Horatio Alger (who had been accused of inappropriate sexual relations with young boys) has led some of Cardozo's biographers to insinuate that Cardozo was homosexual, but no real evidence exists to corroborate this possibility. Constitutional law scholar Jeffrey Rosen noted in a New York Times Book Review of Richard Polenberg's book on Cardozo: |“||Polenberg describes Cardozo's lifelong devotion to his older sister Nell, with whom he lived in New York until her death in 1929. When asked why he had never married, Cardozo replied, quietly and sadly, 'I never could give Nellie the second place in my life.'||”| The question of Cardozo's ethnicity Cardozo was the second Jew, the first being Louis Brandeis, to be appointed to the Supreme Court. Since Cardozo was a member of the Spanish and Portuguese Jewish community, there has been recent discussion as to whether he should be considered the 'first Hispanic justice,' a notion which is controversial, given that the Spanish Crown expelled the Jews who would not convert and persecuted even some that did. In response to this controversy, Cardozo biographer Kaufman questioned the usage of the term "Hispanic" in the justice's lifetime, stating: "Well, I think he regarded himself as a Sephardic Jew whose ancestors came from the Iberian Peninsula." If his family is Portuguese, as he said, then both by definition and by law, this family is not Hispanic. It has also been asserted that Cardozo himself "confessed in 1937 that his family preserved neither the Spanish language nor Iberian cultural traditions". Ancestors had lived in English-speaking countries since the 17th century. - New York Courts - Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital, 105 N.E. 92 (1914) it is necessary to get informed consent from a patient before operation, but a non-profit hospital was not vicariously liable (the latter aspect was reversed in 1957) - MacPherson v. Buick Motor Co., 111 N.E. 1050 (1916) ending privity as a source of duty in products liability, ruling that manufacturers of products could be held liable for injuries to consumers. - DeCicco v. Schweizer, 117 N.E. 807 (1917) where Cardozo approached the issue of third party beneficiary law in a contract for marriage case. - Wood v. Lucy, Lady Duff-Gordon, 118 N.E. 214 (1917) on an implied promise to do something constituting consideration in a contract. - Martin v. Herzog, 126 N.E. 814 (1920) breach of statutory duty establishes negligence, and the elements of the claim includes proof of causation - Jacob & Youngs v. Kent, 230 N.Y. 239 (1921), substantial performance of a contract does not lead to a right to terminate, only damages. - Hynes v. New York Central Railroad Company, 131 N.E. 898 (1921), a railway owed a duty of care despite the victims being trespassers. - Glanzer v Shepard, 233 N.Y. 236, 135 N.E. 275, 23 A.L.R. 1425 (1922), a Caballero bean weighing dispute, with duties imposed by law but growing out of contract - Berkey v. Third Avenue Railway, 244 N.Y. 84 (1926), the corporate veil cannot be pierced, even in favor of a tort victim unless domination of a subsidiary by the parent is complete. - Wagner v. International Railway, 232 N.Y. 176 (1926) the rescue doctrine. "Danger invites rescue. The cry of distress is the summons to relief [...] The emergency begets the man. The wrongdoer may not have foreseen the coming of a deliverer. He is accountable as if he had." - Meinhard v. Salmon, 164 N.E. 545 (1928) the fiduciary duty of business partners is, "Not honesty alone, but the punctilio of an honor the most sensitive." - Palsgraf v. Long Island Rail Road Co., 162 N.E. 99 (1928) the development of the concept of the proximate cause in tort law. - Jessie Schubert v. August Schubert Wagon Company, 164 N.E. 42 (1929) Respondeat Superior and spousal immunity relationship are not related. - Murphy v. Steeplechase Amusement Park, 166 N.E. 173 (1929) denied a right to recover for knee injury from riding "The Flopper" funride since the victim "assumed the risk." - Ultramares v. Touche, 174 N.E. 441 (1931) on the limitation of liability of auditors - US Supreme Court - Nixon v. Condon, 286 U.S. 73 (1932) all white Texas Democratic Party unconstitutional - Welch v. Helvering, 290 U.S. 111 (1933) which concerns Internal Revenue Code Section 162 and the meaning of "ordinary" business deductions. - Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan, 293 U.S. 388 (1935) dissenting from a narrow interpretation of the Commerce Clause. - A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495 (1935), concurring in the invalidation of poultry regulations as outside the commerce clause power. - Carter v. Carter Coal Company, 298 U.S. 238 (1936) dissenting over the scope of the Commerce Clause. - Steward Machine Company v. Davis, 301 U.S. 548 (1937) unemployment compensation and social security were constitutional - Helvering v. Davis, 301 U.S. 619 (1937) social security not a contributory programme - Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319 (1937) the due process clause incorporated those rights which were "implicit in the concept of ordered liberty." In his own words Cardozo's opinion of himself shows some of the same flair as his legal opinions: In truth, I am nothing but a plodding mediocrity—please observe, a plodding mediocrity—for a mere mediocrity does not go very far, but a plodding one gets quite a distance. There is joy in that success, and a distinction can come from courage, fidelity and industry. Schools, organizations, and buildings named after Cardozo - Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law at Yeshiva University in New York City - Cardozo College, a dormitory building at the State University of New York at Stony Brook - Benjamin N. Cardozo Lodge #163, Knights of Pythias - Benjamin N. Cardozo High School in the borough of Queens in New York City - The Cardozo Hotel in Miami - Cardozo, Benjamin N. (1921), The Nature of the Judicial Process, The Storrs Lectures Delivered at Yale University. - Cardozo, Benjamin N. (1928). The Paradoxes of Legal Science. - Cardozo, Benjamin N. (1889), The Altruist in Politics, commencement oration at Columbia College, Gutenberg Project version. - Demographics of the Supreme Court of the United States - List of Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States - List of law clerks of the Supreme Court of the United States - List of U.S. Supreme Court Justices by time in office - United States Supreme Court cases during the Hughes Court - "Federal Judicial Center: Benjamin Cardozo". 2009-12-12. Retrieved 2009-12-12. - Kaufman, Andrew L. (1998). Cardozo. Harvard University Press. pp. 6–9. - Mark Sherman, 'First Hispanic justice? Some say it was Cardozo', The Associated Press, 2009. - Pearson, Edmund L. "The Twenty-Third Street Murder". Studies in Murder. Ohio State University Press. pp. 123–164. - Christopher L. Tomlins (2005). The United States Supreme Court. - Supreme Court Justices Who Are Phi Beta Kappa Members, ‘’Phi Beta Kappa website’’, accessed Oct 4, 2009 - Levy, Beryl Harold (November 2007). "Realist Jurisprudence and Prospective Overruling". New York Review of Books LIV (17): 10, n. 31. - Designation in NYT on February 3, 1914 - People of the State of New York v. John Defore, 150 N.E. 585 (1926). - Spence, Karl (2006). "Fair or Foul? Exclusionary rule hurts the innocent by protecting the guilty". Yo! Liberals! You Call This Progress? (Converse, Texas: ISBN 978-0976682608. - Polenberg, Richard. The World of Benjamin Cardozo: Personal Values and the Judicial Process. Cambridge, Massachusetts: ISBN 978-0674960527 - "Cardozo is named to Supreme Court". New York Times. 1932-02-16. - James Taranto, Leonard Leo (2004). Presidential Leadership. Wall Street Journal Books. - (New York Times, February 25, 1932, p. 1) - (New York Times, March 2, 1932, p. 13) - (Handler, 1995) - , YearbookHere Lies the Supreme Court: Gravesites of the JusticesChristensen, George A. (1983) at the Wayback Machine (archived September 3, 2005) Supreme Court Historical Society at Internet Archive. - See also, Christensen, George A., Here Lies the Supreme Court: Revisited, Journal of Supreme Court History, Volume 33 Issue 1, Pages 17 – 41 (19 Feb 2008), University of Alabama. - Benjamin Cardozo., Jewish Virtual Library, - , May 27, 2009"USA TodayCardozo was first, but was he Hispanic?,' '". May 27, 2009. Retrieved 2009-06-02. - May 26, 2009"Associated Press"Mark Sherman, 'First Hispanic Justice? Some Say It Was Cardozo,' . Retrieved 2009-06-02. - US News & World Report May 29, 2009"Would Sotomayor be the First Hispanic Supreme Court Justice or Was it Cardozo?"Robert Schlesinger, . - , May 26, 2009"New York Times"Neil A. Lewis, 'Was a Hispanic Justice on the Court in the ’30s?,' . The New York Times. May 27, 2009. Retrieved April 26, 2010. - Aviva Ben-Ur, "East Meets West: Sephardic Strangers and Kin," Sephardic Jews in America: A Diasporic History (New York: New York University Press, 2009), p. 86. - As quoted in Nine Old Men (1936) by Drew Pearson and Robert Sharon Allen, p. 221. - * * * Benjamin N. Cardozo Lodge at www.cardozospeaks.org - Abraham, Henry J. (1999). Justices, Presidents, and Senators: A History of the U.S. Supreme Court Appointments from Washington to Clinton (Revised ed.). Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. - Cardozo, Benjamin N. (1957). An Introduction to Law. Cambridge: Harvard Law Review Association. (Chapters by eight distinguished American judges). - Cunningham, Lawrence A. (1995). "Cardozo and Posner: A Study in Contracts". William & Mary Law Review 36: 1379. - Cardozo, Benjamin N. [1870–1938]. Essays Dedicated to Mr. Justice Cardozo. [N.p.]: Published by Columbia Law Review, Harvard Law Review, Yale Law Journal, 1939. pp. Contributors: Harlan Fiske Stone, the Rt. Hon. Lord Maugham, Herbert Vere Evatt, Learned Hand, Irving Lehman, Warren Seavey, Arthur L. Corbin, Felix Frankfurter. Also includes a reprint of Cardozo’s essay "Law And Literature" with a foreword by James M. Landis. - Cushman, Clare (2001). The Supreme Court Justices: Illustrated Biographies, 1789–1995 (2nd ed.). ( - Frank, John P. (1995). Friedman, Leon; Israel, Fred L., eds. The Justices of the United States Supreme Court: Their Lives and Major Opinions. Chelsea House Publishers. - Frankfurter, Felix, Mr. Justice Cardozo and Public Law, Columbia Law Review 39 (1939): 88–118, Harvard Law Review 52 (1939): 440–470, Yale Law Journal 48 (1939): 458–488. - Hall, Kermit L., ed. (1992). The Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States. New York: Oxford University Press. - Handler, Milton (1995). "Stone's Appointment by Coolidge". The Supreme Court Historical Society Quarterly 16 (3): 4. - Kaufman, Andrew L. (1998). Cardozo. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. - Martin, Fenton S.; Goehlert, Robert U. (1990). The U.S. Supreme Court: A Bibliography. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Books. - Polenberg, Richard (1997). The World of Benjamin Cardozo: Personal Values and the Judicial Process. Cambridge, Massachusetts: - Seavey, Warren A., Mr. Justice Cardozo and the Law of Torts, Columbia Law Review 39 (1939): 20–55, Harvard Law Review 52 (1939): 372–407, Yale Law Journal 48 (1939): 390–425 - Urofsky, Melvin I. (1994). The Supreme Court Justices: A Biographical Dictionary. New York: Garland Publishing. p. 590. - Benjamin N. Cardozo at the Biographical Directory of Federal Judges, a public domain publication of the Federal Judicial Center. - Works by Benjamin Nathan Cardozo at Project Gutenberg - Works by or about Benjamin N. Cardozo at Internet Archive - Benjamin Cardozo Memorial at Find A Grave. - Benjamin Cardozo at Michael Ariens.com. - History of the Court, the Hughes Court at Supreme Court Historical Society. - Listing and portrait of Benjamin N. Cardozo, New York Court of Appeals judge at Historical Society of the Courts of the State of New York. - Oyez Project, U.S. Supreme Court media, Benjamin N. Cardozo. Frank H. Hiscock Chief Judge of the New York Court of Appeals Cuthbert W. Pound Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States

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I AM WILLING BE CLEAN! Key Verse 5:13 Jesus reached out his hand and touched the man. "I am willing," he said. "Be clean!" First, "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean" (12). Look at verse 12. "While Jesus was in one of the towns, a man came along who was covered with leprosy. When he saw Jesus, he fell with his face to the ground and begged him, "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean." He was a leper, condemned as an unclean person according to God's words in Leviticus 13 and 14. Not only he himself was unclean, but also everything and everyone he touched became unclean. He was a source of uncleanness. So, whenever someone was coming closer to him, he had to warn that person, by covering the lower part of his face with his hand and shouting, "Unclean!" "Unclean!" That was what he was about - unclean! That was his identity. Since he was a source of uncleanness, he could not stay with others, but he had to live in the lepers' cave or valley, separated from his own family. There was deep sorrows and pains in his heart that he had been separated from his family. At the same time, there was deep sense of loneliness due to isolation and no fellowship with others. The expression, "who was covered with leprosy" shows that, despite all his attempts to be healed such as repentance, prayers and fasting, his situation got worse and worse until his whole body was covered with leprosy. It seemed that God was really punishing him for his sins. He felt condemned; he despaired deeply. The Bible talks about leprosy extensively. For example, in describing God's creation of the universe and the earth, the Bible spends 26 verses in Genesis chapter 1. But in describing the leprosy, the Bible spends 78 verses in Leviticus 13 and 14. The reason why the Bible talks about leprosy so extensively like this is not because God specifically hates this disease, but because this disease has the characteristics of sin; in other words, God is showing us what sin does or what happens when people sin through leprosy. Like leprosy, sin makes people unclean. Many people are exposed to sexual immorality even from childhood. As soon as they are exposed to it, their purity, their innocence is taken away and they feel unclean and suffer from the sense of guilt, shame and uncleanness. When people live a sinful life, they are disgusted about even themselves, resulting in self-abuse, self-destructive behaviors. The result of a sinful life is broken relationships - broken relationship between God and men, broken relationship between husband and wife, broken relationship between parents and children, broken relationship among coworkers and friends. When all these relationships are broken due to their sins - violent words and actions, sexually immoral life, foul language, weird behaviors, or terrible character flaws, they are isolated and lonely, because, now even though they try to have some fellowship with others, people avoid them. During the whole summer, no one calls them. How is their life? Painful, lonely, sorrowful, and miserable! That's how people live their life. This is the result of sin; this is the real condition of all fallen men. Isn't there any remedy? Isn't there any hope for mankind? Yes, there is! Our Lord Jesus Christ, through his death on the cross, made a way for anyone and everyone to be forgiven of their sins, and thereby, start all over again as if they have done nothing wrong. Today’s passage shows us how the leper, unclean sinner received cleansing from Jesus. In Israel in those days, there were many lepers, but not all of them received healing from Jesus, but this leper. Why? Because all other lepers had already given up their hope for cleansing, but this leper. So, even though they might hear the news of Jesus - how powerful he was, how he healed many, they were not so excited; they did not respond. But this man was different. He saw the hope and possibility of being cleansed; he came to believe that Jesus could heal him. The first step for cleansing, for healing is to keep hope for it. That's what faith is about. Faith is being sure of what we hope for. Then, because of this hope for healing, because of his faith in Jesus' power to heal him, he began to seek Jesus; he got up from his bed, left his cave, and made his journey to Jesus. As a sick person, it was not easy, but somehow, dragging his feeble body, he walked and walked. There was the danger that, once he tried to enter the village where Jesus was, people might throw stones at him; he was willing to face that danger. Overcoming all those difficulties and dangers, he finally came to Jesus. When we really believe that Jesus can cleanse us from all our uncleanness, when we believe that Jesus can heal us of our leprosy, what do we do? We really seek him with all our heart and strength, despite dangers or difficulties. The second step for healing, for cleansing is to seek Jesus wholeheartedly. Because only he is the solution. But the problem many people have is: they don't seek him really. Instead, they assume that they are already forgiven, cleansed and healed, because they believe that Jesus is the Almighty and that Jesus can heal them and forgiven them. What they rely on is not Jesus himself, but what they have heard about him; what they rely on is not Jesus himself, but on theology people talk about. As a result, even though they say that they believe in Jesus, fundamentally, there is no real change in their life, and there is no real commitment to God, because there is no real encounter between Jesus and them. In the Old Testament, God says, "You will seek me and find me when you seek me with all your heart." (Jer 29:13) This is what He said to the Israel people - those who believed in God. He was showing his believers how they would be able to meet Him and experience Him. Those who seek him with all their heart find him and experience His healing and forgiveness. Only Jesus can heal us; only he can cleanse us; only he can really help us. So, what do we do? We seek him wholeheartedly. When the leper finally came to Jesus, what did he do? He knelt at Jesus' feet and said to him, "Lord, If you are willing, you can make me clean!" Even a man born blind cried out to Jesus, saying, "Son of David, have mercy on me. I want to see!" People asked Jesus for help directly. But this leper, even after having made such a heroic struggle to come to Jesus, he did not say to him, "Please heal me." Instead, he said, "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean," totally relying on Jesus' choice. It was because his heart was so guilt-ridden that he felt unworthy to ask Jesus for anything directly saying, "Lord, please heal me." He was a condemned man even according to the Bible, and through all his failures, he was confirmed of it. In his eyes, such a condemned man did not have any right to ask Jesus to do anything for him. If Jesus did anything for him, it was purely by his grace alone. So he knelt at Jesus' feet and said, "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean." Some people are confident about themselves, and say, "Thank God for helping me not to sin too much." "Thank God for blessing me to grow up in a believing family so that I might not become sinful like others." Some others sin freely, but they say, "Lord, thank you for forgiving my sins. I love you." Some others are also bold and say, "I have sinned. Please, forgive me." They say so as if God is obligated to forgive or love them. But some others are like this leper; they know how terrible their sin is that they cannot say, "Lord, forgive me." Instead, they stand there in a remote place and beat their chest, crying, "Oh, oh! What shall I do?" In their eyes, their sins are too big to be forgiven. At late night, when no one is around, they kneel down and sob endlessly remembering their terrible sins, which cannot be revoked. While others sing songs of praise so joyfully, they groan deeply. What a terribly ravaged heart it is that they cannot even ask God to forgive them, but just say, "Oh, Lord, have mercy! My sin, my sin!" What they say is this: "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean!" Because of the terrible sense of guilt, they are poor in spirit. They cannot laugh, but mourn day and night. Jesus says that the kingdom of heaven is theirs. Second, "I am willing. Be clean!" (13-16). How did Jesus respond to his plea? Look at verse 13. Let’s read this verse together: Jesus reached out his hand and touched the man. "I am willing," he said. "Be clean!" Jesus reached out his hand and touched the man!!! According to the Bible, Jesus was not supposed to touch him. But when Jesus heard such disturbing words from him, "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean," he was so touched; he felt this man's terribly ravaged heart by the sense of condemnation. With these words, he could see what kind of life he had lived, and what's going on in his heart - such pains and sorrows, such sense of guilt and condemnation - he could not bear to see such a terribly ravaged and broken heart by the sense of condemnation any longer. So, out of his desire to comfort and encourage him, Jesus expressed his affectionate heart toward him by touching him, by even going out of the Bible's instruction. Certainly, Jesus could not despise such a broken and contrite heart. The man had never expected this. The response he had expected from Jesus was: maybe, at his request, Jesus would say, "Ok, I got it. But don't come closer; just stay where you are," then, healing him without touching him. Then, he would be thankful for his grace all the days of his life. That much would be more than enough. But Jesus did far more than he had expected. Jesus, a holy servant of God, reached out his hand and touched his leprosy-covered body! He had forgotten about that warmth of human hand. No one touched him since he had had leprosy; instead, they avoided him and threw stones at him; they never allowed him to come closer. But Jesus touched him!!!! How was it for the leper? At first, shocking; maybe, he tried to avoid it instinctively, but when Jesus touched him, the warmth of his hand was so good; Jesus was accepting him just as he was, a leper; Jesus' touch, his affectionate heart for him was so soothing that his heart melted. Maybe, at this moment, he broke down and wept uncontrollably. Who could understand his agony that he had been separated from his family by force, and that he had to live in a cave with unclean lepers? Who could understand his pains and sorrows that people avoided him and isolated him? How did he feel when people refused to come near him but instead, threw stones at him? But Jesus accepted him just as he was!!! Jesus touched him. No one had touched him like he did. No one had touched his heart like Jesus did. At this, all his bitterness, sorrow, loneliness and despair melted in him. Now the man could forgive all those people who had despised and mistreated him. We all experienced this marvelous moment of Jesus touching us, when all our bitterness, anger and sorrows melted in us. When was it? Sometime ago when I was in deep pain. We need to remember it and record it so that we may never forget it, we may never forget his grace. Polish it because it was your wonderful time with Jesus, your Master. And Jesus said to him, "I am willing. Be clean!" Immediately, he was cured. The man believed the power of Jesus to heal his leprosy, but he was not confident that holy Jesus would be willing to heal such a condemned and worthless man like himself. But Jesus said to him, "I am willing." Not that Jesus was going to just do the minimum for him reluctantly, but it was Jesus' willing desire for him to be cleansed. Because of his repeated failures in his attempts to be healed, he thought that God did not care, or God did not want him to be healed. But that's not the case. We all have sin problems; we all have weaknesses. We want to overcome them; we fight against them. But when we fail in this fight, when we sin over and over again even against our own will, we despair deeply. When such a sin problem exists continually despite our struggle, we despair; we become fatalistic, thinking that we are doomed to live a miserable and unclean life all the days of our life because of this sin; we wonder why God does not help us with our sin problem; we wonder if God cares for us or not. But Jesus says, "I am willing. Be clean." It is never God's desire for any of us to live such a miserable, shameful and unclean life only because of our sins. It is really God's willing desire to help us in our fight against sin; God wants to see us overcoming our sins and become clean, healthy and sound as children of God. What is God's will for us? He says in the Old Testament, "Be holy as I am holy." Jesus says in the New Testament, "Be perfect as your heavenly Father is perfect." This is God's willing desire for us; for this, He is more than willing to help us in our fight against sin. While we fight against our sin, God is right next us, cheering up on us, saying, "Go on, you can do it; I will help you." When we shed tears for the pains and sorrows due to our failures, God remains silent and does not interfere, lest He may ruin the whole thing; watching all our tears and pains, sensing the same pains and sorrows, He remains silent for our sake. Certainly, we are fighting together with God in regard to our sin problems. Then, at the right time, usually, when we reach our limit, when we are about to collapse, God grabs us and reveals Himself to us. There, we experience God, and victory in Him and through Him. Then, everything changes because we experience God, because our eyes are opened to God - our perspectives of life, of God, of ourselves, of the world; our hopes and desires; our life never becomes the same. Jesus says, "I am willing. Be clean!" Those who have faith in Jesus and thereby, seek him with all their hearts and strength come to experience this freedom from sin, this cleansing from their sins. God says, "You will seek me and find me when you seek me with all your heart." (Jer 29:13) Look at verse 14. Let's read verse together: Then Jesus ordered him, "Don't tell anyone, but go, show yourself to the priest and offer the sacrifices that Moses commanded for your cleansing, as a testimony to them." After cleansing him, Jesus ordered him, "Don't tell anyone." In the previous passage, we learned that Jesus had a clear direction for his ministry, that was, he would focus on preaching the good news, instead of healing the sick; that was his ministry's direction, and that's what he had been doing. Then, at the words of the leper, "Lord, if you are willing, you can make me clean," at such a broken and guilt-ridden heart, Jesus was so troubled that he could not ignore his case, even if he was determined to focus on preaching the good news. So, he embraced him and healed him, even going beyond his ministry's direction. He was a compassionate shepherd. But he still did not want all kinds of sick people coming to his ministry. So, he told him not to tell anyone about it, so that his teaching ministry might not be bothered. In this way, he struggled to focus on the teaching ministry. This passage shows us what kind of person Jesus was very well. He was a compassionate shepherd. At the same time, he struggled to hold onto his ministry's direction, that was, teaching and preaching, not healing. But even if he had such a clear direction and decision about how to do God's work, he was not legalistic; his ministry was not governed by rules and regulations alone, because he did not serve God's work legalistically, but with a compassionate heart for the poor people. At that time, there was harmony in his ministry. Indeed, he was full of grace and truth. This is how we are to serve God's kingdom work, and to serve college students as shepherds - a clear direction of teaching and preaching the word of God, fishing and one to one Bible study, at the same time, not going by rules and regulations, but serving them with compassionate heart. At the same time, he was concerned about this man being restored to the community. So, he encouraged him to do what the law suggested for his restoration in the society. In this way, he was concerned about his wellbeing very practically. This is how we take care of college students who are under our care, being concerned about their school work, about how they can be successfully established in the society with a good career job, and about their family life. We stand before God with absolute attitude to his will and purpose, and at the same time, we stand before God's flock with deep concern for their wellbeing and practical life in the society. The apostle John says, "Dear friend, I pray that you may enjoy good health and that all may go well with you, even as your soul is getting along well." (3Jn 1:2) When we lead God's flock with grace and truth, they will grow up as sound and healthy Christians, enjoying this new life in Jesus freely. So, how did the man respond? Look at verses 15 and 16. It reads: "Yet the news about him spread all the more, so that crowds of people came to hear him and to be healed of their sicknesses. But Jesus often withdrew to lonely places and prayed." Mark's gospel 1:45 reads: "Instead he went out and began to talk freely, spreading the news. As a result, Jesus could no longer enter a town openly but stayed outside in lonely places. Yet the people still came to him from everywhere." Maybe, he was thankful for Jesus' grace; maybe, he wanted to tell how great Jesus was. But when he did not follow Jesus' instruction carefully, but did what he saw right, eventually, Jesus' teaching ministry was hindered. Whenever Jesus entered a town, so many sick people flocked to him, and since Jesus did not want to dilute his ministry's direction, he was not happy to offer medical service to them. So, even though many people gathered, often he simply withdrew to lonely places and prayed. Indeed, Jesus struggled to focus on teaching and preaching in serving God's kingdom work. He struggled hard to keep his ministry's direction. Let's pray that we may follow his example, focusing on teaching and preaching the good news of the kingdom of God to poor college students all the time. One Word: Jesus Says, "I Am Willing. Be Clean!" Current Message >

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by Douglas E. CoxThis article is a revised version of one originally published in the Creation Research Society Quarterly, 14:149-155, December, 1977, and reprinted in: Corliss, William R. 1980. Unknown Earth: a Handbook of Geological Enigmas, The Sourcebook Project, Glen Arm, Md. p. 5-15. Three kinds of column-like formation are discussed. There are columns of unconsolidated material, often differing from their surroundings, embedded in sand or drift. There are pillars of consolidated material, often sandstone, embedded in rock. And there are free-standing solid pillars. It is proposed that all of these kinds of pillars, and also potholes, are related; they can be ascribed to a process of rock disintegration or crystallization following upon the release of pressure as the land was raised out of the water at the end of the Noachian Flood. It is hard to believe that sedimentary processes could have caused these formations; hence the cross stratification, often found with them, can not be an effect of sedimentation. IntroductionStrange polystrate pillars occur in sandstone and in drift in many places. The writer has examined pillars in gravel and sand in the region of Waterloo County and other places in Southern Ontario. Pillars in the Potsdam sandstone, near Kingston, Ontario, were investigated by the writer and H. L. Armstrong. These pillars, also called "pipes", or "pots", transect the pattern of cross stratification. They are anomalous and difficult to explain in terms of sedimentary deposition. Polystrate fossils such as trees, vertically embedded in sediments, have been cited by some Creationists as evidence that rock strata accumulated rapidly. This explanation cannot account for the unconsolidated pillars; but they, too, may have been formed rapidly. Processes forming vertical pillars in cross stratified sandstone and drift are difficult to find in nature today, but past causes may have been quite different from those existing now. One such cause is a possible disintegration process, due to rapid release of former high pressure. Uplift of the continents and erosion of overburden by currents of the retreating flood waters in certain areas would be accompanied by a decrease of pressure on rocks. In this article, geologic evidence is presented in support of the idea that the pattern of cross stratification in drift gravels may be an effect of a disintegration process, and that similar patterns of cross strata in some sandstones and conglomerates are the effects of a crystallization process, instead of a sedimentary phenomenon. Certain features of cross stratified formations support this interpretation; for example, the configuration of the strata around pebbles generally does not exhibit stoss and lee effects as would be expected in an environment of rapid current flow. As well, the cross strata is typically smooth, even in conglomerates and gravel, and it is not "bumpy" in the vicinity of pebbles; this bumpiness would be expected if the pattern were a sedimentary one, due to the ridges and streamling effects on the lee side of embedded pebbles. The presence of vertical polystrate pillars in cross stratified sandstone and drift is another sort of evidence that cross stratification is not a sedimentary phenomenon, but may result from a pressure-related disintegration process. Such a process can account for similarities between the pillars in sandstone and those in the drift. Also, from this point of view, a relationship between pillars and the contents of potholes would be expected. Drift PillarsA few years ago writer observed a group of pillars in cross stratified drift gravel as they were exposed in the sides of a gravel pit at Blair, a few miles south of Kitchener, Ontario. See Figure 1. The gravel pit was operated by Forwell Ltd., of Kitchener. In the course of excavations over a few years, removal of the coarse gravel revealed many pillars. They were distinguished from the enclosing gravel in various ways. Many were stained dark brown or black, and appeared as finger-like extensions of the soil profile into the gravel below. Some of these contained a light coloured interior, thus exhibiting a concentric structure. The pillars were cylindrical in shape, with tapering or rounded bottoms. All were in the uppermost part of the drift, beginning within or just below the soil. The pillars extended downwards to varying depths. At this site, pillars one to two feet in diameter, and up to 10 feet in vertical extent were common. Don Metzloff, foreman at the site, also observed the pillars in the course of excavations. He reported that the pillars were mostly clustered together in one section of the pit. The largest pillars reached 20 feet vertically and were 3 to 4 feet in diameter. These were described by Metzloff as consisting of "dirty coloured, fine sand, just like ground." Some of the pillars consisted of sand and clay which transected coarse gravel, and others were composed of gravel, although different in appearance from that of the enclosing drift. More clay was present in some pillars, which made them more compact and resistant to weathering than the enclosing gravel. Concentric structures were present in many pillars. In one pillar exposed in cross section, there was distinct colour banding, and an outer lining of pebbles formed the perimeter of the pillar. Another pillar was lined by sand and clay, which formed a smooth cylindrical margin about the pillar. The pattern of cross stratification in the gravel near some pillars was bent downwards. Several features of the pillars resemble features of other structures described in the geologic literature. A report by Conant et al. described "pots" in gravels in Maryland and Virginia, which were somewhat different in shape to the pillars in the Blair gravel pit, but otherwise seemed quite similar. The pots they described were more spherical or bulbous in shape than the pillars in the Blair gravel pit. The pots also exhibited concentric structure, and the stratification of the surrounding gravel was bent downwards around some of the pots. The pots were about 7 ft in depth and about the same width, though some were much larger. All were at the top of the gravel. One pot was wrapped in a layer of white clay 1-2 inches thick. Describing the contents of the pots, the authors say:The filling of the pots is chiefly a clayey silt containing a lew percent to perhaps 40 percent ol admixed sand and gravel. The silt is generally medium gray and mostly structureless, but in some pots it is faintly or distinctly stratified parallel with the margins. In some pots, flat pebbles also tend to be aligned parallel with the margins. The uppermost 1 ft. of the filling is commonly more gravelly. "Till clumps" similar in shape to the pots in Maryland and Virginia were reported by Mather et al. from Cape Cod, Massachusetts. The mechanism favoured by Conant et al. for the formation of the pots involved seasonal frost action during a Glacial Period; but such a mechanism would seem unworkable in the case of the pillars at the Blair gravel pit which are much narrower and deeper than the Maryland pots. Yet there are similarities which suggest a common orgin for all these peculiar structures. A Pillar with Cross Stratified ContentsSome pillars in the drift seem clearly to indicate that the pattern of cross stratification cannot be of sedimentary origin The drift in Southern Ontario is explained by geologists in terms of the Glacial Theory either as till, thought to be a direct deposit ot the ice-sheets, or outwash, which is considered to be glacial debris which has been transported in streams flowing from the melting ice-sheets, and deposited in rapid currents. Till is unstratified while outwash exhibits the pattern of cross stratification. The portion of a drift pillar illustrated in Figure 2 was found in a gravel pit near Campbellville, Ontario. Its contents, on the left, were internally cross stratified. This pillar was enclosed by fine, cross stratified sand, and consisted of coarse sand and pebbles, with nearly horizontal strata. No pebbles were present in the enclosing sand. Only a part of this pillar was intact, about 5 feet below the original level of the gravel pit. The diameter of the pillar was about 1 ft. Figure 2 [Click on picture for a larger image, about 80 kbytes.] The perimeter of this pillar was well defined, and consisted of a thin film of clay enclosing the structure. It is hard to imagine how such a structure could have formed in an environment of rapidly flowing currents, as assumed in the glacial explanation for cross stratified drift. In particular, the cross stratification of the contents of the pillar could hardly have been caused by currents within the structure. Since the pillar was unconsolidated, and was enclosed by unconsolidated sand, it would likely have been washed away by currents of outwash streams. Another, non-sedimentary explanation is needed. Some geologists have proposed rather special circumstances to explain pillars in drift. A pillar of sand, with concentric layers, was found in coarse and medium Quaternary sand at St. Jerome, north of Montreal, Quebec, by Dionne. The height of the pillar was 152.5 cm, and diameter was 34 cm at the top and 24 cm at the base. The sand comprising the pillar was fine at the center, and the pillar transected cross stratified beds. It was proposed that a whirlpool eroded a deep cylindrical hole in the unconsolidated sand, and refilled the hole immediately afterwards, forming a pillar. While some such mechanisms may seem plausible for individual structures, this could hardly apply to a large group of pillars in drift. The pillars appear to occur in clusters in certain areas, with distributions similar to potholes. The tops of several pillars, resembling "hoodoos" in drift were exposed along a roadside as loose sand was eroded by wind during construction of Balmoral Road, Cambridge, Ontario, as shown in Figure 3. It is hard to understand how these structures could have been formed in unconsolidated sand in any sedimentary environment. However, these features can be explained in terms of an in situ disintegration process. As more observations of these peculiar structures are reported the improbability of isolated polygenetic causes for the pillars is increased. Can Freezing Explain Pillars?Explanations for pillars in drift that involve frost effects fail to account for many similarities between the drift pillars and those in sandstone, described below. As mentioned above, the deep, narrow shape of many pillars does not seem to support a theory of frost action. Further evidence against freezing as a mechanism for the formation of the drift pillars is the difference in the composition of some of the pillars compared with the surrounding drift material. This was evident in the examples shown in Figure 2 described above, where there is coarse sand and pebbles in the structure and finer material surrounding it. A pillar consisting of coarse sand and pebbles, that occurs in fine sand, could hardly have been derived from the enclosing sand by any uniformitarian mechanism such as frost action. The presence of such a pillar in sand is also anomalous if the sand is explained in terms of glaciofluvial deposition. Formation of the PillarsThe idea of a non-uniformitarian process of rock disintegration, causing patterns of cross stratification, would lead to a simple explanation for the pillars. Many Creationists think a major part of the phanerozoic sedimentary rock record (i.e., rocks which contain fossils), that occur in the earth's crust, was formed during the Noachian Deluge. Uplift of the continents at the end of the flood would generate currents that could cause considerable erosion of sediment; the removal of overburden, tectonic movements, and jointing, may have released pressure on newly formed rocks, providing an environment for the process of rock disintegration. Disintegration would likely be limited to consolidated rocks. Sediments formed in the Deluge were probably compacted as the continents were elevated and the flood waters retreated towards the ocean basins. Lithification occurred as diffused cementing agents crystallized. As vertical pressure on the topmost rocks decreased, due to lower depths of water and erosion of overlying sediments, the horizontal stress tended to became the maximum stress. Some component minerals in the sediment mixture separated out, as the sediments were lithified; water tended to be expelled from the rock. Near the surface of the rock, crystallization of rock forming minerals, and expansion of the occluded water and volatiles may have generated successive thin layers of sand. Concretions developed in rocks, becoming pebbles and boulders as the disintegration process altered the rock about them into sand and clay. It is proposed that the pattern of cross stratification in the sand of the drift was formed by a mechanism of disintegraton such as this. In many places the disintegration began in a small area of the rock surface, and penetrated vertically downwards, resulting in a cavity filled with the disintegration product. In effect, a pothole was formed. Where the surrounding rock was also subsequently disintegrated, this pothole (with its contents) became a pillar within the cross stratified sand and gravel. This mechanism for the formation of the pillars in the drift implies a relationship exists between the pillars and the contents of potholes, before excavation. Concentric structure in many pillars may be explained by lateral enlargement of the pillars during the pothole stage. Disintegration of the rock walls would account for linings of pebbles, orientation of the pebbles parallel to the margins, and lining of the margins by clay which has been reported in some pillars. Discolouration of the contents of the pillars, which also produces a concentric effect, probably occurred during the pothole stage. Migration of volatiles, calcite, iron oxide, dissolved silica and other minerals from the rock enclosing the pillar towards the low-pressure surface would cause concentric banding. Precipitation of these minerals at the margin of the pillars occurred due to lower pressure. Down warping or bending of the pattern of cross stratification of the gravel around some pillars indicates the pillars were present when the pattern of cross stratification was formed. This bending may indicate more rapid disintegration of the rock occurred near some pillars. Pillars Compared with PotholesConventional geology says potholes were formed by erosional processes such as the action of streams; but it is difficult to explain all the features of potholes in this way. In my opinion, potholes in the rocks of a stream bed are merely expsoed by existing processes, not formed by them. The potholes which are exposed by streams, or other agents such as wave action along the shores of lakes or coasts, may have been present in rocks prior to the initiation of present conditions. Before exposure, potholes are usually filled with drift, consisting of sand, clay, and gravel. In some rocks potholes may contain sandstone. The mechanism outlined above for the formation of drift pillars also explains potholes, and a resemblance between the pillars and the contents of potholes would support the proposed theory. The pillars in drift resemble potholes in shape, many are bulbous like potholes, and the range of sizes is similar. Like potholes, the pillars are rounded at the base, and penetrate to varying depths. In distribution patterns, the pillars resemble potholes, which may occur individually or in clusters. The characteristics of the contents of potholes are rarely given much attention in the geologic literature, but some large potholes in Norway were excavated in 1874, and described by Brogger and Reusch. The largest kettle excavated was near Bakhelagel, and the work occupied 3 men for 50 days. Careful records were kept of the position of the boulders found in the kettle. The depth was found to be 33.5 ft, or 44 ft if measured from the highest side. The larger rocks in the kettle formed layers at various levels, and the authors wrote, "The contents of this kettle, therefore, plainly showed a sort of stratification." Deep within the pothole two large boulders were found, which appeared to have a smaller hole begun in them. The small hole was at the centre of the kettle. In the theory of disintegration causing potholes, the smaller hole may represent part of an initial pothole, which widened and deepened by further disintegration of the enclosing rock. Indications of a concentric structure in the contents of a pothole were found by the writer in a large filled pothole at Rockwood, Ontario. Here the larger rocks seemed to be concentrated around the walls. This may also indicate widening of the pothole by disintegration. Further studies of pothole contents are needed to confirm the presence of a concentric arrangement of the contents, and other points of resemblance between the pillars in drift and the contents of potholes. The "Park of Pillars"From the point of view of uniformitarianism, a relationship is not readily perceived between the drift and cross stratified sandstone. But the theory of disintegration would require such a relationship. Pillars or pipes are present in many sandstones, which show similarities to pillars in the drift. A well known example of pillars occurs in an outcrop of Potsdam sandstone on the property of Bill Hughes, R.R. 6 Kingston, Ontario. See Figure 4. Several vertical pillars are visible, the largest measuring 14 ft in diameter. Some exposed in the sides of a cliff, evidently tlie site of an old quarry, extend 20 ft vertically. Concentric bands occur within many of the pillars, and also in tlie rock enclosing them. This feature led some to conclude the pillars were "fossil trees", and sections of the pillars were exhibited as such in shop windows in Kingston in 1888. Hughes operated a quarry near the site of the pillars, and he told me a pothole had been found during the excavations. It was filled with sand and small pebbles. One of the explanations which has been offered for the pillars is that they are potholes filled with alluvial sediments. It seems clear that they are not fossil trees, but, being polystrate, they may show as well as polystrate trees that the rock around them was formed quickly. The pillars are described in an article by Hawley and Hart, and a thorough description is not attempted here. These authors proposed that the pillars were formed hy springs rising through the strata while it was still unconsolidated, and referred to the pillars as "quicksands enclosed by concretions." Similar pillars have been reported from other exposures of the Posdam formation. Some occur across the Rideau Canal opposite the Hughes farm, others are present at Morton, Ontario, and at Redwood New York. ' The rock in which the pillars occur is a reddish sandstone with cross stratification. Perhaps the sandstone formed in the subsurface by crystallization of hydrous amorphous silica. Hematite coatings on quartz sand grains and within flaws in the grains can be explained by exsolution during the crystallization process. This in situ crystallization process formed cross stratified sand, which was then recemented by deposition of silica and iron oxide in pore spaces. The pillars may have been formed in a manner similar to that described for the formation of pillars in drift. Vertical pillars were formed by penetration of the crystallization surface in localized areas, and subsequently a larger area of the surrounding rock was also altered. Concentric structures were formed in the pillars due to decreased pressure upon disintegration, and deposition of hematite at successive surfaces of the rock during disintegration. Structures similar to those in the Potsdam sandstone near Kingston have been reported from cross bedded siltstone and conglomerate in the Bush Creek region of Eagle County, Colorado. These were up to 4 ft in length and 8 inches across. Some of the pillars interlocked, and some completely enclosed smaller ones. Concentric bands surrounded the pillars. Another report described pillar-like structures up to 200 feet in height. These occur in the Laguna area, New Mexico, and are referred to by Schlee as "sandstone pipes." The pipes range from a few inches up to 150 feet in diameter. The pipes are grouped in clusters, and many have a concentric internal structure. Cross bedding was present within the pipes and in the enclosing sandstone. Other similar structures have been reported in the St. Peter Sandstone of Arkansas, and in northern Arizona and Colorado. Dietrich described cylindrical pillars in the Potsdam sandstone at Redwood, New York, and noted that similar structures also occur at East Anglesey, England, near Brussels, Illinois: along the coast of Syria and Palestine: at Barnstaple Bay, Devonshire, England: and at Canadon Hondo, Chubut, Argentina. In some regions the disintegration of the rock enclosing pillars may have been more complete than the disintegration which formed the pillar itself. In such cases a free-standing pillar may be formed by erosion of the loose sand. Free-Standing PillarsFree-standing pillars of sandstone were described by Simpson at Canadon Hondo, Central Patagonia, and associated with the Potsdam pillars near Kingston. These pillars were exposed by erosion of the soft sandstone beds in which they were embedded. Most of the pillars were from 1 to 2 ft in diameter, and from 3 to 10 leet in height. Many of the features of the pillars mentioned by Simpson have their counterpart in typical potholes. Some twin pillars were observed, some contained horizontal flutings on the sides, some tended to bulge in the middle. The bases of some weathered pillars are undercut. The pillars seem to be the antithesis of potholes, which may be explained in terms of the disintegration theory of cross stratification. The pillars originally formed by rock disintegration in small areas, and subsequently the enclosing rock also disintegrated more completely. The material in the illars was indistinguishable from the matrix except for a slightly coarser sand and firmer cementation. The pillars described by Simpson seem to be sandstone counterparts of pillars in drift observed by the writer. Islands, composed of sandstone, such as those in the Wisconsin River at Wisconsin Dells, may really be large pillars. One of these island pillars is known as the "Inkstand. " Many potholes occur in crevices along the Wisconsin River. The pillars are cross stratified, and these may have been formed by more complete disintegration of the rock enclosing pillars. Sand enclosing the pillars would have been washed away by the Wisconsin River, leaving the pillars as islands. Predictions Based on the New TheoryFour kinds of phenomena can be related by the theories of in situ rock disintegration forming the pattern of cross stratification in drift gravel, and of sandstone formation by a crystallization process in successive layers. These are potholes, pillars in drift, sandstone pipes, and free-standing pillars. All of these show similarities, which suggest a similar cause. One of the ways in which theories can be tested is by means of predictions. The following two predictions can be made on the basis of the theory outlined in this article: Both these predictions can be easily tested, and future observations may either support or refute the present theory. Another prediction, based on the uniformitarian premise, is possible, to test its validity: potholes ought to occur in rock strata at all levels, as fossils of bygone times. Where are all the examples of these fossil potholes? - The contents of potholes should reveal concentric features, or internal cross stratification, or other features similar to those of pillars in sandstone and in drift. - Pillars similar to those which occur in drift may also be expected in cave fill. Potholes are common in caves, and the fill of caves has been interpreted in terms of the disintegration similar to that proposed for the drift. - Rupke, N.A. 1970. Prolegomena to a study of cataclysmal sedimentation. in W.E. Lammerts, ed. Why Not Creation? Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., Nutley, N.J., pp. 141-147. - Cox, D.E. 1975. The formation of cross stratification: a new explanation. Creation Research Society Quarterly, 12(3):166-173. - Conant, L.C., R.F. Black, and J. W. Hosterman, 1976. Sediment-filled pots in upland gravels of Maryland and Virginia, Journal of Research, U.S. Geological Survey 4(3):353-358. - Ibid., p. 354. - Mather, K.F., R.P. Goldthwait, and L.R. Thiesmeyer, 1942. Pleistocene geology of western Cape Cod, Massachusetts: Bulletin of the Geological Society of America. 53(8):1127-1174. - Dionne, J-C., and C. Laverdiere, 1972, Structure cylindrique verticale dans un depot meuble Quaternaire, au nord de Montreal, Quebec. Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences, 9(5):528-543. - Cox, D.E., 1975, On the interpretation of potholes, Creation Research Society Quarterly, 12(1):25-31. - Brogger, W.C. and Reusch H.H. 1874. Giant's kettles at Christiania Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, 30, 750-771. - Ibid., p. 760 - Weston, T.C., 1899. Reminiscences among the Rocks, Warwick Bros and Rutter, Toronto. p. 278. - Baker, M.B., 1916. The geology of Kingston and vicinity, Ontario Bureau of Mines Annual Report, vol 25, pt. 3. pp. 19-20. - Hawley, J.E. and Hart, R.C., 1934. Cylindrical structures in sandstone. Bulletin of the Geological Society of America 45(6):1017-1034. - Gabelman, J.W. 1955. Cylindrical structures in Permian (?) siltstone, Eagle County, Colorado. Journal of Geology, 63(3):214-227. - Schlee, J.S., 1963. Sandstone pipes of the Laguna area, New Mexico. Journal of Sedimentary Petrology, 33(1): 112-123. - Ibid. , p. 115. - Dietrich, R.V., 1953. Conical and Cylindrical structures in the Potsdam sandstone, Redwood, New York. New York State Museum Circular 34, pp. 8-9. - Simpson, G.G., 1935. Cylindrical structures in sandstone, (discussion). Bulletin of the Geological Society of America, vol 46, pp. 2011-2014. - Cox, D.E. 1976. Cave formation by rock disintegration. Creation Research Society Quarterly 13(3):155-161.

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Family History: Hiram B. Granbury The Granbury name is derived from an old English place name crana-byrig. The first part crana means a crane or heron and byrig means an earthwork or fort. Thus an earthwork or fort frequented by cranes. Early Saxon farmers living near an old Neolithic or Roman fort would have noticed the connection and attached the place name to their name i.e. Jon Cranabyrig which eventually took on the derivation Cranberry. As these English settlers sailed to America in the 1600's their names took on different spellings based on how it was recorded -- Cranberry, Granberry, Grandberry, etc. Around 1655 two brothers John and William Granberry arrived in Virginia and on February 7, 1656 bought 250 acres along Simon's Creek on the Western Branch of the Elizabeth River near Norfolk. They made their living as tobacco farmers. There is very little information concerning William other than his wife's name was Ann and they had a son also named William who was married to Sarah. William and Sarah are mentioned in the will of John Montgomery on August 1697 as "Sarah wife of William Cranberry of James River in Nantzium in the Island of Virginia." William and Sarah's son Moses was born around 1700 and lived in Norfolk County, Virginia. On March 13, 1753 Joseph Ballard of Chowan Precinct, North Carolina sold to Moses Granburie 50 acres. Moses died that same year and his will named his wife Elizabeth and children -- James, William, Sarah, Ann, Elizabeth, Cloty, Mary, and Martha. Moses Granberry's oldest son James, born around 1720, was married to Mary Manning and received from her father 50 acres including dwellings in Norfolk County near the head of the western branch of the Elizabeth River. James died in July of 1760 leaving his estate to his wife Mary and three children George, Moses, and Sarah. During the American Revolution, Norfolk was an important seaport which was more Tory in sentiment. Because of this, there were numerous encounters or skirmishes between the Tories and the farmers along the Elizabeth River who were supporting the Independence Movement. The clashes eventually resulted in the battle of Great Bridge where the Loyalist army under Lord Dunmore was soundly defeated. In retaliation, Dunmore shelled Norfolk and it was during this time of intense trouble that George and Moses Granberry moved to North Carolina. George served in the 3rd North Carolina Regiment which was assigned to Lachlan's Brigade in Washington's Continental Army. Moses joined the Newbern militia and served locally. With the signing of the Articles of Peace on January 20, 1783 the North Carolina soldiers were discharged and returned to their homes. George and Moses continued to live in North Carolina until 1794 at which time they took advantage of war service land grants and participated in the Georgia Land Lotteries. In 1794, Moses Granberry and his children by his first wife -- George, Stephen, and Seth and those by his second wife Betsey -- Dulaney and Moses were living in Warren County, Georgia. On May 24, 1796 George Granberry received a grant of 300 acres in Warren County along Joe's Creek. A few months later he and his wife Sarah and Children -- Elizabeth and Loammi (Hiram B. Granbury's grandfather) mover further up the river into Jefferson County. It was during this time that the Granberry's met Norvel Robertson. They were neighbors and attended Providence Baptist Church in Rocky Springs. The connection between the Granberrys and Norvell Robertson is important because the two families united their efforts in a common goal -- establishing churches and preaching to a vast unsettled and intemperate audience. Prayer meetings were frequently held in the home of Moses Granberry and during the winter of 1803-1804 Norvell Robertson came under their guiding influence and was excepted as pastor of their small church. It would be just the beginning because Norvell Robertson was destined to become one of the most prolific Baptist preachers in the early history of Mississippi. More importantly Robertson would play a critical role in guiding Loammi Granberry to become an active church member but the most important influence would be on Loammi's oldest son Norval (Hiram B. Granbury's father). After the deaths of George Granberry on August 11, 1804 and Moses Granberry in 1808 the Granberry's and Robertson's continued to live in Rocky Springs but soon after the end of the War of 1812 and the Red Stick Campaigns in Alabama they started to look west toward the Mississippi Territory. With the creation of the separate states of Alabama and Mississippi in 1817 vast amounts of land were opening up as a result of Indian Treaties. On November 12, 1817 the Granberry and Robertson families left Georgia and started their difficult journey west. Included in the party was Norvell Robertson, his wife Sarah Powell and nine children; George Granberry, his wife Martha Albritton and Children -- Moses, Polly, Martha, Amelia, and Susan; Stephen Granberry, his wife Elizabeth Spurlin and children -- Jeremiah, Cynthia, Phoebe, and Jane; Seth Granberry, his wife Jane Bledsoe and children -- Sarah, Jane, and Allie; Moses Granberry, his wife Courtney and son Asaph; and two young men William Albritton and Allen Count. Norvell Robertson's diary of their journey provided a rare glimpse into the numerous problems encountered along the way. They were delayed in leaving because one of the women was pregnant and they had to deal with all of the problems associated with a large group of settlers traveling through an unknown wilderness with their wives, children, and livestock. Two months later in January of 1818, they crossed into Mississippi at Reddoch's Crossing and camped on the banks of the Leaf River. Upon reaching their destination, Norvell led them in prayer as they thanked God for leading them safely to their new home. Leaving their families at the river, Robertson and the Granberry brothers traveled further south until they reached the fork of the Bowie and Okatoma Rivers in Lawrence County (now Forrest County). Exploring the region around the Old Chappel Place the Granberrys made their decisions and took the lot numbers to St. Stephens in Alabama to record. As more settlers moved into the area a small town was organized named Gordonville which would be visited some 66 years later by a surveyor for the G&SI Railroad who would rename the town for his wife Hattie or Hattiesburg. On Saturday, October 3, 1818 the families attended a gathering to commemorate the beginning of a new church at a meetinghouse on Johnson's Mill Creek (now Providence Creek located in the town of Glendale in the north central section of Hattiesburg). The meetinghouse, which was frequently used as a school, was described as being a round log house with a stick and dirt chimney on one end providing a wide-open fire. The church was named Providence Baptist Church in commemoration of their church back in Georgia and the founding members were Norvell and Sarah Robertson, Stephen and Sally Lee, Seth and Jane Granberry, George and Martha Granberry, and elders J. A. Watts and John Tucker. Because this first church was located at the bottom of a hill and suffered constant flooding from Providence Creek, a new church was built further up the hill where it stands today. A historical marker has been placed close to the modern church, which gives credit to the Granberry and Robertson families for their work in establishing Providence Baptist Church, which is one of the oldest active churches in Mississippi. During this time, the Granberrys began to seek out new land opportunities as their farms became exhausted. George Granberry moved to Perry County where his brother Stephen joined him. Moses Granberry moved to Marion County and Seth Granberry moved his family to Copiah County. In addition, three more Granberry families moved from Georgia to Mississippi -- Jonathan Granberry, who had served as a private in Few's 3rd Regiment during the Red Stick War, his wife Nancy Rogers and their son Simeon moved to Perry County; Amos Granberry and his wife Elizabeth Rogers and their children William and Helen moved to Marion County; and Loammi Granberry who moved to Covington County in 1819 with his wife Rachael and sons Norval R., Loammi Jr., John, Hiram, and George B. They lived on land in the vicinity of Peps Point Road and the GS&I Railroad. The area would later become known as Bryant and then in 1867 the name was changed to Lux. By this time Loammi and his family were the only Granberrys still living in Covington County as the other families had all moved away. Loammi became a very close associate of Norvell Robertson and they would often work together making calls on churches and families in the area. It is important to note that during this time, Loammi's oldest son Norval was beginning to hear the call to preach. Norval was now 12 years old and according to Leavell's History of Mississippi Baptists: "In early life, he became a subject of converting grace." Norval's name appears as small footprints in several different churches as he moved around in the early part of his preaching career but in the latter part of 1830 he moved his wife Nancy McLaurin and their first son Loammi to the small town of Dentville some 15 miles to the west of Hazelhurst in Copiah County. This was the location of Norval's first church which stood on a bluff just outside of town a half mile east of the Bayou Pierre Creek bridge. The first church was named Hepzibah Baptist Church but a tornado destroyed the building blowing pews and timbers to the top of the hill where the current Pine Bluff Baptist Church still stands. Nothing remains of the original church but shards of glass, pieces of wood, and old nails but the ancient plantation road cut deep into the earth by constant travel which led to the church can still be found. Land deeds or tax records do not indicate that Norval owned property in Dentville or Hazelhurst but there is a small town recorded on the old maps of Copiah County to the west of Dentville named Cranberry. However, it is more likely that Norval's family lived temporarily with his uncle Seth in Hazelhurst. During this time, on March 31, 1831 Norval and Nancy Granberry's second son was born and named Hiram Bronson Granberry after his uncle Hiram. After his birth, Norval moved his family to the small town of Palestine which was located 8 miles south of Raymond in Hinds County. On April 2, 1831 Sheriff Joseph McClennan sold the lands of John King and Isacca Millisap at auction to Norval Granberry for the sum of $25.00. The land was bordered on the south by Elda Creek not far from its confluence with Tallahala Creek. More importantly, the land adjoined the plantation of Stephen Granberry (Norval Granberry's uncle) who was the first of the Granberrys to move to Hinds County. In 1827 Stephen, often called Capt. Granberry because of service during the Creek Indian Wars, moved from Perry County to Hinds County with a land grant signed by Andrew Jackson in his possession. His picked a large lot of land near Elda Hill Creek at the junction of Parsons Road (named after the Parsons family who operated a saw mill nearby) and Dry Grove Road which travels north some 9 miles to the city of Raymond. His home was a modest wood frame house with a chimney built of bricks kilned on the property. By 1836, Stephen Granberry's hard work had increased his modest holdings into a successful plantation and work on a grander home had finished. Named for the numerous cedar trees that screened the front of the house from Parsons Road, Cedarcrest still stands as beautiful example of a "Planters Cottage." In the rear of the house a small family cemetery serves as the final resting place of Stephen Granberry and many members of his family. The majority of the headstones have been knocked over by cattle using them as back scratchers but the current owner indicated plans to restore them to their upright positions. In 1827 Norval Granberry's other uncle Moses, his wife Courtney, and son Asaph moved to Hinds County and bought 80 acres of land in Palestine from Jacob Walker for $130.00. This meant by the time Norval Granberry moved his family to Hinds County there were two other Granberry families living within a few miles of each other. This also meant that the young Hiram B. Granberry would have six cousins living close to him, two of which were within three years of his age (George W. Granberry b. 1830, and Simon Sebastion Granberry b. 1828). His aunt and uncle and three more cousins (Hardy Franklin Granberry b. 1836, Benjamin Franklin Granberry b. 1817, and George Richmond Granberry b. 1825) lived in nearby Hazelhurst. In January of 1835, Norval Granberry bought a large tract of land in Palestine located off Meyers Road not far from its junction with the Dry Grove Road and bordered on the south by Tallahalla Creek. The land was heavily timbered and a large pond stood near Meyers Road. In the northeast corner of the property, a short segment of the old Palestine Road turns north from the Meyers Road, crossing a steep hill before forming a junction with the Oakley-Palestine road. This was the location of Norval Granberry's farm where Hiram Bronson Granberry and his brothers and sisters grew up. Land records mention the existence of a house and cotton gin. Located on a hill facing the old Palestine Road stands Palestine Baptist Church which served as a place of worship for the Granberry families for many years. The small-whitewashed wood frame jewel stood as a cheery herald for travelers up until the early 1960's at which time the structure was severely damaged by a fire. The church was rebuilt and the modern structure still stands as a monument to all of the early members who brought the "Good Word" to the farmers and settlers living in the Palestine area. Behind the church is a well kept cemetery where many of these early families rest -- the Granberrys, Thigpens, Gallmans, Andersons, and Holloways. Across the road from the church is a monument inscribed with the name of Judson Institute which was the result of the Union Baptist Association's commitment to education. In 1835, at a meeting of the association, the Baptist Education Society was organized to "establish a school combing manual labor with that of study." Named in honor of Adoniram Judson the institute was incorporated on February 27, 1836 and initially located at Society Hill about ten miles north of Clinton. The Board of Directors included Norval Granberry, Norvell Robertson Jr., S. S. Lattimore, and Ashley Vaughn. The location proved to be a poor location and in December of 1837 the institute was moved to Spring Hill across from Palestine Baptist Church. Here Norval Granberry and the other elders of the church could exert better control over the educational working of the school. Two other movements were taking shape in the Union Baptist Association at this time. The first occurred in December 1836 as many of the influential members of the association met at Clear Creek Baptist Church near Washington to discuss the creation of a Baptist State Convention which had failed after its first attempt. The delegates to the meeting included Norval Granberry of Palestine Church and Ashley Vaughn of Clear Creek Church. At the meeting Norval Granberry was elected as one of the founding vice presidents. The second movement occurred in January of 1837 with the creation of the Home Missionary Society which was an especially important project for Norval Granberry. Church records support that Norval would devote many of his most productive years to the Missionary Society which was the result of a strong desire to support and supervise the quality of preaching in the region. The society met on March 31, 1837 at Brushy Fork Church in Copiah County and Norval Granberry, Moses Granberry, Ashley Vaughn, James Thigpen, and S. S. Lattimore were chosen to draft its constitution. On May 5 - 7, 1837, the first meeting of the reorganized Mississippi State Convention was held at Palestine Baptist Church. It was a historical day as ten of the early leaders of the early Mississippi Baptist Church met to discuss the key issues facing their growing denomination. Present at the meeting were two special guests -- Rev. George Granberry from Harris County, Georgia who was the brother of Loammi Granberry, and 71 year old Norvell Robertson representing Leaf River Baptist Church. On Sunday the delegates shared the Lord's Day service and Rev. Norval Granberry gave the sermon. Present that day was Norval's family -- his wife Nancy and children -- Loammi, Hiram B., Jemmima J., and Catherine C. It would be interesting to imagine the young 5 year old Hiram as he sat quietly with his family listening to his father Norval preach. The 1840 census listed Norval and his wife Nancy McLaurin, Loammi J. 11 years, Hiram Bronson 9 years, Jemmima J. 7 years, Catherine C. 5 years, Norvell R. J. 1 year, and two slaves. The other females between 10 - 15 and less than 5 were nieces of Nancy McLaurin who moved in with the Granberrys after the deaths of the parents. According to church records Rev. Norval Granberry was now preaching at four different churches -- Palestine in Hinds County, Union Baptist Church north of Clinton, County Line Baptist on the border of Hinds and Madison County, and Mound Bluff Baptist Church near Flora in Madison County. It was not unusual for Baptist churches to share pastors as there was a chronic shortage and too many congregations to serve. In February of 1842, Hiram Granberry's grandfather Loammi died. He had moved his family form the old farms near Lux in Covington County to Shubuta in Clarke County. In addition to be an accomplished preacher at Hepzibah Baptist Church he was also a very successful farmer. At the time of his death his estate included 200 acres of land, 71 head of cattle, 60 hogs, 12 slaves, and an estate worth $12,000 in gold and silver. After Loammi's death, Norval Granberry continued to focus much of his work at Mound Bluff Baptist Church near Flora. As a result of his influence, Norval was able to attract the 1843 Baptist State Convention to his church. Many of his friends and relatives were there -- Samuel Thigpen and Moses Granberry from Palestine; and Norvell Robertson Jr. from Leaf River. In 1844 Norval was chosen as a delegate from Union Baptist Church to the annual State Convention. Norval was now pastoring at Union Baptist Church and had moved his family to Meridan Springs near Clinton. In 1845, Norval was again chosen as a delegate to the annual State Convention which was marked by an alarming crisis. Rev. William Crane of Columbus Baptist Church in Hinds County read a preamble which resulted from a recent decision of the Baptist Board of Foreign Missions located in Boston and the American Home Mission Society located in New York to exclude Southern Baptists who are slave holders of equal rights in the National Baptist Union. Elder James Rivers, a missionary from Georgia, had been refused his appointment because he was a known slaveholder as were many of the Southern Baptist preachers. Because their earnings as church leaders were so meager most of the early pastors maintained farms to support their families. It was a fact of life in the agrarian South and the pastors were no exception. Reports given at several of the Mississippi State Conventions reflected the fact that the Baptist preachers understood completely the responsibility that they faced concerning the spiritual and physical needs of their slaves so they saw the decisions of the Northern Missionary Boards as an unwanted intrusion into their lives. It was a mirror image of the same issues that was facing a country moving toward Civil War. Norval Granberry was especially displeased and it was his decision as well as the acting board of the State Convention to sever their ties with the American Baptist Home Missionary Society and to realign with the Southern Baptist Convention recently established in Marion, Alabama. At that same time the United States was at war with Mexico and a company of infantry The Raymond Fencibles were mustered into the 1st Mississippi Regiment commanded by Colonel Jefferson Davis. Norval Granberry's sons Loammi and Hiram did not join as they were attending school at Oakland College near Rodney, Mississippi. The college was founded in 1830 as an institute of higher learner by the Mississippi Presbytery and Dr. Jeremiah Chamberlain was chosen as its president. In the spring of 1846, Hiram Granberry was admitted into the four-year college. Acceptance was based on successfully completing the preparatory school and the ability to read Cicero and Jacob's Greek Reader. As Oakland College was a Liberal Arts School the students would have studied the classical writers as well as courses in mathematics and modern geography. There is no evidence that the students received any military cadet training other then what they may have read in Caesar's Commentaries. That same year, Hiram Granberry's family moved to Brownsville a small community located on the old Bolton-Cox Ferry Road about 8 miles north of Bolton. Norval Granberry was now the pastor at Beulah Baptist Church which was first organized in 1831 as Spring Hill Baptist Church. In 1842, the congregation built a small log house a few hundred yards west of the current modern church. So his family could live close to the church, Norval bought land from Archibald Clark and his wife which was located a few miles north of Brownsville in Madison County near Bogue Chitto Creek. It was not a town but a small dispersed community of farms that tilled the rich alluvial bottom lands of the Big Black River. The Granberry farm was located just south of the junction of Bogue Chitto Creek and Spring Creek at the intersection of modern Purvis Road and Spring Creek Road. The old Granberry Cemetery still stands a short distance from the Spring Creek Road, hidden in the woods, marking the location of the farm house which stood on the back edge of the property. A narrow plantation road ran in front of the cemetery partially following the course of the modern Spring Creek Road except for visages of the original trace which can still be seen wandering off through the woods as the lane turned west toward the Cox Ferry road. Norval Granberry was soon joined by his brother George who bought land near Bogue Chitto Creek after the death of their father Loammi in Shubuta. With George Granberry were his two daughters Carey J. and Ella J. For Norval Granberry the move to Beulah Baptist Church was highly strategic because the Union Baptist Association had become too large to manage and had split into the Union and Central Associations. Norval's previous preaching positions had allowed him to galvanize many of the core churches for the reorganization. Many of the vibrant leaders of the older Union Association stayed as members of the Central Association which ensured its success. From April to May of 1847 Hiram Granberry was hard at work as a sophomore student at Oakland College while his father Norval continued to preach at Beulah Baptist Church. However, Norval's life was beginning to change. The last elected position held by Norval Granberry was in 1845 when he served as a vice president and chairman of the southern board at the Mississippi State Convention meeting held at Granada Baptist Church and again as a director at the Convention meeting in 1847. That same year he served as a delegate from Beulah Baptist Church to the annual meeting of the Union Association. In 1848, Norval received only a brief mention in a report from the state education committee. It is evident that poor health was a problem as years of travel and devotion to the Mississippi State Convention, the management of the Union and Central Associations, and his many pastoring assignments had taken its toll. Norval continued to preach and minister to the families at Beulah Baptist but after 1848 he did not accept any other major church positions. Tragedy finally struck the family in 1850. Norval Granberry died in April from consumption at the age of 43 followed by his wife Nancy McLaurin a few months later, in August. An eloquent epitaph concerning the death of Norval Granberry appeared in the obituaries of the Central Baptist Association which read: "Another watchman upon the walls of Zion has been struck down by the hand of death. The churches of our Association are called upon to mourn the loss of one who long served his master, in preaching the Gospel of the Blessed God. We deeply lament that we see his face no more on earth, but rejoice that he has gone to join the blood-washed throng around the throne of the lamb. Bro. N. R. Granberry was born in Jefferson County, Georgia in 1807. His father moved to this state, and settled in Covington County, in the year 1819, and in a few years afterwards, moved to Hinds County. In early life, he became a subject of converting grace, and united with the Palestine Baptist Church. Soon after making a profession of religion, he was called of God to preach the Gospel and was license by the church of which he was a member. Bro. Granberry was an able, devoted, and zealous minister of Christ. During his ministerial career, he served as pastor with great success the, viz: Palestine, Hinds County; Pine Bluff, Copiah County; County Line Church; Mound Bluff, Madison County; Union Church, Hinds County; and Beulah Baptist, Hinds County, of which he was a member when he died. As evidence of his zeal and success of this devoted servant of Christ, it need only be mentioned that he baptized during his ministry not less than a thousand persons; that for a long time he was the Moderator of the Union Association, and the first Moderator of the Central. But his labors are done. He has gone to his reward. We mourn with Sorrow his loss; but our loss is his gain, and would tender to his bereaved family and friends our sincere condolence." Even though a search of church and cemetery records have not conclusively pinpointed the exact location of Norval and Nancy McLaurin's graves it is most probable they were buried in the Granberry cemetery off Spring Creek road. After Norval's death, his brother George moved to the farm to live with the surviving family members. Norval's will written on May 14, 1849 divided his property between his children -- Loammi age 21, Hiram age 19, Jemmima J age 17, Catherine C. age 14, and Norval R. J. age 10, and Nautie N. age 2. To his son Hiram Norval bequeathed a saddled horse, eighty dollars, a bed, bedstand, some clothes, and an eight-year-old slave named Oliver. After the death of his parents Hiram continued to attend Oakland College sometimes living in Palestine with the Thigpen family where he tutored his younger cousin Stephen F. Granberry. Then in the spring/summer of 1851 Hiram Granberry graduated from Oakland College with a law degree. This should have been a defining moment for Hiram but he was to suffer one more tragedy in the form of a senseless death. In 1850, there was much excitement in Mississippi due to the governor's election. The Union candidate, Henry S. Foote, favored the Compromise of 1850 while the Democratic candidate, John A. Quitman, favored separate state action. Delegates were elected to a convention to consider whether Mississippi should agree to the Compromise or take action against perceived Federal overbearance of power. Jefferson Davis proposed a "Convention of States" to oppose the "Federal usurption" while Foote advocated adherence to the terms of the Compromise. The result of the election held in September 1851 was an overwhelming victory for the Unionists. It was a turbulent time but the faculty of Oakland College in their protected and serene environs continued to teach their students unaware that they had become the target of the States Rights supporters. During the election, handbills were circulated "directly charging the faculty of impropriety." Dr. Chamberlain responded by stating that "they had never authorized or knowingly allowed a political speech on any side to be declared in their hall or on their ground." A secessionist in Port Gibson further accused the faculty of expelling a student for giving a "Southern States rights speech" which was denied by Dr. Chamberlain. The informant, George A. Briscoe, was not satisfied and went to Dr. Chamberlain's house on September 6, renewed the charge, and fatally stabbed him. It was an incredibly senseless murder brought about by violent times. For Hiram Granberry the death of his beloved college president must have been unbearable and may have remained as one of several tragic events that lurked in the background of his youth. Whether it was the combined deaths of his parents and Dr. Chamberlain or the agitated politics of Mississippi in 1851, Hiram Granberry decided to leave Mississippi and move to Texas where one 1850 visitor to the state remarked "Nowhere is the worthy stranger made more welcome." By January 22, 1852 Granberry had bought property in Seguin, Texas and changed the spelling of his last name to Granbury. On September 7, 1853 Hiram Granbury's sister Jemima Jane wife of Thomas W. Davis died at the age of 20 years and was buried in the old Granberry family cemetery in Madison County. The inscription on her elaborate headstone reads "Thy faith hath saved thee go in peace" In the lower right hand corner is the name of the marble headstone company -- H. B. & O., St. Louis. On February 13, 1854 Hiram's other sister Catherine C. wife of Frank Davis died at the age of 18 years. Her inscription reads "My sweet Cate -- The pure in heart they shall see God." The two stones are placed side by side. Time has weathered their bases so they often lie buried beneath a thin cover of leaves and dirt. To the right of their headstones are two graves marked only by the presence of several worn bricks placed at the head. This is possibly the location of Hiram Granbury's parents. In 1857, Loammi Granberry acting as attorney for the family sold the Granberry farm near Bogue Chitto Creek containing 460 acres to Frank and Ann Davis. According to the deed two acres of land were set aside for the building of a cemetery and school but historians in Flora do not believe the school was ever built. This document is important because it records that Loammi, Hiram, and Nautie were the only remaining children of Norval Granberry. The youngest son Norval R. J. Granberry is not mentioned so it can be assumed that he had also died and was probably buried in an unmarked grave in the family cemetery. This assertion that Hiram Granbury's youngest brother Norval had died before 1861 is important because many historical sources have recorded that Norval had served in a Texas Cavalry Regiment which fought at the battle of Mansfield in Louisiana. The answer lies in a careful examination of the Texas pension record signed by Norvell J. Granberry who was Norval's cousin. The name is spelled differently and the birth date of 1845 in Mississippi is five years later then Hiram Granbury's brother. An important hint from the pension record is that Norvell J. Granberry lived in Lebanon, Texas after the war. The death certificate from the McKinney Courthouse documents that Norvell's parents were Hiram and Elizabeth Granberry of Rankin County, Mississippi. Sometime in the late 1850's, Hiram Granbury and his son Norvell J. left Rankin County, Mississippi and moved to Texas. In January 1862 Norvell J. Granberry enlisted in Co. A, Alexander's 34th Texas Cavalry Regiment, Polignac's Brigade which did fight during the battle of Mansfield in 1864. Norvell served until 1865 at which time he was discharged at Hempstead, Texas. After the war he continued to live in Lebanon, Texas just south of Frisco and farmed until his death in 1922. Norvell J. Granberry, his wife Mollie, and daughter Nora Ann are buried in the Rowlett Creek Cemetery in Collen County. Just to the right of Norvell's headstone is the weathered marker of his father, Hiram. Hiram B. Granbury would return to Raymond, Mississippi in May of 1863 not as a casual visitor but as Colonel of the 7th Texas Infantry Regiment, Gregg's Brigade. Granbury's connection to Raymond is significant because it meant that during the battle of Raymond he was defending the home of his youth and the honor of the Granberry families still living in the area. Granbury had also recently suffered the death of his young wife Fannie who had suffered through his imprisonment at Fort Warren only to die of ovarian cancer in Mobile. As Granbury bravely charged with his regiment into the hotly contested brawl along Fourteen-mile creek, he carried the memory of his wife with him. After the battle, Gregg's Brigade retreated toward Jackson where they were joined by reinforcements being organized by General Joseph Johnston. Jackson fell on May 14, and Gregg's Brigade began a long drawn out movement to the west and northwest toward Yazoo City as Johnston attempted to move his army in relief of Vicksburg. On June 16, Gregg's Brigade camped near the old brick church at Mound Bluff in Flora where his father Norval had once preached; unexpectedly Col. Hiram Granbury found himself once again reunited with memories. He was now only a few miles from the old Granberry Farm and the cemetery where his sisters and most probably his parents were buried. History does not record if Granbury ever visited the cemetery but a Victorian picture of such an event would have shown the young man standing over the graves of his family recalling memories from another time, the death of his wife Fannie, the retreat from Raymond, and the futility of his attachment to Johnston's uncommitted relief army. This would all change very quickly. With the fall of Vicksburg on July 4, 1863, Granbury and the 7th Texas moved to the safety of Enterprise, Mississippi and later were reassigned to Bragg's Army of Tennessee. After the battle of Chickamauga, the 7th Texas was reorganized into A. J. Smith's Texas Brigade and Col. Hiram Granbury found himself connected with the one officer in the Confederate Army who could tap into Granbury's passion for duty, General Patrick Cleburne. It was an important union because Cleburne's strengths would propel the young Granbury now commander of the Texas Brigade throughout the bitter fighting in Georgia. Whatever glory they attained in the hard fighting at Pickett's Mill, Kennesaw Mountain, and Jonesboro in Georgia would sadly be lost in the unwanted campaigning in Tennessee. However not completely lost, because in many ways, the honor they obtained by the nature of their tragic deaths on the sad field of Franklin on November 30, 1864 has not been forgotten as their memories are still remembered today. It is to these memories that this history is forever dedicated. Granberry Family History Research & Tom Holder, born in Nashville, Tennessee, is named for his great grandfather, Thomas Wilson Long who fought with the 3rd Georgia Regiment, Ambrose Wright's Brigade, A. P. Hill's Division, and Lee's ANV. Holder's interest in General Granbury started as he grew up around the battlefields of Nashville and Franklin. The interest continued after moving to Texas where his parents now live in Granbury, named in honor of the General and the site of his final burial. Holder's initial research on Brig. Gen. Hiram B. Granbury revealed that further research was needed in order to adequately document the General's life and military career. Subsequent research led Holder to the State of Mississippi where he spent several years studying census, land, and cemetery records. Holder, who now resides in Fort Worth, Texas, is a graduate of the University of Texas in Arlington. He holds a BS degree in microbiology and has worked in the pharmaceutical industry since 1974. He is a past member of the New Orleans Civil War Round Table and a current member of the Ft. Worth Civil War Round Table. He is also a member of the K. M. Van Zandt SCV as well as Co. A., Waco Guards in Waco, Texas. March | Gregg's March | Battle of Raymond | Order of Battle | Commanders | Soldiers Who Fought | Diaries & Accounts | Copyright (c) James and Rebecca Drake, 1998 - 2002. All Rights Reserved. Copyright (c) James and Rebecca Drake, 1998 - 2002. All Rights Reserved.

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Albert Einstein and Zionism These pages explore Albert Einstein's ideas about Zionism. Albert Einstein was not a conventional thinker of course, and his Zionism was unconventional too. While he lived, it was probably not possible for anyone to claim Einstein was not a Zionist, or that his Zionism was not compatible with his ideals of pacifism and socialism, as well as with his non-religious outlook. However, over half a century has passed since his death, dimming memories and distorting ideas, and allowing vultures to peck away at the memory of a great man. Because this great and gentle man should be an example to others, especially other Jews, in everything that we do and think, it is worthwhile pondering the course of Albert Einstein's thought about Zionism and its development over the Albert Einstein and the Balfour Declaration At the conclusion of World War I, Einstein was horrified by the barbarity and butchery, but the The Balfour Declaration had given him hope. He wrote to his friend Paul Ehrenfest: I'm very disillusioned with politics right now. Those countries [the Allied powers] whose victory I thought, during the war, would be by far the lesser evil, now show themselves to be an only slightly lesser evil. On top of that, there's the thoroughly dishonorable domestic politics: the reactionaries with all their shameful deeds in repulsive revolutionary disguise. One doesn't know where to look to take pleasure in human striving. What makes me happiest is the [prospective] realization of a Jewish state in Palestine. It seems to me that our brethren [Stammgenossenen] really are nicer [sympathische] (at least less brutal) than these awful [scheuslichen] Europeans. Maybe it can only get better if the Chinese alone survive; they lump all Europeans together as 'bandits.' Letter to Paul Ehrenfest March 22, 1919 Physics Today , April 2005 Translated and annotated by Bertram Schwarzschild Albert Einstein recruited to the Zionist Cause Kurt Blumenfeld recruited Einstein to Zionism in 1919, though not without difficulty. Albert Einstein was very much for assertion of Jewish rights, but this conflicted with his lifelong opposition to militant nationalism. Blumenfeld quoted him as saying: I am against nationalism but in favor of Zionism [Blumenfeld quotes Einstein as having told him]. The reason has become clear to me today. When a man has both arms and he is always saying I have a right arm, then he is a chauvinist. However, when the right arm is missing, then he must do something to make up for the missing limb. Therefore, I am, as a human being, an opponent of nationalism. But as a Jew I am from today a supporter of the Jewish Zionist efforts. Ronald W. Clark, Einstein: The Life and Times, World Publishing (1971) p. In October of 1919, he wrote to physicist Paul Epstein: Zionist cause is very close to my heart…. I am very confident of the happy development of the Jewish colony and am glad that there should be a tiny speck on this earth in which the members of our tribe should not One can be internationally minded, without renouncing interest in one's tribal comrades. Einstein was soon moved to support Zionism even more firmly, by increasing attacks on Jews and on himself personally in Germany. In 1920, a shady nationalist named Paul Weyland, and Ernst Gehrcke, a physicist began agitating against Einstein and the "Jewish nature" of relativity theory. They were supported in part by the Nobel Laureate Philipp Lenard, whose work had been an inspiration for Einstein's earlier papers. Weyland and Gehrcke called a mass meeting to denounce Einstein. With characteristic courage, Einstein attended the meeting. Later, he wrote a scathing and not-too-judicious rebuttal of Weyland and Gehrcke, which also attacked Lenard. In the same year, Albert Einstein was asked to address an assimilationist organization of "Germans of the Jewish Faith." He rebuffed them rather bruskly. In rebuffing them, he wrote that efforts of assimilationist Jews to put aside everything Jewish appear somewhat comical to a non-Jew, because the Jews are a people apart. "The psychological root of anti-Semitism lies in the fact that the Jews are group of people unto themselves. Their Jewishness is visible in their physical appearance, and one notices their Jewish heritage in their intellectual work." (cited in Isaacson, 2007 p 283). He also wrote,: , MacMillan,1931, p. 33) Before we can effectively combat anti-Semitism, we must first of all educate ourselves out of it... Only when we have the courage to regard ourselves as a nation, only when we respect ourselves, can we win the respect of others; or rather, the respect of others will then come of itself. Chaim Weizmann met Albert Einstein and the two scientists became good friends. Einstein was enlisted to help raise funds for the creation of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. To make the trip, Einstein cancelled many scheduled lectures, including an invitation to the famed Solvay conference. He wrote to friends about this trip. To Maurice Solovine: I am not at all eager to go to America but am doing it only in the interests of the Zionists, who must beg for dollars to build educational institutions in Jerusalem and for whom I act as high priest and I do what I can to help those in my tribe who are treated so badly everywhere. Clark Einstein: The Life and Times , p. 383) To Friedrich Zangger, he wrote on March 14, 1921: On Saturday I'm off to America - not to speak at universities (though there will probably be that, too, on the side) but rather to help in the founding of the Jewish University in Jerusalem. I feel an intense need to do something for this cause. ( Letter to Zangger, In Einstein, Albert, Albert Einstein, The Human Side (Hofmann, Banesh and Dukas, Helen, eds.) Princeton University Press, Chaim Weizmann, Albert Einstein and their party traveled by ship and the two got to know each other. Weizmann supposedly remarked, "Every day he explained his theory to me, and now I am convinced that he understands it." They arrived in New York to begin what would be a very long and famous tour. |Arriving in New York: (L to R): Menachem Ussishkin, Chaim Weizmann, (either Vera Weizmann or Margot Einstein) Albert Einstein, Elsa Einstein and Ben Zion Messensohn |Einstein and his companions were driven through New York in an open car motorcade, horns blaring. At the conclusion of the trip, Albert Einstein wrote to his friend Michele Besso: Two frightfully exhausting months now lie behind me, but I have the great satisfaction of having been very useful to the cause of Zionism and of having assured the foundation of the university... It is a wonder I was able to hold out. But now it is over, and there remains the beautiful feeling of having done something truly good... (Einstein: A Centenary Volume Harvard U Press (1979) p 203) Albert Einstein and the Assassination of Walther Rathenau The German Foreign Minister, Walther Rathenau, was an assimilated Jew. His views on internationalism and human rights were similar to those of Einstein, though they disagreed on the Jewish question, Zionism and assimilation. They became close friends. Einstein told him over dinner, after reading his book on politics, "I saw with astonishment and joy how extensive a meeting of minds there is between out outlooks on life. Einstein introduced him to Weizmann and to Blumenfeld, hoping to convert him to Zionism, but without success. In 1922, Rathenau, who believed in German compliance with allied demands, negotiated the treated of Rappallo with the Soviets. This earned him the opprobrium of the Nazis as a member of the "Jewish-communist conspiracy." On June 24, 1922, Rathenau was assassinated by Nazis. Einstein, and much of Germany, mourned Rathenau. Later, Einstein was to say: I can remember very well the time when Jews in Germany laughed over Palestine. I remember, when I spoke with Rathenau about Palestine, he said: 'Why go to this land that is only sand and worth nothing and which can never be developed?' This was his idea. But, if he had not been murdered, he probably would now be in Palestine. You can therefore see that the development of Palestine is of real tremendous importance for all of Jewry. At a 1940 testimonial dinner to Einstein, given by the friends of the Haifa Technion, Institute of Technology, quoted in Abraham Pais, Einstein Lived Here, Clarendon Press, Oxford U Press, 1994, pg 248 Einstein was profoundly shaken, and officials and friends warned him to guard his life. Hitler had already attacked Einstein and "Jewish science." Einstein's name appeared on hit lists prepared by Nazis. Officials advised him to leave Berlin or avoid public appearances. For a time he moved to Kiel. Inexplicably, he remained in Berlin for another decade. Meanwhile however, he decided to embark on a tour of Asia and Palestine. He knew when he embarked on this tour, that it would force him to miss the presentation ceremony of the Nobel prize for 1922, which he had been more or less informed, in September of 1922, that he would receive. In Singapore, Einstein was greeted by the Jewish community and raised money for the Hebrew University. If science is pre-eminent through its universal predomination, then one may ask, why do we need a Jewish University? Science is international but its success is based on institutions which are owned by nations. If therefore, we wish to promote culture we have to combine and to organize institutions with our own power and means. We need to do this all the more on account of the present political developments and especially in the view of the fact that a large percentage of our sons are refused admission to the Universities of other nations. Einstein in Singapore Joan Bieder in On The Page Web magazine issue no. 1, winter 2000–2001 Albert Einstein in Palestine Arriving in Palestine in 1923, the Einsteins were treated to, or rather underwent, a round of official festivities organized both by Zionists and the mandatory government. Einstein was made an honorary citizen of Tel Aviv, gave the very first lecture at the as yet unbuilt Hebrew University, and visited Haifa, where he planted two trees in the Technion and met Albert Einstein delivered the inaugural lecture of the Hebrew University. He also undertook to edit the university's first scientific journal. Along with Sigmund Freud, Ehad Ha'am, Judah Magnes and others, Einstein was a member of the first board of governors of the Hebrew University. He began his speech in Hebrew, but continued in French, as his Hebrew was unequal to the task. Later he wrote: I consider this the greatest day of my life. Hitherto I have always found something to regret in the Jewish soul, and that is the forgetfulness of its own people -- forgetfulness of its being, almost. Today I have been made happy by the sight of the Jewish people learning to recognize themselves and to make themselves recognized as a force in the world. This is a great age, the age of liberation of the Jewish soul, and it has been accomplished through the Zionist movement, so that no one in the world will be able to destroy it. (Ronald W. Clark, Einstein: The Life and Times, World Publishing (1971) pg 393) |Albert Einstein receives honorary citizenship of Tel Aviv, "I have already had the privilege of of receiving honorary citizenship of the City of New York, but I am tenfold happier to be a citizen of this beautiful Jewish town " February 8 diary entry on Tel Aviv: "The accomplishments of the Jews in just a few years in this city arouses the highest admiration.. An incredibly active people, our Jews... " Ronald W. Clark, Einstein: The Life and Times, World Publishing (1971) pg 394 ||Einstein with Jewish workers in Haifa, February, 1923 We like our brethren in Palestine very much as peasants, workers and as citizens... On the whole, the country is not very fertile. It will become a moral center, but will not be able to take in a large proportion of the Jewish people. I am convinced, however, that the colonization will succeed. Einstein to Maurice Solovine, 1923, in Lettres a Maurice Solovine (Paris: Gauthier-Villars, 1956), pg. 4 |Albert Einstein at Augusta Victoria with High Commissioner Herbert Samuel |Albert Einstein Planting Trees Albert Einstein and Zionism - 1929 In 1929, Albert Einstein attended the 16th Zionist congress. Like so many of us, he could never make up his mind if "Zionist" should apply only to those living in Palestine, or also to those Jews living abroad who supported the idea of Zionism. At the congress, he spoke of ""the brave and dedicated minority who call themselves Zionists" and of "we others." Ronald W. Clark, Einstein: The Life and Times, World Publishing (1971) pg 401]. But when a Weimar Minister, Willy Helpach, criticized Zionism as a "nationalist" movement, Einstein responded: I have read your article on Zionism and feel, as a strong devotee of the Zionist idea, that I must answer you... I realized that only a common enterprise dear to the heart of Jews all over the world could restore this people to health...It was the great achievement of Herzl's to have realized and proclaimed... the establishment of a national home, or more accurately, a center in Palestine... All this you call nationalism... But a communal purpose, without which we can neither live nor die in this hostile world, can always be called by that ugly name. In any case it is a nationalism whose aim not power but dignity and health.If we didn't have to live among intolerant, narrow minded and violent people, I would be the first to discard all nationalism in favor of a universal humanity Letter to Professor Hellpach, published in Mein Weltbild (The World as I See It), 1934 Following the Arab riots of 1929 Einstein rallied to the cause of the Zionist project, threatened by the British White Paper, and identified the Grand Mufti, Hajj Amin Al Husseini as the main instigator: , Macmillan, 1931 pp 60-61 [Aug. Does public opinion in Great Britain realise that the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, who is the centre of an the trouble, and speaks so loudly in the name of all the Moslems, is a young political adventurer of not much more, I understand, than thirty years of age, who in 1920 was sentenced to several years' imprisonment for his complicity in the riots of that year, but was pardoned under the terms of an amnesty? The mentality of this man may be gauged from a recent statement he gave to an interviewer accusing me, of all men, of having demanded the rebuilding of the Temple on the site of the Mosque of Omar. Is it tolerable that, in a country where ignorant fanaticism can so easily be incited to rapine and murder by interested agitators, so utterly irresponsible and unscrupulous a politician should be enabled to continue to exercise his evil influence, garbed in an the spiritual sanity of religion, and invested with all the temporal powers that this involves in an Eastern country? In 1931, the Zionist movement published a collection of Albert Einstein's speeches and letters about Zionism. From this, there emerges a clear picture of the principles of his thought about Zionism and the Jewish people: Despite his assimilationist upbringing, Albert Einstein was contemptuous of assimilationist Jews: Before we can effectively combat anti-Semitism, we must first of all educate ourselves out of it and out of the slave mentality which it betokens. We must have more dignity, more independence, in our own ranks. Only when we have the courage to regard ourselves as a nation, only when we respect ourselves, can we win the respect of others; or rather, the respect of others will then come of itself. Anti-Semitism as a psychological phenomenon will always be with us so long as Jews and non-Jews are thrown together. But where is the harm? It may be thanks to anti-Semitism that we are able to preserve our existence as a race; that at any rate is my belief. When I come across the phrase "German Citizens of the Jewish Persuasion," I cannot avoid a melancholy smile. What does this high falutin' description really mean? What is this "Jewish persuasion"? Is there, then, a kind of non-persuasion by virtue of which one ceases to be a Jew? There is not. What the description really means is that our beaux esprits are proclaiming two things: First I wish to have nothing to do with my poor (East European) Jewish brethren; Secondly, I wish to be regarded not as a son of my people, but only as a member of a religious community. Is this honest? Can an "Aryan" respect such dissemblers? I am not a German citizen, nor is there anything about me that can be described as "Jewish persuasion." But I am a Jew, and I am glad to belong to the Jewish people, though I do not regard it as "chosen." Let us just leave anti-Semitism to the non-Jews, and keep our own hearts warm for our kith and kin. (1920) From It is clear that Albert Einstein thought of Zionism as a movement of national liberation in every progressive sense, and he understood the importance of rebuilding a homeland in Palestine not just for "refugees" but for Diaspora Jews as But my Zionism does not exclude cosmopolitan views. I believe in the actuality of Jewish nationality, and I believe that every Jew has duties towards his co-religionists. The meaning of Zionism is thus many sided. To Jews who despair in the Ukrainian hell or in Poland it opens out hopes of a more human existence. Through the return of Jews to Palestine, and so to a normal and healthy economic life, Zionism involves a creative fusion, which should enrich mankind at large. But the main point is that Zionism must tend to enhance the dignity and self respect of the Jews in the Diaspora. I have always been annoyed by the undignified assimilationist cravings and strivings which I have observed in so many of my friends. Through the establishment of a Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine, the Jewish people will again be in a position to bring its creative abilities into full play without hindrance. Through the Jewish University and similar institutions the Jewish people will not only help forward its own national renaissance, but will enrich its moral culture and knowledge, and will once again, as it was centuries ago, be guided into better ways of life than those which are inevitably imposed on it in present conditions. The rebuilding of Palestine is for us Jews not a mere matter of charity or emigration: it is a problem of paramount importance for the Jewish people. Palestine is first and foremost not a refuge for East European Jews, but the incarnation of a reawakening sense of national solidarity. But is it opportune to revive and to strengthen this sense of solidarity? To that question I must reply with an unqualified affirmative, not only because that answer expresses my instinctive feeling but also, I believe, on rational grounds. ((Albert About Zionism, Macmillan, 1931 pp 30-31) His deep pacifist commitments and humanitarian outlook made Albert Einstein call again and again for attempts to make peace with the Arabs of Palestine. The first and most important necessity is the creation of a modus vivendi with the Arab people. Friction is perhaps inevitable, but its evil consequences must be overcome by organised co-operation, so that the inflammable material may not be piled up to the point of danger. The absence of normal contact in every-day life is bound to produce an atmosphere of mutual fear and distrust, which is favourable to such lamentable outbursts of passion as we have witnessed. We Jews must show above all that our own history of suffering has given us sufficient understanding and psychological insight to know how to cope with this problem of psychology and organisation: , Macmillan, 1931 pp 60-61 [Letter to Manchester Guardian, Oct. 12, 1929]) (Letter to the Palestinian Arab Paper Falastin, 28 January 1930) from I deplore the tragic events of last August not only because they revealed human nature in its lowest aspects, but also because they have deranged the two peoples and have made it temporarily more difficult for them to approach one another. But come together they must, in spite of all. A book, About Zionism, summing up Albert Einstein's writings about Zionism to date was published in 1930, and republished in 1931 by MacMillan.

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Planning…in political rhetoric is the government’s suppression of other people’s plans by superimposing on them a collective plan, created by third parties, armed with the power of government and exempted from paying the costs the these collective plans impose on others. Thomas Sowell, Economic Facts and Fallacies (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2008), 31-32. Metanarratives or Grand Narratives – “big stories, stories of mythic proportions – that claim to be able to account for, explain and subordinate all lesser, little, local, narratives.” Jim Powell, Postmodernism for Beginners, 29. Epistemology – ‘the branch of philosophy concerned with questions about knowledge and belief and related issues such as justification and truth.’ C. Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion, 39 A worldview is how one views or interprets reality. The German word is Weltanschauung, meaning a ‘world and life view,’ or ‘a paradigm.’ It is a framework through which or by which one makes sense of the data of life. A worldview makes a world of difference in one’s view of God, origins, evil, human nature, values, and destiny. Norman L. Geisler, Baker Encyclopedia of Christian Apologetics, 785-786 A worldview is a commitment, a fundamental orientation of the heart, that can be expressed as a story or in a set of presuppositions (assumptions which may be true, partially true or entirely false) which we hold (consciously or subconsciously, consistently or inconsistently) about the basic constitution of reality, and that provides the foundation on which we live and move and have our well being. James W. Sire, Naming the Elephant: Worldview as a Concept, 122 Worldview – 1) The overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world; 2) A collection of beliefs about life and the universe held by an individual or a group. The American Heritage Dictionary Logic – ‘The science of argument. Logic is centrally concerned with the form or structure of arguments themselves. Logic proper is not concerned with whether the premises in an argument are true, but rather, supposing the premises to be true, does the conclusion follow’. Kelly James Clark, Richard Lints, and James K.A. Smith, 101 Key Terms in Philosophy and Their Importance for Theology 48 Logic – ‘deals with the methods of valid thinking; it reveals how to draw proper conclusions from premises. It is a prerequisite of all thinking, including all theological thought. Logic is such an inescapable tool that even those who deny it cannot avoid using it, for it is built into the very fabric of the rational universe’. Norman Geisler, Systematic Theology, Vol. 1: Introduction/Bible, 81 Natural Law ‘a philosophical system of legal and moral principles purportedly deriving from a universalized conception of human nature or divine justice rather than from legislative or judicial action; moral law embodied in principles of right and wrong’. Brian A. Garner, ed., Black’s Law Dictionary, 7th ed., 1049 Polemic – “1. A controversial argument, especially one refuting or attacking a specific opinion or doctrine. 2. A person engaged in or inclined to controversy, argument, or refutation.” American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed., cf. polemic, 1357. Polemics: The art of disputation or controversy (the defense of a thesis by formal logic). A polemic can also be the aggressive refutation of another position or principle. In theology polemics often refers to the attempt to show the superiority of Christian teaching over its rivals by means of a systematic, ordered delineation of the Christian belief system (systematic theology) that shows the internal consistency of Christian doctrine as well as its congruence with human knowledge as a whole. Political Science – “The study of the processes, principles, and structure of government and of political institutions,” American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 4th ed. (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 2006), cf. political science, 1358. Just so the reader knows how I understand this term, praxeology, or, “right” theology into “right” action. Word Faith theology, Liberation theology and Emergent theology distorts this interpretation. Here is a more in-depth definition: PRAXIS AND ORTHOPRAXIS. `Praxis’ essentially means ‘action’. Traditionally, the concept refers to the application of theory or socially innovative human behaviour. Its long history begins with Aristotle but the concept achieved contemporary prominence through Marx, who used it in various ways but, most commonly, to mean revolutionary action through which the world Was changed. In theology it has gained currency through liberation theology.” Theology usually emphasizes orthodoxy, i.e., right belief or conceptual reflection on truth. Political theology balances this with an emphasis on action (praxis) and right action (orthopraxis). Gutierrez typically complains that ‘the church has for centuries devoted her attention to formulating truth and meanwhile did almost nothing to better the world’. It not only advocates action but questions whether knowledge can be detached; and it insists that truth can only be known through action. Knowing and doing are dialectically related, and right action becomes the criterion for truth. The danger is, as Miguez Bonino has observed, that theology is reduced to ethics, the vertical dimension equated with the horizontal and the concept built on Marxism. Positively, however, it can claim biblical roots. God communicates with his world, not through a conceptual frame of reference, but in creative activity; in John’s gospel knowing truth is contingent on doing it (Jn. 3:21). Sinclair B. Ferguson, David F. Wright, J.I. Packer, eds., New Dictionary of Theology (Downers Grove, IL: InterVasity Press, 1988), 527. transmigration of the soul ~ the soul “…wanders through eternity, undergoing successive birth and rebirth, death and re-death, until it finally attains liberation. Birth and rebirth are not random happenings, however; everything is connected by the chains of karma. Every action has a consequence, and some consequences are so far-reaching that they must be played out over several lifetimes.” Diane Morgan, The Best Guide to Eastern Philosophy & Religion (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2001), 35. transmigration of the soul ~ Defined simply as the “rebirth as an animal, tree, or inanimate thing,” H. Byron Earhart, Religious Traditions of the World (New York, NY: Harper San Francisco, 1993), 371. Through the transmigration of the soul the Dalai Lama is said to be the fourteenth reincarnation of Avalokiteshvara: Avalokiteshvara – “…(frequently pictured with eleven heads and multiple arms), who came out of Indian Mahayana as the ultimate embodiment of mercy and was adapted into various other schools of Mahayana. In Tibetan Buddhism, under the name Chenresi, he is believed to be the incarnated by the Dali Lama. In China, Avalokiteshvara became merged with the folk goddess of mercy, Guanyin, and thus appears in feminine form. Finally, in Japan he/she is revered as the feminine Kannon.” Winfred Corduan, Neighboring Faiths: A Christian Introduction to World Religions (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1998), 229. Paradigm: comes from the Greek paradeigma: evidence, example, pattern, model, archetype. In linguistics, a paradigm provides an example of a conjugation or a declension. In philosophy, its meanings include an archetype, a standard of measurement, a typical case or suggestive example, and a dominating scientific orientation. The term paradigm is frequently used in the social sciences. In popular understanding, paradigm often simply means a collection of ideas, a cluster of theories, models or actions representing a guiding idea, or a conceptual framework. Antje Jackelén, Encyclopedia of Science and Religion. (Apologetics315) Falsifiability: In opposition to the verification criterion of the logical positivists, Austrian-born philosopher Karl Popper (1902–1994) defended the idea of falsifiability. According to Popper’s falsification criterion scientists should develop theories that can be falsified by observation. They should then try to falsify them, and those that survive testing should then be tentatively accepted and regarded as corroborated, that is, as closer to the truth than theories that have been falsified. The criterion was intended to demarcate science from pseudo-science. In the mid-twentieth century these ideas and their consequences for religious beliefs were at the center of the science/religion debate, but because of doubts about whether science itself could satisfy Popper’s requirements, issues of falsifiability have had a less prominent place in the debate since the 1980s. Mikael Stenmark, Encyclopedia of Science and Religion. (Apologetics315) The Big Bang Theory is based on the observation that all the stars and galaxies of the universe are in motion and not stationary. The American astronomer Edwin Hubble (1889–1953) discovered in 1929 that the light of all visible stars was redshifted. Hence the movement of the myriad of galaxies is not random but everything is moving further away. If all galaxies are now racing away from one another then at one point all matter must have been clustered together in an infinitely dense space and its present motion might best be explained by an original explosion of matter. Hence the term Big Bang. The 1965 discovery by Arno Penzias (b. 1933) and Robert Wilson (b. 1936) of the background radiation produced by the intense heat of this “explosion” served to further confirm the theory. The Big Bang Theory brought to an end the idea of a static universe and made respectable again discussions of the beginning and possible creation of the universe. Mark Worthing, Encyclopedia of Science and Religion. (Apologetics315) Subjectivism holds that moral statements convey information about the speaker of the moral statement. According to private subjectivism, “X is right” states the psychological fact that “I like X.” This differs from emotivism. Emotivism holds that moral statements merely express feelings. Private subjectivism, however, holds that moral statements do not express feelings but describe the psychological state of the speaker. An expression of feeling cannot be false. But if person A says “I dislike x,” then this can be false if A really likes x but does not want to admit it. Cultural relativism is the view that statements like “X is right” state the sociological fact that “We in our culture like x.” William Lane Craig & J.P. Moreland, Philosophical Foundations for a Christian Worldview (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2003), p. 400. (Apologetics315) Verification Theory of Meaning: Theory held by logical positivists, summarized in the slogan “the meaning of a proposition is its method of verification.” Logical positivism, popularized in English by A.J. Ayer, held that all propositions that have cognitive meaning (are either true or false) are either analytic (true or false solely because of the meaning of the terms) or else verifiable by sense experience. The heart of the view is the claim that all nonanalytic propositions are empirically verifiable. The positivists believed this would show that religious and metaphysical propositions were meaningless. Unfortunately for the positivists, it was soon noticed that the verification theory of meaning does not pass its own test for meaningfulness: it does not seem to be true by definition, and it is not empirically verifiable. It also was discovered that many propositions of science were not directly verifiable. But when the theory was weakened to allow such propositions meaning, it was easily shown that theological and metaphysical propositions were also meaningful on the weaker criterion. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 120-121. (Apologetics315) Philosophical Theology: Philosophical inquiry into the key beliefs of theologians and concepts of theology. In addition to such topics as arguments for the existence of God, philosophical theologians attempt to analyze such divine attributes as omnipotence, omniscience and eternality and also (with respect to Christianity) to assess the coherence and plausibility of such theological doctrines as the Trinity, the atonement and the incarnation. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 91-92. (Apologetics315) Providence: The loving care and governance that God exercises over the created universe. The traditional picture of providence is one in which God, as an omniscient, omnipotent and perfectly good being, has exhaustive knowledge of the past, present and future, and exercises his power so as to ensure that every event that occurs is part of his perfect plan. Some have recently questioned such a view of providence by arguing that it does not do justice to human freedom. According to a revised view, God knows all the possibilities and knows what responses he must make to ensure that his goals are achieved. The issues raised by providence are closely linked to the problems raised by predestination and the compatibility of divine foreknowledge and human free will. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 97. (Apologetics315) Mysticism: The view that it is possible to gain experiential knowledge of that which transcends the limits of human reason and sensory perception. When associated with a religious tradition (as is usually the case), the mystic holds that it is possible to gain an awareness of God or ultimate reality through certain kinds of experiences, which are often claimed to be ineffable. Theists interpret such experiences as making possible a special intimacy or oneness with God but deny the monistic claim that in such experiences the mystic becomes aware of an identity with God. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 78. (Apologetics315) Miracle: An event brought about by a special act of God. There is much disagreement about the definition beyond this minimum. Some thinkers argue that a miracle must involve an exception to the laws of nature or (perhaps alternatively) involve some event that exceeds the natural powers or capacities of natural things. Others insist that a miracle is recognizable primarily by its revelatory power as a sign that shows something about God or God’s purposes and that such events do not have to be scientifically inexplicable. Since David Hume’s famous attack on miracles, the possibility of miracles and the kind of evidence needed for belief in miracles has been subject to debate. Traditional apologetics viewed miracles as important confirmation or certification that a prophet or apostle was genuinely sent by God. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 76. (Apologetics315) Resurrection is the raising up of a dead man in the space-time universe to glory and immortality. Assumption is the taking of someone bodily out of this world into heaven. Revivification is the return of a dead man to the mortal life. 2 Kings 2:1-12 describes the assumption of Elijah into heaven. John 11:1-44 describes the revivification of Lazarus by Jesus. Note the differences between the two events and Jesus’ resurrection. William Lane Craig, On Guard: Defending Your Faith with Reason and Precision (Colorado Springs, CO: David C. Cook, 2010), p. 256. (Apologetics315) Reductionism: An attempt to explain some domain or field by showing that it can be derived from or redescribed in the language of some more basic domain or field. A physicalist, for example, may attempt a reductionistic account of the mind by showing that such entities as thoughts and perception can be reduced to physiological states of the brain. In science a successful reduction requires one to show how the laws of one domain can be derived from the laws of some more fundamental domain. Reductionism often is linked to an attitude that seeks to view the explained or “reduced” field or objects as unreal. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 100. (Apologetics315) Taoism: An ancient philosophical and religious worldview developed in China. The term derives from the Chinese word tao, meaning “the way.” Taoists believe that there is an underlying metaphysical and ethical structure to the cosmos and that humans who understand this can order their lives rightly. However, this structure, or tao, is ineffable, and thus our knowledge of it is not propositional in character. The most famous Taoist philosophers were Chuang-tzu and Lao-tzu. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 113. (Apologetics315) Solipsism: The doctrine that a person has a direct awareness only of his or her own conscious state and is in some way cut off from the reality of other things. The extreme form of solipsism is ontological solipsism, which denies the reality of anything outside one’s own mind. The denials that a person can know the external world or other minds can be viewed as forms of epistemological solipsism. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 109. (Apologetics315) Scientism: The conviction that scientific knowledge, particularly that derived from the natural sciences, is the highest or even only form of knowledge. Scientism thus depreciates the possibility that ultimate truth can be derived from such areas as moral, aesthetic and religious experience, and it typically rejects the idea that truth can be derived from special revelation. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 105. (Apologetics315) Utilitarianism: The ethical theory, held by such thinkers as Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill, asserting that moral rightness is determined by what leads to the greatest good for the greatest number of people. Traditional utilitarians identify the greatest good with happiness and define happiness in terms of pleasure and the absence of pain, while “ideal” utilitarians are willing to include other goods other than pleasure in their calculation of benefits. The traditional view is held by many animal rights advocates, who argue that the pleasures and pains of animals have great moral weight (equal to humans, in some cases). Act utilitarians hold that what is morally right is determined by the consequences of particular acts, while rule utilitarians hold that morality is a matter of conforming to rules or principles and that the right set of principles consists of those that would, if followed, lead to the greatest good for the greatest number. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 119. You may also be interested in Dr. John Lennox’s critique of Peter Singer’s Utilitarianism or Dinesh D’Souza’s debate with Peter Singer on morality. (Apologetics315) Tolerance: A trait regarded as one of the chief virtues by contemporary Western societies. Tolerance is often confused with a relativistic refusal to criticize another view or make any substantive value judgments. However, logically, tolerance is consistent with an attitude of strong disagreement and even disapproval. There are many views I may tolerate (in the sense that I think people should be allowed to hold them) that I think are mistaken or harmful. Tolerance is also sometimes confused with respect, but the two attitudes are distinct. I may respect a committed political rebel even though I do not tolerate his behavior. I may tolerate people whom I do not respect at all. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 63-116. (Apologetics315) Just War Theory: The ethical theory that Christians may legitimately fight in wars, but only when certain conditions are met. Those conditions include the following: the cause must be just; the war must be waged by a legitimate government; the means used must be moral; the war must be a last resort; and there must be a reasonable chance of achieving the goals of the war. The just war theory has been the dominant view about participating in war among Catholic, Lutheran and Reformed theologians. C.Stephen Evans, Pocket Dictionary of Apologetics & Philosophy of Religion (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2002), p. 63-64. (Apologetics315) Quest of the Historical Jesus: The nineteenth-century movement that sought to separate and distinguish the man Jesus of Nazareth from the Christ of faith as proclaimed by the church. The proponents of this quest concluded that the “historical” (non-supernatural) Jesus never made any messianic claim, never predicted his death or resurrection and never instituted the sacraments now followed by the church. Instead the biblical stories that assign these acts to Jesus are nonhistorical “myths” that, together with certain philosophical and theological claims set forth in the NT documents, were projected onto him by his disciples, the Gospel writers and the early church. The true historical Jesus, in contrast, preached a simple, largely ethical message as capsulized in the dictum of the “fatherhood of God” and the “brotherhood of humankind.” Postmodernism: A term used to designate a variety of intellectual and cultural developments in late-twentieth-century Western society. The postmodern ethos is characterized by a rejection of modernist values and a mistrust of the supposedly universal rational principles developed in the Enlightenment era. Postmoderns generally embrace pluralism and place value in the diversity of worldviews and religions that characterizes contemporary society. Panentheism: The belief that God’s being includes and permeates the entire universe so that everything exists in God. In contrast to pantheism, panentheists declare that God’s being is greater than and not exhausted by the universe. God is affected by each event in the universe, and thus God’s knowledge must change and grow. However, God simultaneously retains personal integrity and complete reality. *Note: An easy rule of thumb is that pantheists see the universe as God, but panentheists see the universe almost like God’s body. Pantheism defined broadly means “that god is everywhere and, more important, in everyone.” Sarah M. Pike, New Age and Neopagan Religions In America (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2004), 27. Pantheism: Greek for “everything is God,” the belief that God and the universe are essentially identical. More specifically, pantheism is the designation for the understanding of the close connection between the world and the divine reality found in certain religions, including Hinduism. One variety of pantheism speaks of God as the “soul” of the universe, which is thought to be God’s “body.” Pantheistic religions often suggest that our experience of being disconnected from each other and from the divine is merely an illusion. Ethics: The area of philosophical and theological inquiry into what constitutes right and wrong, that is, morality, as well as what is the good and the good life. Ethics seeks to provide insight, principles or even a system of guidance in the quest of the good life or in acting rightly in either general or specific situations of life. Broadly speaking, ethical systems are either deontological (seeking to guide behavior through establishment or discovery of what is intrinsically right and wrong) or teleological (seeking to guide behavior through an understanding of the outcomes or ends that ethical decisions and behavior bring about. Along with the idea of karma, Indian thinkers introduced the concept of samsara, literally “to wander across.” Indian religions believe that the life force of an individual does not die with the death of the body, but instead “wanders across.” The life force moves on to another time and body, where it continues to live. Many Western thinkers have proposed this idea as “reincarnation” or the “transmigration of souls.” Some see this process as a blessing; but in Indian thought, samsara may be thought of as a curse. One is bound to life in ignorance and pain, living over and over again through countless generations. Indeed, the goal of most Indian religions is to break the cycle of karma and samsara and be free from the burden of life. This breaking free from life is called moksha. In the Upanishads, release from life comes when there is true knowledge of the illusion of life. Lewis M. Hopfe and Mark R. Woodward, Religions of the World, 10th ed. (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2006), 81 (emphasis added). Caste System – “The system of cultural ranking and structuring of Hindu society,” Larry A. Nichols, George A. Mather and Alvin J. Schmidt, Encyclopedic Dictionary of Cults, Sects, and World Religions (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 2006), cf. caste, 375.

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The Study of Words Written by: Ross, Dr. Allen P. Posted on: 01/30/2008 Category: Bible Studies The study of words in the Bible is foundational to accurate exegesis and crucial for rich exposition. Much is available but often the expositors are unaware of the correct procedure and best tools. It is doubtful that a complete word study has ever, or will ever be done. There are books on individual words, but even these do not include all the data. Periodicals, word study books, and commentaries are all helpful in gathering materials; but it all must be carefully evaluated. One must be satisfied that studying words will be a continuing process. Nevertheless, with a few good tools and a little practice the expositor will be able to study words easily and quickly to be able to understand and explain their meanings and theirs uses. There are three areas to be studied in this process: tracing the usage of a word, researching its etymology, and surveying its translations in the ancient versions. Most word study books will give the etymology first, and then deal with usage and the versions; but we will work with usage first, because it will be the step most frequently used by students of the Bible. The study of etymology is the most difficult, but since it is necessary for studying the many rare and problematic words in Scripture, it cannot be avoided. The study of how a word is used is the least complicated; and it is how we proceed on the common theological words. The study of how a word was translated in the ancient versions (and modern versions) is also a little complicated because it involves languages; but because the commentaries and expositions use them so much, we must know how to use them correctly. THE USAGE OF WORDS For the study of words that are fairly frequent, especially for the solid theological terms of the Bible, the basic word study procedure will require learning how a word was used in the literature. In fact, it is well to keep in mind that when dictionaries of Hebrew or the other Semitic languages list a meaning for a word, they are listing it on the basis of their study of how that word was used in its contexts. For the basic exegetical work of the expositor, most of the effort will be spent in looking up words in their contexts in the Old Testament and attempting to articulate their meanings in such passages. While it is true that there are many words that have frequent uses (800 terms occur 25 times or more in the Old Testament), there are many more that occur under 25 times (some 7000). So most of the time the exegete can look up all the references for a given term. If the tem is a very common word, the work will have to be selective. The dictionary definition and the etymology will provide the basic concept, but its range of meanings and specific emphases will come from a survey of how it was used. Tools for Studying Usage To do accurate and excellent work in a reasonable amount of time, you have to have a few good tools. Consult the bibliography for the course for the details on any of these works. For a Hebrew word study you will have to have a good Hebrew lexicon or dictionary. The basic work is Brown, Driver and Briggs (BDB); although old, it is still very useful. The other major one that is complete is by Koehler and Baumgartner (KBL). The exhaustive dictionaries or word study books that are available include the two volume set edited by Harris, Waltke and Archer, the five volume set edited by van Gemeren, or the larger Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament edited by Botterweck and Ringgren. Note: For people who do not know Hebrew, then the set edited by van Gemeren is the one to have. The words are all keyed into the English translations so that the relevant discussions can be found quickly and easily. The good Hebrew concordances that are helpful for the study of usage are: Solomon Mandelkern, Gerhard Lisowsky, Abraham ’Eben Shoshan, and Englishman’s. These arrange the references in the Bible in accordance with the Hebrew term. The fact that some of these do not use English phrases from the verses should not be a problem, for the purpose of a concordance is primarily to give the references in the text. Many students opt for Englishman’s because under the given Hebrew word it will list the verses of the Bible and beside each verse the pertinent phrase in English in which the term occurs. The problem with this is that too many students rely on the meaning given in the phrase without looking at the context of the passage. Mandelkern may be a little better investment because it can be used for grammatical, textual, and lexical studies. It lists under each grammatical form of the word the respective verses. All the verses for the term being studied will be on the page--just not in consecutive order in the Old Testament. Lisowsky offers a straight listing of references under the Hebrew term and may be faster for word studies, Eben Shoshan is the most up-to-date and may be the better all-around purchase--but you will have to get used to Hebrew names of Bible books and Hebrew designations for chapters and verses. If you do not know Hebrew, you can actually use a concordance based on the English translation, but it involves a couple of steps. Young’s Analytical Concordance, for example, lists the English word, and then for each passage where that English word is used, gives the specific Hebrew word. In the back of the book, then, he lists all the English words that that Hebrew word translated. Each of these would be looked up to get the full list of passages where your word occurs--and that is all you are using a concordance for. Besides a good concordance and word book, one tool that many have found helpful in doing word studies is the English-Hebrew Old Testament, or an Interlinear (Kohlenberger). The English in the column Bible may not be the best translation, but as you look up the passage to skim through the story or verse to find the sense of the context, it is helpful to have the Hebrew right beside the English in order to check the exact Hebrew expressions. The inter-linear Bibles have been used by some in this way, but they are more cumbersome since the Hebrew phrases and the English phrases have to be grouped together due to the different directions of the writing. Categories of Meanings The procedure is basically to find the references in the Bible in which the word occurs, look up each (or as many as possible) to determine how the word is used in the context, and group the precise meanings into separate categories. Before this work is begun, it may be helpful to scan through BDB to see how they labeled the categories. Often they will simply arrange the word under grammatical sections (Niphal, etc.) or under subjects (Used of Man, Used of God). These give the exegete some direction for the study, but they should not be considered the categories of meanings, for they tell little about how the word is to be understood. So the categories of meanings provided by the exegete should be meaningful expressions of the basic nuances of the word. To say that God is the subject, or that it is always used in military contexts, or various other descriptive comments, will certainly be helpful in the general understanding of the word, but will not tell much about the meaning of the word. We should strive for categories that will reflect the kind of action or situation that the term portrays. This may require the exegete to determine what is being produced by the verb, what is described, what is the mood in the context, whether the word is literal or figurative, and how it relates to the other Hebrew words from the same root. For example, consider the word study of bara’, “to create.” The etymology provides very little help for the understanding of this term. Usage will show its range of meanings, for seldom can one definition, such as “create”' in this case, adequately provide an understanding of the term for exegesis. We wish to know more about its range of meanings, how it is used in the Bible. When you look up the passages in which this term occurs, you will find that most of them are in Genesis and Isaiah. The categories may include some of the following: the term is used for God’s supernatural creation of the universe (heaven, earth, mankind, creatures, wind, air, etc--all these passages would be grouped together); the term is also used for the formation of a new spirit and a new heart in a penitent sinner, a sort of revitalization; the term is also used for the formation of the nation of Israel, etc. In each of these categories you would have to study the passages to see exactly how God did the creating or forming, what means He used, and what was the desired result in the action (see the sample paper for the development). When a word is studied in this manner, the expositor may not be able to define its usage by only one word, but will have a far better understanding of its range of meanings. Another benefit of this study will be finding the literary allusions and correlations that the writers make with other portions of Scripture. Criteria in the Classifications Several qualifications must be kept in mind when looking up passages to group them into denominations: Circles of Contexts. When a term is being studied a great deal of concern should be given to the contexts in which it is found. It would be most significant to observe how a term is used in the immediate context--if a word is used 6 times in a story, for example, that is primary in the study. The next circle of uses would widen to the book--not just a chapter now, but the entire book in which the study may occur (assuming the book was written by one person--Psalms and Proverbs were not). The next circle would take in the other literature that an author may have written--the Pentateuch, for example. It then would move to other literature written at the same time period, and then finally to the entire Old Testament. These stages may not always be followed easily because of the difficulty in dating some of the material of the Old Testament. But certainly how one author used a word (e.g., David, Isaiah) will receive primary consideration. For example, teshuqa, “desire,” occurs twice in Genesis (3:16, 4:7) and once in the Song of Solomon (7:2). The meaning of the word in 3:16 should be more akin to 4:7 than to Canticles--but commentators often skip the reference in 4:7 and assume the meaning in 3:16 is the same as that in Canticles. The word means “desire” in all three places, but its connotation will be different in the books. The English gloss “desire” has several categories of meaning itself, either good or bad. Type of Literature. It is important to consider the literature in which a term is used: narrative, poetic, legal, wisdom, prophetic, etc. Form critical studies have contributed much to the cautious observation of common vocabulary used in the different types of psalms and stories. The example of “desire” used above could be used here as well, for two uses are in the Torah literature and the other in the exquisite Song of Solomon Just because words show up in different types of literature does not mean that they must have different meanings. Many times the psalms or the prophets, for example, clearly used terms from the Torah in precisely the same way that the Torah used them. At other times, they turned the expression and used it figuratively or ironically. The exegete must be alert when moving into different types of literature to be sure of how that literature uses the term. Date. I should think that if the first two considerations (listed above) have been made, this one will have been made in the process. The Hebrew of the Old Testament covers centuries. A term can change its meaning rather quickly in such a period of time. Consider an example from English: when St. Paul’s Cathedral in London was rebuilt by Christopher Wren after the great fire, King George described it as “amusing, artificial, and awful.” By those words, however, he meant “pleasing,” “a work of art,” and “awesome,” respectively. It is possible that in the Old Testament such changes in meaning have also developed. For example, saris, is defined as meaning “eunuch.” In Genesis, Potiphar is a “eunuch”--but he had a wife as everyone familiar with the story knows. It can be demonstrated from Akkadian that the cognate word for Hebrew saris at one time meant “court official,” and later came to mean “eunuch.” It is plausible to suggest that the same development took place in Hebrew, so that the reference in Genesis is confirmed as correct in usage. Figurative Language. Words can be used figuratively; some of the figurative uses change the categories of meanings. We need to make a distinction here between “high figure” and “low figure.” By “low figure” we mean an idiom. A term has its basic denotative meaning, but by some figurative usage is extended into another semantic field. If that figurative usage becomes a fixed expression, an idiom, then it more than likely will be entered into the dictionary as one of the meanings of a word. In English, “shepherd” is a good example. It basically means “to herd sheep” if it were broken down etymologically. Its normal range of usage would be in the area of animal care. But through biblical influence it came to be used for spiritual leaders (and “flock” for the congregation). Hence, the dictionary will likely offer a second definition, mentioning it is an ecclesiastical usage. In religious circles, in fact, this meaning may be the first thing that the listener may perceive. When figures become idiomatic, they are often called “dead metaphors.” The low figure is important for word studies because it will be a new category. “High figure” will refer to a word that is used outside of its normal semantic range, but not consistently enough to become idiomatic or be listed as a dictionary entry. An expression such as “he was dead by foul subtraction” illustrates this. A mathematical term is used for death. The term “subtraction” does not mean “death”; it would not have that definition in the dictionary. But in this line it has been transferred to that semantic range and conveys an emotive sense. High figures are important because they vary from the categories and have to be dealt with separately. In studying words you need to be alert to this. If you come upon a usage in a given passage that seems to be out of its normal semantic range, you will have to 1) understand the basic meaning of the word, and 2) articulate the figurative usage made of the word. So then, in organizing categories of usage you will be more concerned with the idiomatic usage. The dictionaries use the term “metaphorical” in a general sense for “figurative.” Actually, very few of the items they offer are metaphors in the strict sense. We shall have to think in terms of “figurative” for the time being when such a term is used. The two broad groups of figures of speech that have an impact on categories are 1) figures of comparison, and 2) figures of substitution (we will study these in greater detail later). For comparison the basic idea of metaphor will serve as an example; for substitution the metonymy will serve. When a word is used as a metaphor, a comparison is being made (this is an oversimplification, but it will do for now). When a metaphor becomes idiomatic, the meaning of the word is broadened. For example, “shepherd” in the Bible is used metaphorically: “Yahweh is my shepherd” (Ps. 23:1). A comparison is being made between a shepherd and Yahweh--both words being at home in different settings. When this is used enough to became a fixed, dictionary meaning, then the dictionary meaning of “shepherd” would be broadened to cover the usage of the term in both semantic fields. It will probably say that the verb means “lead to pasture, feed, graze” or the like, and then divide the categories of meaning between literal leading or feeding of animals and the figurative usage of a spiritual or governmental leader or teacher. When you define a word, your one word definition (“shepherd” in this case) is only a starting point; you must clarify how it is used. Idiomatic usages that came by way of figures of comparison broaden the basic meaning to uses in different semantic fields. When a word is used as a metonymy, a substitution is being made. “The pen is mightier than the sword” uses “pen” for what is written, and “sword” for military force. This figure is very common in language, and especially the language of the Bible. “They have Moses and the Prophets” is not meant to say that they actually have Moses, Isaiah, Jeremiah, etc. It means they have what those men wrote--the Bible. The author has been substituted for the work. Now when metonymy is used frequently enough to become a dictionary entry, the categories describing each usage will show a closer connection between the basic meaning and the figurative meaning. In fact, dictionaries often do not name these usages as figurative--but it is helpful to do so when explaining the connections between categories. For example, !A[;(, ‘awon, means “iniquity,” but it can also mean “guilt” and “punishment” for the iniquity. These meanings are metonymies, the guilt for the iniquity and the punishment for the iniquity are substitutions of the effect for the cause. All three meanings could be made subdivisions of a broad definition, for they all remain in the same semantic field of “sin.” But they are all different categories of meaning. When Cain said “My ‘awon is greater than I can bear,” it makes a lot of difference whether that is “my iniquity,” “my guilt,” or “my punishment.” Verbal Themes or Stems. Part of the procedure of classifying words into their categories of meanings will involve your understanding the verbal stems, i.e., qal, niphal, piel, pual, hithpael, hiphil, hophal, and the lesser stems. You should review the basic grammatical material covering these stems whenever it becomes important in a word study. On occasion you may find this grammatical classification helpful. For example, ’aman, essentially involves two stems, niphal (“to be firm, sure, confirmed, faithful”) and hiphil (“to believe”). The study will necessarily keep the hiphil uses together to determine what was involved in believing. The connection to the niphal (and perhaps thereby qal) may prove helpful, but a caution is important at this point--we cannot be certain that the Hebrews were aware of etymological connections between the stems. It is one thing to say that we understand the word better by seeing the relationships between the words; it is quite another to say that they understood and implied this connecting meaning. I think it is safe to say that if the ideas between stems of a verb are transparent, and there is evidence from usage that they knew the connections in meanings (that is, word plays, contextually clear usage) , we are safe in using the connections to help elucidate the idea. My point here is to caution you against a simplistic etymologizing approach without confirming the ideas by usage. Non-theological Usage. In all your looking for categories of usage, you will come across non-theological usages of the word. For example, rekhem, as we have seen, was used for “mercy” as well as “womb”; khata’, was used for “sin” as well as “missing” a target. You will have to determine what connection, if any, existed between these terms. Did the Hebrew--does the modern American--know what words were etymologically connected (for example, how many would know “ligament” is connected “obligation”; the etymologist would see the connection, to be sure, but if you heard a person use “obligation” in a message, could you conclude that the speaker intended the connection)? Here, too, we are safe to say that if the connection is transparent, and if there is support from usage for the connected significance, we may use the evidence to help our understanding. I would say that the expositor should withhold this kind of material until the usage of the word has been studied to see what its contextual evidence would suggest. This raises an academic question as to the origin of the one over the other. It is impossible to say that a word like aj;(h;( originally meant “to miss the mark, a goal, the way” and then was transferred to the theological realm to mean “to err, sin.” It is equally impossible to argue that the theological meaning preceded the non-theological. One might suspect that God would reveal Himself in human language that was understandable, and that the non-theological is basic. But that is speculative; there is no firm evidence for a historical study like this. What I would say, however, is that if the usage of the non-theological meaning is substantial, then that is instructive for understanding the theological meaning. The non-theological is usually a local and concrete meaning, (for example, “miss a mark” for khata'); the theological is more often broad and abstract ( “sin” for the same word). Synonyms and Antonyms. If it is possible to find good synonyms or antonyms for the word you are studying, these may serve to enhance the understanding of the word. A survey of the major synonyms of a word is an important part of the procedure, because you need to consider how the word differs from others in the same semantic field, and why the writer might have chosen the word he did over the others. How do you discover synonyms and antonyms? It would be my guess that if you had studied through the usage and used tools mentioned in this discussion so far, you would be on to some of them already. For example, when you look at words in BDB , say under ratsakh, “to kill,” there will be listed verses in which the Hebrew poetry uses a synonym in its parallelism, and these verses will often have in parentheses two parallel lines and the Hebrew term: ( // tymihe, hemit). This says that in such and such a verse the word in parentheses is parallel to the word being studied. Exactly how it is parallel demands your looking at the passage; most of the time it will be synonymous, but sometimes loosely synonymous or even antithetical. “Put to death” is clearly synonymous with “kill” (other words will be more helpful--this is just an illustration). As you look up contexts in studying usages, be alert to other words in the context. For example, a passage may be about “holiness” (qodesh) and discuss it at length; but in the discussion it might be contrasting it with “common”or “profane” (khalal ). In fact the text may even say that so and so has “profaned” that which is “holy.” An antonym such as “profane, common” helps our understanding of “holy” by contrast. If you cannot find synonyms from your survey, then there are other means of finding them. A concordance like Young’s Analytical Concordance will serve nicely. Look up your Hebrew (or Greek) word in the back to see how it was translated in the English (AV). If you looked up ratsakh, you would find several words: “kill, murder, or manslaughter.” You then must begin looking up each one of these in the regular part of the concordance. Under “kill” you will find a collection of several Hebrew words which were translated with “kill.” After just a couple of places in the concordance, you should gain a sampling of the common synonyms. (You would also see New Testament Greek words as well, and these could be noted for later studies). In addition to these methods, reference tools will be helpful. Dictionaries of synonyms and antonyms (in English) will get you thinking of concepts that might be checked in Hebrew dictionaries, Hebrew word study books might provide general discussions on how the words fit into their semantic field. Commentaries and Old Testament theologies also are helpful. Synonyms are easier to find than antonyms; do not be disturbed if little can be found in this step, but evaluate what you can find for the purpose of understanding your word more precisely. Summary of Usage Here I should like to review briefly the main concepts in tracing usage before going to the next part. 1) Scan through the categories given in the dictionaries to see how they have arranged the usage. 2) Look up the references in the Bible to see how the word is used in the contexts. Do not rely on the phrases given in the concordances--you need more context to work with (and their English definition might mislead you). If the word has too many references, be selective--check first the references given in the same category first, then problematic references, and then spot check the common usages. 3) Start to group similar meanings together and write headings for them. 4) If you come across non-theological usages, pay close attention to them for they might serve as supportive or illustrative evidence, but do not simply read the meaning into the theological usage without validation, 5) If you came across synonyms and antonyms, try to determine how your word differs from them. 6) Consult the basic word study books to see if those writers mentioned something that you may have overlooked. Do not go to these too soon; if you have surveyed usage already, you will be better equipped to evaluate their suggestions, If you have not, they will influence you more, 7) Put word studies in their proper perspective: they provide the meanings and range of meanings of words--used in statements. The statements will form the substance of theology. For example, you do not prove the doctrine of the virgin birth from the word study of Hebrew ‘alma, “virgin/young woman”; you learn the possibilities of this word by usage, and then carry those as options to the context being studied. (The doctrine is taught by the clear statement of Scripture.) You would then need to justify your choice by contextual exegesis. If you were to ascribe a contextual meaning to the word that was not found in Scriptural usage, your interpretation would be insupportable and questionable. This section of the notes will establish certain guidelines for etymological (or philological) studies of Hebrew words. This is the more technical aspect of the study, usually the work of the specialist. But we still have to learn the basic resources and methods just to be able to use the etymological findings effectively. A great deal of work has been produced that calls attention to the misuse of etymologies in biblical studies over the past centuries (and this is important because students are still buying those books that were not always done well); we may learn from such careless and dangerous practices how important valid method is. The most helpful discussions include: P. F. Ackroyd, "Meanings and Exegesis" in Words and Meanings, ed. by Ackroyd and Lindars (Cambridge University Press, 1968); James Barr, Comparative Philology and the Text of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968); James Barr, "Did Isaiah Know About Hebrew `Root Meanings'?" ExT 75 (1964); James Barr, "Etymology and the Old Testament," OTS 19 (1974); James Barr, The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961); R. Gordis, "On Methodology in Biblical Exegesis," JQR 61 (1960):93-118; Max L. Margolis, "The Scope and Methodology of Biblical Philology," JQR NS 1 (1910, 1911):5-41; D. F. Payne, "Old Testament Exegesis and the Problem of Ambiguity," ASTI 5 (1967):48-68; S. Ullmann, The Principles of Semantics (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1957). The article by Barr is most helpful in separating the various disciplines that may be called "etymology." The following is a list of the results. (See also Yakov Malkiel, Essays on Linguistic Themes [Oxford, 19681], pp. 199-227). Etymology A: Prehistoric Reconstruction. The first type of etymological operation is the reconstruction of the form and sense of the so-called proto language. By its own nature, Proto Semitic (PS) lies anterior to historical documentation. Hebrew ’amar “say” Arabic ’amara “command” Ethiopic ’ammara “show, know” Akkadian amaru “see” PS “be clear”? This sort of reconstruction involves two aspects: phonology and semantics. Once we have established the corresponding phonemes, we observe that the meanings in the historical languages may suggest what the meaning in the ancestor language may have been, and this in turn may suggest what was the semantic path, in our case the semantic path from a pre-Hebrew stage to the evidenced meaning in biblical Hebrew. The comparison that we carry out, the operations in which we align an Arabic or an Akkadian word with a Hebrew word, all imply that these languages and the words in question have a common prehistory. Etymology B: Historical Tracing. This operation traces the forms and the meanings within an observable historical development. If we cannot carry this out to the full in Hebrew, it is because of the lack of adequate information. This process overlaps with usage. In case B the operation is less hypothetical and less reconstructive in character: it works within one known language and traces the development of a root/word through different stages, all of which are extant in historical documents. There still may be some reconstruction involved. Although we may have stage one and stage two of a word, the path from stage one to stage two is seldom known with absolute objectivity. How then do we assess the probability of various explanations of changes of . Two ways: 1) by noting the contemporary developments in thought and culture (development of sacrifice, codification of laws, etc,); 2) some sort of pre Doc viewed 10411 times. The articles in the list below have 1 or more of the same keywords or phrases as the article you are viewing. If you wish to hone in on a single keyword, click on that keyword and you will see a list of articles that match just that keyword.

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Tim Smith of Apex Orchard with his Fuji apples Ralph Waldo Emerson called apples the American fruit. Certainly the legend of Leominster-born Johnny Appleseed, once an orchardist and later a traveler on the frontier planting apples, is one of our favorite American stories. However, archeologists have found European fossil evidence of apples growing in prehistoric times. Apples had a long history before they ever made it to America. These early apples were actually very tiny crab apples. Evolution carried on its slow work over the eons. The Greek poet Homer, possibly born around 850 B.C., mentions apples in The Odyssey, and Plutarch wrote about a fictional banquet where the discussion turned to the apple. One of the characters said the apple was a perfect fruit because it was smooth to the touch, had a sweet flavor and fragrance, and appealing to all the senses. More pragmatic reasons could be named for its perfections. It will grow in cold parts of the world, and it can be cooked, eaten fresh, or stored for long periods of time without any preservation. It can also be dried for later use, and it can be turned into hard cider, or applejack which is a distilled cider, a kind of brandy. It means that apples can be eaten, or drunk, during several months of the year. Of no other fruit is this true. Long before Emerson came on the scene, cider, and I do mean hard cider, was a common drink for everyone in the country. Although those early settlers had good clean water in this country, they came from places where the water was not good. They knew that many diseases were caused by water even though they did know exactly why or how. In any event, they were cautious about water, and careful in their preservation methods when making hard cider. The apples that made that cider were not eating apples as we know them. Apples are a fruit that rarely grows true from seed. We all know that Johnny Appleseed went around planting apple seeds, but he was not interested in eating apples. He wanted cider apples, and the best cider is made with many different kinds of apples. Since apples did not grow true from seed a seed planted orchard was by definition an orchard of many different types of apples. Hard cider and applejack remained important alcoholic drinks right into the 20th century until Prohibition was declared. During those years whole orchards were cut down to prevent the making of cider. By the time Prohibition was repealed people had pretty much forgotten about cider, and the orchards were gone. Happily, today there is a resurgence of interest in hard cider, an interest we can see right in our own neighborhood with the success of farms like West County Cider. Once in a while a seed apple would turn out to be a good eating apple. One of these is Northern Spy. Other good eating apples that appeared by chance were then propagated by grafting. Small twigs, called scions, of the desired tree would be grafted onto another tree that grew well in that area. By the 1500s books explaining how to graft apples were written. It is through grafting that today we can even order up an apple tree that bears three different types of apples. By the turn of the 20th century L.H. Bailey compiled a list of 878 apple varieties in cultivation. There may have been some duplicates in that list, but we all know that that only about a dozen varieties are available in the supermarket today. What happened? There are many reasons from cities getting bigger, farms being located farther from the cities and the introduction of large controlled cold storage buildings. Since farmers could now transport their apples long distances they began to grow only the most dependable and heavy bearing apples. Also over the years people’s tastes changed. People wanted red apples and hence the development of Red Delicious. People wanted ever sweeter apples and so those apples with more complex flavors fell off the list. In recent years there has been more and more interest in the old varieties. Tower Hill Botanical Garden has an heirloom apple orchard where 119 pre-20th century apple varieties grow. We are also fortunate that our local orchards sell the apples that have long been familiar in the supermarket, but they also grow and sell some of the antique varieties like Gravenstein, Jonathan, Rhode Island Greening, Roxbury Russet, Winesap and others. Of course, new apples are being developed all the time. Honey Crisp certainly comes to mind and this sweet, crisp apple is much in demand. Liberty apples at the End of the Road We planted the Liberty apple in Heath because it was hybridized for disease resistance and was introduced in 1978. I didn’t want to have to worry about spraying and we have had good crops with very little work. The apples are clean, beautiful and with good flavor. I love driving by orchards and this year the harvest is particularly good. I stopped to see Tim Smith at Apex Orchards where his trees are bent with thick set fruit. Even my Liberty tree is more heavily laden than usual. Pine Hill Orchard and Clarkdale are enjoying a similar happy harvest this year. When I was growing up my father ended every dinner with an apple. I continue the tradition of eating a lot of apples over the course of the year, but I confess a number of them will be eaten in apple pan dowdy (makes your eyes light up and your stomach say howdy), apple crisp, apple pie and apple cake. Yes, indeed. The apple is a versatile fruit. Between the Rows October 17, 2015 Watch for CIDER DAYS November 7 & 8 at the various orchards and venues. Sarah Hollister’s potatoes How can we celebrate Earth Day every day? We can grow a garden. Forget the lawn; grow veggies and herbs and berries, trees and flowers. Gardens, ornamental and edible can feed lots of pollinators and other bugs that need different kinds of foliage to nibble on, so that they can be eaten by birds and other wild creatures. Plants are pretty low on the food chain so that makes them especially important. Edible plants feed us healthy veggies that didn’t put migrant workers at risk, and don’t cost gallons of gas to make their way to us. You don’t even need a yard to grow plants. Container gardening is all the rage. Lots of vegetable varieties are now made especially for containers. Renee’s Garden is just one company that offers a long list of veggies and herbs that will thrive in containers. Sarah Hollister’s cucumber trellis Greenfield has its new Sustainable Master Plan and one of its goals is to encourage more home gardening. If you haven’t gardened before start small. What do you like to eat? Fresh mixed green salads, with vine ripened tomatoes? Plant a little salad garden. Are you always buying bunches of parsley, sage, rosemary or thyme? Plant a small herb bed and save lots of money over the summer and fall. Add a few shallots and save even more money. The library has a wide assortment of books for the novice garden for some armchair how-to instruction. Rodale has a great list of practical gardening books from Lasagna Gardening: A new layering system for bountiful gardens, no digging, no tilling, no weeding by Patricia Lanza; Michelle Owen’s Grow the Good Life: Why a vegetable garden will make you healthy, wealthy and wise; and Rodale’ Ultimate Encyclopedia of Organic Gardening which will be useful as long as you live. Get out and play in the dirt. The whole family can have a good time. Sarah Hollister’s blueberries These photos and many more were taken at the Hollister place last summer. My garden is not so neat, but it is still a lot of fun. I am going to have to make sure to get some photos of container gardens before next Earth Day. Apples – ready for pie, sauce and cake My apple harvest is at high tide. The whole neighborhood has been talking about what a great apple year this is, so I am not alone. Right now I am harvesting Liberty apples. We planted this Liberty tree in 1983. I think. We chose it because of its disease resistance. We have taken very little care of it, except for some not very expert pruning. This self-fertile tree continues to bear, and the fruit is remarkably unblemished with no spraying of any sort. It is a beautiful red apple, a Mcintosh hybrid and is delicious in hand, or in pies, crisps, and cakes. I make a pretty pink applesauce by boiling up cored apples with the skins, and then putting the cooked apples through a food mill to get rid of the skins. Pink Liberty Apple sauce How would you plan your retirement if you had already received a degree from Wellesley College, earned a further degree in Russian and Middle Eastern Studies, hitchhiked to Morocco, lived in Paris, worked for the United Nations, as well as in the cable TV world, and for the Christian Science Monitor newspaper? Sue Bridge, with the urging of a Northampton friend, bought eight acres of hilly land in Conway. For the past seven years her retirement project has been to create a sustainable, self-sufficient home and landscape where she can live off the grid. The house she designed is energy efficient, well insulated with electricity and hot water provided by solar panels. It is also beautiful, inside and out. The sunny main living space is comprised of a kitchen, dining and living areas. French doors form the south wall of the living area which opens out onto a stone terrace with low stone walls overlooking terraced gardens and across to the hills beyond. The house is small but there is no sense of being cramped, only of spacious comfort. For help in creating a sustainable landscape she turned to Jono Neiger of the Regenerative Design Group. Neiger and his group are proponents of permaculture systems. Bridge confesses she didn’t really understand what that meant when she began. Neiger came several times to visit; he’d walk around, make notes and walk around some more. Finally, after he had walked the land for several months and not a single spade of soil had been moved, she asked him if his crews were very busy. Did he have any idea when work would begin? Then Neiger had to explain that work was well-begun. He had been building a scientific portrait of the land, how the sun, wind and water moved across the hill, and over the season. It was not until Neiger invited Bridge to his own garden that she began to understand what permaculture is. On the appointed day she arrived at his house and garden before he did and was very confused. “Where’s the garden,” she asked when he drove up. The truth is that permaculture gardens do not look like the beautifully arranged flower gardens or orderly vegetable gardens that most of us are familiar with. I was in the same position she had been with Neiger. I could see why she had named her place Wildside. I needed to have the garden explained. “This is not traditional farmland, but it is incredibly productive,” she said as we walked across the broad terraces carved into the hillside. “Terraces are a permaculture trademark.” The terraces help keep the soil from eroding, even in severe storms. “We had 17 inches of rain during Irene, but there was no erosion,” Bridge said. To the east the living room terrace is an herb garden. One of Bridge’s specialties is five-herb tea. The terraces on the south hillside are first planted to vegetables that are harvested during the summer, the next terrace on the slope is for perennial vegetables like sea kale and Jerusalem artichokes, and the third is for pollinators, bee balm, garlic chives and other plants that attract pollinators. Productive sweet potato vines in greenhouse At the bottom of the slope is a small greenhouse where she grows sweet potatoes in the ground, harvesting more than 100 pounds of nutritious sweet potatoes, as well as ginger, and turmeric plants good for the digestion, and pain relief. The garden outside the greenhouse is mostly storage vegetables, beets, carrots, potatoes and squash. Of course, if you raise enough of this kind of vegetable you need a root cellar and Bridge has built a small one behind her house. Other edible crops are canned or dried. We walked past the path to the orchard with apple, peach, pear and plum trees and to the rice paddy in the Wet Meadow. It took heavy digging, but Bridge is growing rice! The land rises slightly beyond the Wet Meadow. We walked through a stand of overgrown Christmas trees, planted by the former owners, then came into a sunny meadow where nut trees, including chestnut have been planted. The surrounding evergreens help protect them from high winter winds. Mountain mint with Monarch butterfly Bridge said she learned that eastern slopes are ideal for fruit trees and berries. On her eastern slope she grows persimmons, pawpaws, quince, Asian pears, shadbush, blueberries, elderberries, and black chokeberries. http://www.millernurseries.com/ sell chokeberriess. Chokeberries are not very sweet, but they are extremely nutritious and do make good jelly. Bridge has also tucked mountain mint and other plants for pollinators everywhere on this east slope. I was fascinated by the “fertility bed” a long row of comfrey, bush clover and switch grass which Bridge cuts down twice a year and uses as mulch or compost. Bridge has come to love Conway where she has found a great community with lots of grass roots action. “This is a friendly environment for me,” she said. A broad community has found Sue Bridge to be very friendly, and inspirational. Her gardens have become a model of sustainable food production. Students from Wellesley and Smith Colleges, the Conway School of Landscape Design, Greenfield Community College and others come to see what she is doing and learn about the science behind what she is doing. When I asked if she had intended to launch such an educational project in her retirement she said no. “I did not intend, but I do not resist.” Between the Rows August 24, 2013 There is life under our feet. I have talked about living soil from time to time, but in his New York Times essay yesterday Jim Robbins says that “One-third of living organisims live in soil. But we know littel about them.” Well, of course I know about worms and bugs and the mycellium that I can see, and I know the soil is full of microbes, but to think that one-third of ALL living organisims live in the soil is mind boggling. Research is going on about all this life and some of it is going on in Central Park. “A teaspoon of soil may have billions of microbes divided among 5,000 types, thousands of species of fungi and protozoa, nematodes, mites and a couple of termite species. How these and other pieces fit together is still largely a mystery.” What a revelation! It makes it clearer to me that it is really important to garden organically, putting food, as in compost, into the soil to feed all those organisims., and helping to maintain a healthy system. The Sunday New York Times also included a story by Patricia Leigh Brown talked about ‘fruit activists’ who are “using fruit to reclaim public land and expand ideas of art.” It seem apprpropriate to me that both these articles appeared on Mother’s Day, when we should also celebrate Mother Earth and think about the riches she showers upon us, and what we owe to her in gratitude and responsibility to care for and share those gifts. The life under our feet, and the fruit over our heads are all gifts! Celebrate every day. Clarkdale prizewinning apples at the Franklin County Fair A is for Apple and I found 36 varieties of Apples with names that begin with A right here. I’ve known about the Arkansas Black and the Arlington Pippin but that was the end of it for me. But there is also the Ambrosia apple, a modern Canadian apple similar to the Golden Pelicious, the American Summer Pearmain Apple, very juicy, the Autumn Gold apple, better than Golden Delicious and obvously, many many more! I became interested in old apple varieties when I became a regular at my local orchards, Clarkdale in Deerfield and Apex in Shelburne. They have Northern Spy, Gravensteins, Winesaps and many more. I like to buy a bag of ‘pie mix’, several varieties of apple because my applie pie guru, Susan Chadwick, told me the secret of her fabulous pies is different varieties in one pie. Taste, Memory by David Buchanan Of course, I am not the only one who is interested in old apples. David Buchanan wrote Taste, Memory about old apples, and other old fruit and vegetable varieties that have been forgotten – almost. Taste, Memory: Forgotten Foods, Lost Flavors and Why They Matter takes us on David’s journey from the Slow Foods Movement to the farms and orchards of Maine where he now lives. On this journey he met John Bunker in Maine, a man who really knows his apples. He goes hunting for old apples and has written his own book about apple hunting in the orchards of Maine Not Far From the Tree. He is a man of passion with a great sense of humor and great taste buds. I wrote about his visit to Apex Orchard with David Buchanan here There’s a lot to know about apples like the reason Johnny Appleseed (born not far away in Leominster, Massachusetts, a town also known as the Plastic City) planted apples was because everyone drank cider in those days. And usually not sweet cider. Hard cider! And hard apple cider is another trend in our area. West County Cider in our neighborhood is a great outfit and make wonderful cider including varietals (just like wine) like Baldwin and Redfield, a pink cider made from Redfield apples that have red flesh. Yes, there is a lot to know about apples. And a blog post is simply not long enough. Think of all the apples that begin with letters besides A. As part of the A to Z challenge I will be posting everyday this month because although there are only 26 letters in the alphabet, I will be adding/publishing Between the Rows every Sunday so there will be 30 posts in a row. A big shout out and thank you to Arlee Bird who invented A to Z Challenge. David Buchanan and I met at the Conway School of Landscape Design (CSLD) reunion in September where he gave a six minute talk about what he had been doing since he graduated in 2000. He talked as fast as he could, and I listened as fast as I could, but I was glad I could slow the journey when I received a copy of his new book Taste, Memory: Forgotten Foods, Lost Flavors, and Why They Matter. Buchanan’s book chronicles the last 20 years of his wanderings from Pullman, Washington state with its USDA Western Regional Plant Introduction Station and its genebank, to Maine where he met characters like John Bunker who has an orchard with over 300 varieties of antique/heritage apples and an apple CSA. Even all those years ago in Washington he was interested in ‘preserving disappearing agricultural traditions” and Taste, Memory relates the questions he asked himself about whether agricultural diversity is relevant in “our modern world of supermarkets, giant tractors, and irrigated megafarms? What role can the individual play? . . . How do we summon the energy and will to keep this bounty alive?” As his journey has led him across the country he has found some answers. As suggested by the title of his book it is taste and flavor that have guided him He became involved with the Slow Food Movement and helped found the Portland, Maine chapter of Slow Food. He now serves on its national Ark of Taste Biodiversity Committee, which evaluates and helps preserve endangered heritage foods from around the country. Slow Food is about more than cooking from scratch, which is what I thought it was. Briefly, Slow Food is a formal organization whose aim begins with encouraging the enjoyment of locally and sustainably grown food, maintaining biodiversity, and caring for the land that food grows on so it will be healthy for future generations. There is more, of course, and much more than simply roasting my own chicken and making my own blueberry muffins without a mix. The book is filled with personal connections to other individuals and organizations like the Seed Savers Exchange . In fact, in the mid nineties he spent a year working with the Austrian counterpart to the Seed Savers Exchange, where he produced seeds to maintain the thousands of vegetables and grains in their collection. Taste, Memory by David Buchanan Taste, Memory is the kind of book that I end up reading to my husband while he is trying to read the newspaper at breakfast, or in the evening when he is trying to read the paper he never got through in the morning. I can’t stop myself from reading sections like that about Turkey winter wheat, an old wheat that grows to six feet tall – just like the heritage wheats I have seen Eli Rogosa grow in Colrain. Both Rogosa and Buchanan see the importance of grains that require less irrigation and petroleum based fertilizers. This book, with its tales of exciting searches for heritage apples, Buchanan’s own inventiveness, and cooperation between various groups of people and organizations, presents a wonderful vision of how our food system can shift. It is possible for us to eat better, for biodiversity to be protected, and for farmers and market gardeners to make a reasonable living. Buchanan did put his CSLD experiences to good use including landscape design with a focus on urban parks, native habitat restoration, agricultural sites, community gardens, and multi-use trails. Past projects include lead designs for redevelopment of the 25 city parks of Lawrence, Massachusetts, and a master plan for multi-use trails on the 4000-acre former Fort Devens in Devens, Massachusetts. He has finally ended his wanderings and bought a small farm in Pownal, Maine, about 20 miles from Portland. “I’m planning expanded orchards there and a cider house, to produce small batches of hard cider. I’ll run it as a conservation center, a permanent place to collect and experiment with rare foods. “I love Maine, and particularly the Portland area, for its vibrant and creative food scene. This is the best place to eat, and work in a specialty food business, that I’ve ever found,” Buchanan said. His book is beautiful and compelling, inspiring all of us to think about our meals, and our gardening from a slightly different angle, that can be fun and delicious while doing good work. He quotes his friend Polly Tooker who often says, “You’ve got to eat it to save it.” David Buchanan is coming our way to celebrate Cider Days, November 4-5, with John Bunker, the heritage apple man who was featured in the October issue of Martha Stewart Living Magazine. Buchanan and Bunker will be talking about identifying and conserving heritage apples at the Deerfield Community Center on Saturday, November 4 from 10 am – noon. On Sunday they will have a heritage apple tasting and discussion which requires a ticket. Lots of other events, most free. There is an amateur hard cider making competition, The Bittersharps, the Heirlooms, and the Macs – Learning How to Taste the Apples in your Hard Cider with author/educator Robert J. Heiss, given twice on Saturday (once before each session of the Cider Salon) at the PVMA Teachers’ Center (10 Memorial St) in Old Deerfield, tasting dried apple varieties at Apex Orchards, food and apples at the Shelburne Buckland Community Center, cooking and tasting apples at Clarkdale Fruit Farm and much more. For full information about all programs go to http://www.ciderday.org Between the Rows October 27, 2012 Apex Farm Store A is for Apple, but if we look at heritage apples we can march right through the alphabet. Baldwin, Cox’s Orange Pippin, (Old) Delicious, Esopus Spitzenberg, Golden Russet, and on through to Northern Spy, Roxbury Russet, Stayman Winesap and Westfield Seek-No-Farther. The Roxbury Russet and Westfield Seek-No-Farther remind us that some apples had a very local fame and audience before they spread to wider fields. In fact, Roxbury Russet was the first named apple in Massachusetts. Even though we think of apples as a quintessential American fruit, apples originated in southeastern Asia, Kazakhstan and Turkey thousands of years ago. There are over 7000 cultivars, but you don’t usually get any sense of how many apples are grown, even now, if your only experience with apples is from the supermarket. Fortunately we live in an area where apples thrive, and where we have a number of small orchards selling a much wider variety of apples – and cider. Last week I visited Apex in Shelburne, Barkley’s in Heath and Clarkdale in Deerfield and my husband is looking forward to apples cooked sweet and savory as well as the healthful apple a day eaten out of hand. I never get tired of apples and my father said no meal was complete without his apple for dessert. Tom Clark of Clarkdale Fruit Farm said there are still Baldwin and Northern Spy trees on his farm that his grandfather planted. He said that Baldwins were an important New England apple. At the turn of the 20th century Colrain had more Baldwin apple trees than any other town in the state. The apples came out of Colrain on the trolley, then to the train in Shelburne Falls, and then to Boston where they were shipped to England. It was the Baldwin’s keeping qualities that made this possible. “Of course, this might just be a local legend,” Clark said. But it does seem possible. In the 1930s there were winters so severe that most of the Baldwin trees were killed. It was the new Macintosh apple that took its place. This apple has a tender skin and doesn’t keep as well, but refrigerated transportation was becoming available so keeping quality wasn’t as important. Clark grows a range of heritage apples along with the newer varieties like Honey Crisp, but he said that he liked Baldwins, and that a “ripe russet is nice.” He did say that Americans in general liked pretty red apples but that the Jonagold apple, a cross between the Jonathan and Golden Delicious is the most planted apple in Germany and France. He has heard “that Americans buy with their eyes, and Europeans buy with their mouths.” There is a new interest among foodies for cider, soft and hard, but Clarkdale Fruit Farm has been making cider for 50 years. Many of these old apple varieties make especially good cider. My friend Alan Nichols planted a cider orchard quite a number of years ago and those apples are in demand again as the new owner of the orchard is making his own cider, Alan Nichols’ brother Lew wrote a book, Cider: Making, Using and Enjoying Sweet and Hard Cider, with Annie Proulx back in 1980 which is still available. Nichols and Proulx suggest a long list of cider apples for New England that includes Baldwin, Cortland, Esopus Spitzenberg (Thomas Jefferson’s favorite apple), Gravenstein, Jonathan, Fameuse, Roxbury Russet and Stayman Winesap among others. Cider is such a fashionable drink right now that we celebrate locally with Cider Days, scheduled this year for November 3 and 4. This event will take place at a number of locations in Greenfield, Deerfield, and Shelburne. You can find a full schedule of tastings, apple butter making, a locavore harvest supper and more on the website www.ciderday.org. Apex Orchard in Shelburne also grows a wide range from Baldwins, Spitzenbergs, Macouns and Fuji as well as Reine de Pomme and Ashmead Kernel that they grow for West County Cider. I cannot say I was surprised to see that West County Cider’s Redfield was a featured recommendation in the November issue of Martha Stewart’s Living. West County Cider makes several varietal hard ciders, which only use a single apple variety, like Redfield as well as a Heritage Blend Cider. Many chefs are now thinking about pairing a cider with a particular dish, the way wines have been paired in the past. Apex Orchard cooler I was talking to Sarah Davenport at Apex Orchard and she said she liked Macoun and Fuji apples, but it was hard to choose a favorite. Tim Smith of Apex refused to limit himself to one favorite apple. He said he liked them all, but he said his grandfather, Lyndon Peck had a favorite – the large Pound Sweet. “He had a baked Pound Sweet with his breakfast every morning from late September until March,” Smith said. I am so happy to have all these apply choices. Sue Chadwick, who had a huge collection of heritage apples in Buckland when I was librarian there, told me the secret to her famous apple pies was using several apple varieties. I start with Northern Spy because there is an old saying “For the best pie, use Northern Spy.” Other good pie apples are Roxbury Russet, Baldwin, Granny Smith, Jonagold, Golden Delicious and the new Honeycrisp. I also just learned that Cornell University sells apples from their experimental orchards in vending machines on campus. Those smart university people appreciate the importance of an apple a day! Between the Rows October 20, 2012 Berries are the best. They are delicious summer fruits, especially when they are picked right off the bush and brought in for a morning bowl of cereal, a beautiful fruit tart, or a pot of jam. They are easy for the gardener because they are perennial plants and require little fussing over the years of their life. In Heath we pay a lot of attention to blueberries. One section of town is called Burnt Hill because the hillside is covered with lowbush blueberries. A traditional method of controlling many weeds and insects is by burning the blueberry fields after harvest every few years. There are many who are passionate about lowbush blueberries and think they are far superior in taste than highbush blueberries. My taste buds are not that refined and so one of the first crops we planted in 1980, our first spring in Heath, was a collection of eight highbush blueberry plants from Miller Nurseries. Blueberries need at least two varieties for cross pollination. This can also give you a longer harvest season by choosing early and mid-season varieties. Within three years we were starting to get a harvest. I did not keep very good records at the time so I cannot attest to how much of a harvest. However, one of the benefits of berries is that they do not need much time before you are picking the fruits of your very limited labors. I can tell you that we are still getting a good harvest from those bushes. Blueberries are also considerate and do not need picking every day to avoid mold. They hang ripely on the bush waiting until the gardener has time. I should say we get a good harvest if we beat the birds and critters to it. The first few years we netted each bush individually. Sometimes I decorated the nets with foil flash tape to scare away the birds. Then the bushes got too big to manage that efficiently. We finally built a PVC pipe cage around a single line of five of the bushes and lay bird netting over that. I wish we had designed the blueberry patch with a cage in mind right from the beginning, but we learn as we go. I did not prepare the soil of that first blueberry planting. I knew that blueberries required acid soil and my assumption (correct) was that Heath had sufficiently acid soil. I was lucky to also have soil that drained well. When I planted red raspberries several years ago, we did rototill the bed and I sprinkled a little compost, lime, rock phosphate and greensand in a totally unscientific manner. However, if there is a general rule to spread a little 10-10-10 fertilizer on a new berry patch, I figured I accomplished the same thing organically. I also remembered my old Greenfield neighbor, John Zon, who had a beautifully productive raspberry patch and he said he did nothing but mulch with fallen leaves in the autumn. This time I bought my raspberry bushes from Nourse Farms, the excellent nursery we have right in our own backyard. There is no problem with finding a sunny site at the End of the Road, and I am lucky that with the exception of the Sunken Garden, the soil drains well. A sunny well drained site is all that raspberries require. Blueberries need a little occasional pruning out of dead branches over time, but raspberries need to have the old canes that have already fruited taken out every year. It is also a good idea to prune out any spindly canes. You want the largest sturdiest canes to produce the best crop. It is also a good idea to provide wire supports for a raspberry row, to provide support over the course of the year. I also find supports a way of maintaining a straight row. New shoots will come out into the path between rows and they need to be pruned out. I occasionally throw a little compost along the rows, but remembering Mr. Zon, I mulch between the rows and find the bushes do well. I want to mention that raspberries do not need netting. For the most part birds are totally uninterested in them. Two years ago I planted black raspberry bushes, again from Nourse Farms. My first harvest last year ripened while I was away and was very poor because the berries dried up on the canes. At the same time the canes were bending over and the some of the tips were rooting where they touched the soil. It was making a mess in the garden. But I thought that was the only way they renewed themselves and left the mess and went looking for advice. This year I belatedly found the advice about pruning black raspberries. I waded into all the bent over and rooted canes and pruned them out. I then cut back all the new canes that also were growing straight up to a height of about three feet to encourage growth of lateral fruiting branches. However, after harvesting only a quart or two of small black raspberries, the rest of the berries were drying up into hard little balls. What was this recurrent problem? I called the experts at Nourse and got a simple answer. They recommend two inches of water a week for black raspberries. It will take some thought and work to arrange that if we have another droughty summer. Wish me luck Between the Rows – August 18, 2012 I hope this photo give some sense of the amazing bloom of the Sargent crabapple. It is not 15 feet tall, but it is at least 15 feet wide and was planted about 15 years ago. It thrives in the Sunken Garden even though it is very wet in the spring. It is now in full flower – almost a single tree-sized blossom at this point. This apple tree, name unknown, produces apples but they are not the best apples I’ve ever eaten. I do use them in apple sauce and apple pie as part of the mix. The tree usually takes a beating from the plow when it makes the turn in front of the house. These apple blossoms are on the Liberty semi dwarf tree in the ‘orchard’. All apple blossoms are so lovely. I hope they were open long enough to get pollinated. Some of our trees are beginning to leaf out. The grass looks as though we had a big wedding today.

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Causes of Death Study examined most common causes of mortality in dogs – by breed, age, and size. News item by Mary Straus, published in the Whole Dog Journal, June 2011 A new 20-year retrospective study from the University of Georgia examined causes of death in dogs between 1984 and 2004. Researchers looked at records of 74,566 dogs from the Veterinary Medical Database, which includes data from 27 veterinary teaching hospitals. These results may be biased toward more severe, complicated, or unusual causes than the general dog population, but are fascinating nonetheless. The study grouped deaths by organ system and by disease category (“pathophysiological process”), and analyzed results based on age, breed, and average breed size. Eighty-two breeds with at least 100 representatives were included in breed-based analyses; mixed-breed dogs were considered as one group. Only conditions that led to death were considered, and if a dog had multiple conditions, only one was deemed the cause of death. The study found that cancer was by far the most common cause of death in the disease category for adult dogs; cancer was the leading cause of death in all but 11 breeds! Almost a third of adult dogs of all adult dogs were found to have died of cancer. Cancer was designated the cause of death almost three times as often as the next most common category of deaths (trauma). Interestingly, the frequency of cancer deaths begins to taper after age 10. Cancer occurred less frequently in small breeds, with the exception of the Boston Terrier and Cairn Terrier (30 and 32 percent respectively of deaths in those breeds were from cancer). The Miniature Pinscher had the lowest rate of cancer at 3.6 percent. Other breeds with low percentages of death from cancer include Miniature Dachshund (6.0), Chihuahua (7.5), Pekingese (7.9), Pomeranian (7.9), Dachshund (8.9), and Maltese (9.2). The most common causes of death for puppies (dogs less than one year of age) by disease category are very different than for adult dogs. Puppies were overwhelmingly most likely to die of infection, trauma, or congenital disease. About 60 percent of all puppies died from something in these three disease categories. When looking at deaths classified by organ system, the gastrointestinal and musculoskeletal systems were most commonly involved in the deaths of puppies. In adult dogs, no single organ system was responsible for a dramatic majority of deaths; seven different organ systems had similar results, ranging from about 8 to 12.5 percent of adult dog deaths. The leaders (if we can call them that) were the nervous system (neurologic) musculoskeletal, and gastrointestinal systems, followed by the urogenital, hematopoietic, cardiovascular, and respiratory systems. Older dogs are increasingly likely to die from something involving the cardiovascular system, as well as endocrine, neurologic, and urogenital systems. The frequency of gastrointestinal-related deaths remained fairly constant throughout adulthood, while hematopoietic and musculoskeletal deaths declined with age. Small-breed dogs were more likely to die from neurologic, endocrine, and urogenital causes. The larger the dog, the more likely they were to die of musculoskeletal and gastrointestinal causes. Most common causes The table below shows the leading cause of death by organ system, and the top two causes of death by disease category, for each breed. |Breed||Organ System||%||Disease Category||%||2nd Disease Category||%| |American Cocker Spaniel||Hematopoietic||14.8||Cancer||20.0||Inflammatory||10.5| |Am. Staffordshire Terrier||Gastrointestinal||15.6||Cancer||22.0||Infection||21.0| |Bernese Mountain Dog||Cardio/Neuro||10.1||Cancer||54.6||Infection||8.4| |Black and Tan Coonhound||Gastrointestinal||15.3||Cancer||22.9||Infection||14.4| |Bouvier des Flandres||Gastrointestinal||14.2||Cancer||46.6||Trauma||8.0| |Cardigan Welsh Corgi||Neurological||17.0||Cancer||22.3||Infection||15.2| |Chesapeake Bay Retriever||Hematopoietic||17.2||Cancer||28.5||Trauma||12.9| |English Cocker Spaniel||Gastrointestinal||15.4||Cancer||24.8||Inflammatory||9.4| |English Springer Spanial||Gastrointestinal||11.7||Cancer||29.7||Trauma||10.2| |German Shepherd Dog||Gastrointestinal||15.1||Cancer||27.7||Trauma||11.1| |German Shorthaired Pointer||Musculoskeletal||14.7||Cancer||27.0||Trauma||15.7| |Jack Russell Terrier||Neurological||20.7||Trauma||19.8||Cancer||17.2| |Old English Shepherd||Gastrointestinal||13.8||Cancer||36.0||Infection||8.2| |Pembroke Welsh Corgi||Neurological||15.7||Cancer||30.4||Congenital||7.8| |Treeing Walker Coonhound||Respiratory||15.1||Infection||25.7||Cancer||18.4| |West Highland White Terrier||Respiratory||14.1||Cancer||26.3||Infection||10.8| Some of the breed differences found were surprising. A higher incidence of cancer in Bernese Mountain Dogs, Golden Retrievers, Scottish Terriers, and Boxers is well known, but the 47 percent death rate from cancer among Bouvier de Flandres was unexpected. Cardiovascular disease is known to be common in toy breeds, such as Chihuahuas and Maltese, because of their high incidence of mitral valve disease, but researchers were surprised to find that the rate was almost as high in Fox Terriers. It’s unknown if that’s because Fox Terriers are more prone to heart disease than previously realized, or if they’re simply more protected from other diseases. A high proportion of deaths from respiratory disease was expected in Bulldogs due to their brachycephalic airways, but finding that respiratory disease accounted for the highest percentage of deaths in the Afghan Hound and Vizla was unexpected. Examples of organ system problems The study did not provide details about which diseases are included in each category (my mind boggles at the details left out of published studies), but following are some examples of conditions that are likely to be classified in each organ system: - Gastrointestinal: Gastric dilatation and volvulus (GDV, or bloat) is likely the most common gastrointestinal cause of death; other causes would include pancreatitis, inflammatory bowel disease (IBD), intestinal obstruction, perianal fistula, exocrine pancreatic insufficiency (EPI), lymphangiectasia and other forms of protein-losing enteropathy, and cancer. - Neurologic: Diseases of the brain and spinal cord, such as intervertebral disc disease (IDD or IVDD) that can cause paralysis; strokes; seizure disorders; degenerative myelopathy; myasthenia gravis; encephalitis; laryngeal paralysis; wobbler syndrome; syringomyelia (common in Cavalier King Charles Spaniels); and tumors of the brain and spinal cord. This category likely includes cognitive disorders as well, such as canine cognitive disorder (CCD) or cognitive dysfunction syndrome (CDS), similar to Alzheimer’s in people. Diseases that cause paralysis, such as tick paralysis, polyradiculoneuritis (coonhound paralysis), and botulism would likely be included in this category. - Musculoskeletal: Joint problems such as hip dysplasia, elbow dysplasia, and arthritis. Bone cancer would also fall into this category. Trauma is often linked to the musculoskeletal system as well. - Urogenital: Kidney disease, urinary stones, pyometra (infection of the uterus), and prostate disease. Stones are undoubtedly the major contributor to the Dalmatian’s 16 percent of deaths in this category, and probably a big part of the high rates in Lhasa Apsos, Shih Tzu, and Miniature Schnauzers as well. (For more about urinary stones, see Calcium Oxalate Kidney and Bladder Stones, in the May 2010 issue of WDJ; Urate, Cystine and Other Less Common Urinary Stones in the June 2010 issue, and An Update on “Low Uric Acid” Dalmatians, January 2011). - Respiratory: Brachycephalic airway, collapsed trachea, and pulmonary fibrosis. The Afghan Hound is prone to lung lobe torsion, which may account for their high rate of death in this category. Laryngeal paralysis is not uncommon in Vizslas; perhaps that disease was considered respiratory rather than neurologic by the study. - Hematopoietic: Relating to blood. Causes might include thrombocytopenia (low platelets), autoimmune hemolytic anemia (AIHA), and disseminated intravascular coagulation (DIC). This category could also include blood-related cancers such as leukemia, lymphoma and hemangiosarcoma. - Endocrine: Cushing’s disease and diabetes mellitus are the most common endocrine disorders in dogs. Addison’s disease would also fall into this category. Following are statistics for canine deaths listed by the primary organ system involved, showing the breeds that had the highest rate of deaths attributed to that cause. The number in parentheses indicates the percentage of deaths within each breed for that category. (No organ system was classified for 20 percent of the deaths; these were not included in the rankings). The first five categories were responsible for most deaths in most breeds. |Gastrointestinal||Great Dane (25.6), Gordon Setter (22.5), Akita (21.2), Shar-Pei (19.9), Weimaraner (17.6)| |Neurologic||Dachshund (40.4), Miniature Dachshund (39.7), Pug (27.4), Miniature Pinscher (22.3), Boston Terrier (22.2)| |Musculoskeletal||Saint Bernard (26.2), Great Pyrenees (25.5), Irish Wolfhound (22.1), Great Dane (21.7), Greyhound (21.4)| Cardiovascular (heart disease) |Newfoundland (23.8), Maltese (21.1), Chihuahua (18.5), Doberman Pinscher (17.2), Fox Terrier (16.3)| |Urogenital||Scottish Terrier (17.0), Airedale Terrier (16.3), Dalmatian (16.2), Norwegian Elkhound (16.0), Cardigan Welsh Corgi (15.2), Standard Schnauzer (15.2), Bull Terrier (14.9), and Lhasa Apso (14.9), Shetland Sheepdog (14.2), Finnish Spitz (14.0), Shih Tzu (13.9), English Cocker Spaniel (13.7)| |Respiratory||Bulldog (18.2), Borzoi (16.3), Yorkshire Terrier (16.1), Afghan Hound (16.0), Treeing Walker Coonhound (15.1), West Highland White Terrier (14.1), Pomeranian (13.6), Vizsla (13.6)| |Hematopoietic||Chesapeake Bay Retriever (17.2), Airedale Terrier (15.2), Golden Retriever (15.0), American Cocker Spaniel (14.8), English Cocker Spaniel (13.7), Scottish Terrier (13.2)| |Dermatologic (skin)||Shar-Pei (5.4), West Highland White Terrier (4.9), Miniature Pinscher (4.5), English Pointer (3.6), Chow Chow (2.9), Shetland Sheepdog (2.8)| |Endocrine||Fox Terrier (7.2), Miniature Poodle (6.3), West Highland White Terrier (6.2), Miniature Schnauzer (5.7), Bichon Frise (5.6), Old English Sheepdog (5.6)| |Hepatic (liver)||Scottish Terrier (7.8), English Cocker Spaniel (7.7), Maltese (7.5), Standard Schnauzer (7.2), Pembroke Welsh Corgi (7.0)| |Ophthalmologic (eye)||Akita (9.9), Cardigan Welsh Corgi (3.6), Collie (3.2), Pekingese (3.1), Australian Heeler (3.0)| Examples of Disease Processes Examples of conditions that were likely to be classified into the different disease process categories: - Trauma: Injury, such as being hit by a car, or being accidentally dropped or stepped on, especially in the case of toy-breed puppies. - Infectious: Viral disease, such as parvovirus and distemper; bacterial infections, such as leptospirosis and most tick diseases; fungal infections, such as blastomycosis and histoplasmosis; and protozoal disease, such as babesiosis and leishmaniasis. - Congenital: A condition present at birth, which may be genetic or caused by something that happened in the womb or during birth. Examples would include liver shunts, which are common in the Yorkshire Terrier and Maltese as well as other toy breeds; and heart defects, common in the Newfoundland and Bulldog, among others. - Degenerative: Diseases such as degenerative disc disease, hip dysplasia, and other forms of joint disease fall into this category. There are also degenerative diseases of the eyes, heart, and other organs. - Inflammatory: IBD, pancreatitis, masticatory muscle myositis, and granulomatous meningoencephalomyelitis (GME) are inflammatory diseases. - Metabolic: Anything that affects the organs, including kidney and liver disease. Endocrine diseases would be considered metabolic, along with diabetes insipidus and urinary stones. - Toxic: Poisoning, such as by ingesting rat poison, toxic mushrooms, or antifreeze. - Vascular: Stroke (cerebral vascular accident) is the most obvious. Other possibilities might include acquired liver shunts and fibrocartilaginous embolism (FCE). Following are statistics for canine deaths listed by disease category, showing the breeds that had the highest rate of deaths attributed to that cause. (Thirty-five percent of deaths were unclassified by a disease category). |Neoplasia (cancer)||Bernese Mountain Dog (54.6), Golden Retriever (49.9), Scottish Terrier (47.6), Bouvier de Flandres (46.6), Boxer (44.3), Bullmastiff (44.0), Irish Setter (40.8), Airedale Terrier (40.2)| |Trauma||Australian Heeler (20.8), American Staffordshire Terrier (20.3), Jack Russell Terrier (19.8), Miniature Pinscher (19.6), Australian Shepherd (17.9), Border Collie (17.5), Chihuahua (16.8), Chow Chow (16.6), Treeing Walker Coonhound (16.4), Greyhound (16.3), Mixed-Breed Dogs (16.2), Beagle (16.0), German Shorthaired Pointer (15.7)| |Infections||Treeing Walker Coonhound (25.7), American Staffordshire Terrier (21.0), Greyhound (16.5), English Pointer (16.2), Cardigan Welsh Corgi (15.2), English Setter (14.8), Rottweiler (14.8), Black and Tan Coonhound (14.4), Australian Heeler (13.6), Bull Terrier (13.2), Siberian Husky (13.2)| |Congenital Disease||Newfoundland (17.5), Bulldog (13.5), Yorkshire Terrier (10.5), Akita (10.4), Maltese (9.7), Pug (8.4)| |Degenerative||Chihuahua (7.2), Dachshund (6.3), Toy Poodle (5.2), Miniature Poodle (5.1), Pekingese (5.1), Newfoundland (4.5), Maltese (4.1)| |Inflammatory||American Cocker Spaniel (10.5), English Cocker Spaniel (9.4), Keeshond (7.8), Bernese Mountain Dog (7.6), Airedale Terrier (7.3)| |Metabolic||Doberman Pinscher (11.8), Keeshond (9.7), Cairn Terrier (9.5), Great Dane (8.9), Miniature Schnauzer (8.9), Standard Schnauzer (8.7), Shar-Pei (8.5), Miniature Poodle (8.2), Bichon Frise (8.0), Miniature Pinscher (8.0)| |Toxic||Australian Heeler (5.3), Australian Shepherd (5.1), American Eskimo (5.0), Miniature Pinscher (4.5), Norwegian Elkhound (3.7)| |Vascular||Afghan Hound (2.9), Irish Wolfhound (2.8), Saint Bernard (2.7), Standard Schnauzer (2.5), Mastiff (2.2)| You can use this information to help your dog stay healthy. First and foremost, keep your dog lean! Overweight dogs are more likely to develop musculoskeletal problems, disc disease, diabetes, heart disease, and even some forms of cancer. Proper vaccination of puppies protects them from most infectious diseases, though frequent revaccination for viral diseases is unnecessary in adult dogs. Spayed females cannot get pyometra (uterine infection) and neutered males are less likely to develop prostate disease. Letting dogs off lead only in protected areas helps prevent deaths due to trauma. Gastropexy (surgery to tack the stomach to the side of the body wall) to prevent torsion and reduce the risk of fatality from bloat can be performed proactively for commonly affected breeds or dogs with close relatives who have bloated, or during bloat surgery. Recently there has been some discussion of the suggestion that the high rate of cancer in Golden Retrievers can be partly traced to a single “popular sire” who sired over 1,000 puppies and later died of hemangiosarcoma. Because this dog and his progeny were used so extensively, the genes predisposing Golden Retrievers to hemangiosarcoma are now so widespread that it is difficult to breed around them. Breeders can help ensure genetic variation and avoid such outcomes by not over-breeding to a single dog or line of dogs. Even “doggie dementia” can be helped with appropriate supplements and medications (see “Old and Confused,” December 2008). EPA, DHA, antioxidants, and mitochondrial cofactors have been shown to improve the performance of older dogs on various cognitive tasks in as little as two to eight weeks. EPA and DHA are omega-3 fatty acids found in fatty fish and fish oil. Antioxidants found helpful include mixed tocopherols (vitamin E); vitamin C; flavonoids, such as quercetin and rutin, found in berries and other colored fruits and vegetables; and carotenoids, including beta carotene, lycopene, and lutein, found in vegetables, such as carrots, sweet potatoes, tomatoes, spinach, and kale. Mitochondrial cofactors include alpha-lipoic acid and l-carnitine. Additionally, SAM-e has been shown to reduce signs of cognitive decline in both dogs and humans, and phospholipids, such as phosphatidylcholine and phosphatidylserine, may also have a beneficial effect. Environmental enrichment, such as training new behaviors (including tricks), playing with toys, living with other dogs, and going for walks where they can explore, improves learning ability. The combination of supplements and environmental enrichment helps more than either alone. When all else fails, consider Anipryl (L-deprenyl, selegiline), a medication approved for dogs with CCD. One study of 69 dogs showed that 76 percent improved after one month of medication. The hope is that, armed with this new knowledge, veterinarians and owners can be proactive in watching for these diseases, taking preventative measures and beginning treatment early. The information from this study can also help direct breed-specific research on genetic causes and preventative measures for specific diseases. You can contact me if you have any comments, but I regret to say that I can no longer respond to questions about individual dogs. See my Contact page for more information. My name is Mary Straus and you can email me at either or

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This appendix has four parts: 1.1 Can access consciousness occur in the absence of phenomenal consciousness? 1.2 Persistent Vegetative State (PVS): a case of behavioural wakefulness in the absence of phenomenal consciousness 1.3 Evaluation of Carruthers' arguments against the occurrence of consciousness in non-human animals 1.4 How the welfare of animals lacking phenomenal consciousness can be objectively assessed The case of the distracted driver Block (1995, 1998) makes some pertinent observations regarding the much-discussed case of the distracted driver, who is supposedly able to navigate his car home despite being oblivious to his visual states. Different philosophers have conflicting intuitions regarding whether the driver is phenomenally conscious while driving home. But according to Block, this is irrelevant: to drive home, what you need is access consciousness, not phenomenal consciousness. Access consciousness, Block suggests, comes in degrees: the inattentive driver has a diminished level of access consciousness, but if he had none at all, the car would crash. An alternative considered by Block (1995) is that the driver's access consciousness is normal, but his poor memory of the trip is due to failure to store the contents of the scene in his memory. (As we shall see, this turns out to be the case.) Likewise, when discussing a case (originally cited from Penfield (1975) and discussed by Searle (1992)) of an epileptic driver who has a petit mal seizure rendering him totally unconscious, but is still able to drive home, the individual "still has sufficient access-consciousness to drive" (1998, p. 5). Recent research (Wright, 2003) has borne out Block's contention that attention is required for driving. Wright cites three driving studies which show that driving requires a certain minimum amount of attention to the road. As Wright (2003) puts it: "Without sufficient attention being paid to one's visual experience and driving behavior, one will quickly find one's car quite mangled." What really happens in "distracted driving" is that the driver pays attention to the road for some of the time, but the other matter that he is thinking about demands a much greater share of his cognitive resources, with the result that the information about the visual scene is quickly bumped from working memory and never encoded in long-term memory. Hence the driver's surprise when he comes to the end of his journey. In the light of the research cited by Wright, I therefore have to express scepticism about the solitary case of Penfield's (1975) "unconscious driver" cited by Searle (1992) and discussed by Block (1995, 1998). The proposal that a person having a petit mal seizure could drive home appears implausible in the light of the following medical description: A petit mal seizure is a temporary disturbance of brain function caused by abnormal electrical activity in the brain and characterized by abrupt, short-term lack of conscious activity ("absence") or other abnormal change in behavior. Petit mal seizures occur most commonly in people under age 20, usually in children ages 6 to 12. Typical petit mal seizures last only a few seconds, with full recovery occurring rapidly and no lingering confusion. Such seizures usually manifest themselves as staring episodes or "absence spells" during which the child's activity or speech ceases. The child may stop talking in mid-sentence or cease walking. One to several seconds later, speech or activity resume. If standing or walking, a child seldom falls during one of these episodes... There is usually no memory of the seizure (Campellone, 2002). There are thus no grounds for believing that there are any real-life cases of drivers who possess access consciousness but have lost their phenomenal consciousness, as Block hypothesises (1998, p. 5). Rather, what happens is that inattentive drivers fail to encode the contents of their phenomenal consciousness in their long-term memory (Wright, 2003). Conclusion: "Distracted driver" cases cannot be legitimately used to argue against phenomenal consciousness in animals. Even more implausible is the claim, sometimes found in the literature on animal consciousness (Cartmill, 2000) that sleepwalkers can drive. Regrettably, this myth is perpetuated by people who ought to know better. Jiva and Masoodi (2003) repeat this claim in a medical journal of sleep research, but the reference they cite (Cruchet R. 1905. Tics et sommeil. Presse Med. 1905; 13:33-36) is 100 years old. (Incidentally, Jiva did not respond to an email query of mine, requesting evidence for driving by sleepwalkers.) It is true that sleepwalkers can engage in a range of non-reflex complex behaviours (autonomous automatisms) that are performed without conscious volition, such as dressing, eating, and bathing (Sleepdisorderchannel, 2003). However, two important points need to be made here. First, sleepwalkers do not pay attention to their surroundings, for the simple reason that they cannot. Sleepwalking episodes take place during delta sleep, a slow-wave phase that scientists associate with the absence of primary consciousness. "During sleepwalking, coordination is poor, speech is incoherent, clumsiness is common" (Jiva and Masoodi, 2003). Some sleepwalkers bruise or injure themselves from collisions with furniture and walls (Sleepdisorderchannel, 2003). We may conclude that access conscious is absent. Second, sleepwalkers do not acquire new skills; they simply use their existing repertoire of automatisms. Any motor skills that sleepwalkers show are parasitic upon those they acquired during the waking state, while phenomenally conscious. Sleepwalkers do not learn any "new tricks". By contrast, it has already been shown in chapter two that most phyla of animals are capable of true learning (classical conditioning). A more advanced kind of learning (operant conditioning) was also proposed for insects and cephalopods, as well as vertebrates. Conclusion: The behaviour of sleepwalkers has no relevance to the question of which animals are conscious. Blindsight and super-blindsight Blindsight has sometimes been proposed as an instance of access without phenomenality. However, subjects with blindsight appear to lack the right sort of access to visual information on their blind side: Their access is curiously indirect, as witnessed by the fact that it is not available for verbal report, and in the deliberate control of behavior. The information ... can be made available to other processes, but only by unusual methods such as prompting and forced choice. So this information does not qualify as directly available for global control (Chalmers, 1996, p. 227). Block's (1995) hypothetical case of "super-blindsight" makes a testable empirical claim, but there is no evidence for its occurrence in human or non-human animals. Reverse Anton's Syndrome Block (1998, p. 4) also discusses one possible case of "Reverse Anton's Syndrome", but its interpretation is by no means certain. Because the condition was caused by brain injury, it cannot be invoked as evidence that access consciousness could have evolved in animals independently of phenomenal consciousness. Rosenthal (2002) cites experimental results by Libet et al. (1983), in which a rational human agent's (access-conscious) decision to act occurs some time before she is consciously aware of it, as evidence that "global access" can occur independently of phenomenal consciousness. But an alternative interpretation is possible: the subject forms a conscious intention at the beginning of the experiment, when receiving instructions. The subsequent decision to move reported by the subject is not a voluntary action in the conventional sense, but a perceived effective urge to move, induced by specific experimental instructions (Zhu, 2003). The mammalian visual system Among the cases discussed in the philosophical literature, the strongest evidence that access consciousness can exist in the absence of phenomenal consciousness comes from recent studies of the mammalian visual system: According to Milner and Goodale (1995), the human mind / brain contains two visual systems that are functionally and anatomically distinct; and indeed, there is now a wealth of evidence that this is so (Jacob and Jeannerod, 2003). The dorsal system is located in the parietal lobes and is concerned with the on-line detailed guidance of movement. The ventral system is located in the temporal lobes and serves to underpin conceptual thought and planning in relation to the perceived environment. Each receives its primary input from area V1 at the posterior of the cortex, although the dorsal system also receives significant projections from other sites. The dorsal system operates with a set of body-centered or limb-centered spatial co-ordinates, it is fast, and it has a memory window of just two seconds. The ventral system uses allocentric or object-centered spatial co-ordinates, it is slower, and it gives rise to both medium and long-term memories. Importantly for our purposes, the outputs of the dorsal system are unconscious, while those of the ventral system are phenomenally conscious (in humans). Finally, homologous systems are widespread in the animal kingdom, being common to all mammals, at least. On this account, the phenomenally conscious experiences that I enjoy when acting are not the percepts that guide the details of my movements on-line. Rather, the phenomenally conscious percepts produced by the ventral system are the ones that give rise to my beliefs about my immediate environment, that ground my desires for perceived items ("I want that one") and that figure in my plans in respect of my environment ("I'll go that way and pick up that one"). But my planning only guides my actions indirectly, by selecting from amongst a data-base of action schemata. The latter then directly cause my movements, with the detailed execution of those movements being guided by the percepts generated by the dorsal system (Carruthers, 2004b). The research by Milner and Goodale (1995) suggests that each human brain has two visual systems: a phenomenally conscious system that allows the subject to select a course of action but which she cannot attend to when actually executing her movements, and an access-conscious system that guides her detailed movements but is not phenomenally aware. Care should be taken not to exaggerate the significance of these findings, as they relate to just one sensory modality (sight) and only apply to a limited class of animals (mammals). Nevertheless, they are significant insofar as they reveal a distinction at the physical level between access-consciousness and phenomenal consciousness. This leads me to formulate the following tentative conclusion: Conclusion: The occurrence of access consciousness is physically distinguishable from the occurrence of phenomenally conscious states in a human being. Behavioural wakefulness can certainly exist in the absence of phenomenal consciousness. As an extreme example, Rose (2002, p. 14) discusses six human patients (first described in Jouvet, 1969), who had suffered the complete loss of their cerebral cortex. Some of these decorticate patients still displayed intermittent wakefulness, manifested by the presence of behavioural sleep-wake cycles, and even exhibited behaviours such as grimacing and cries evoked by noxious stimuli, and pushing at the hands of the examiner. The condition of persistent vegetative state, in which "persons with overwhelming damage to the cerebral hemispheres commonly pass into a chronic state of unconsciousness" (JAMA, 1990), has been defined as "chronic wakefulness without awareness" (JAMA, 1990). Patients exhibit behavioural sleep-wake cycles - in contrast with coma, during which patients are never awake. PVS patients may exhibit behaviours such as grinding their teeth, swallowing, smiling, shedding tears, grunting, moaning, or screaming without any apparent external stimulus. The point that needs to be made here is that all of the wakeful behaviours displayed by these patients are generated by their brain stems and spinal cords. Studies have shown that activity occurring at this level of the brain is not accessible to conscious awareness in human beings (Rose, 2002, pp. 13-15; Roth, 2003, p. 36). (For a more complete discussion of PVS, see JAMA, 1990; Multi-Society Task Force on PVS, 1994; Laureys, 2002; Baars, 2003; National Health and Medical Research Council, 2003. Borthwick, 1996, critiques the medical criteria used to define PVS, and argues that misdiagnoses are common and that the condition should not be viewed as irreversible.) Conclusion: If we define wakefulness according to behavioural criteria, then its occurrence in an animal is an insufficient reason for ascribing phenomenally conscious states to it. The point I am making here is a purely negative one. Let me state clearly that I am not proposing that the behaviour of PVS patients, who require assisted feeding in order to stay alive, is a model for that of behaviourally wakeful animals lacking a cortex. On the contrary: whereas humans and other mammals are very much dependent on their cerebral hemispheres for functionally effective behaviour, other animals exhibit much less dependence or none at all (Rose, 2002, pp. 9, 10, 13). Peter Carruthers (2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2004b) has consistently upheld the view that phenomenal consciousness is the peculiar preserve of human beings - though he allows that chimpanzees may also have it. Carruthers rejects the ability to give "accurate report" as a way to identify phenomenal consciousness in animals. I propose to discuss his views under two headings: first, do his arguments against animal phenomenality work, and second, is it possible to prove his views wrong? Carruthers' argument against the possibility of phenomenal consciousness in animals The essence of Carruthers' case against phenomenal consciousness in non-human animals can be summarised as follows: (i) phenomenal consciousness requires the ability of to think about one's own thoughts; (ii) the ability to conceptualise one's thoughts requires one to possess a theory of mind and attribute mental states to other individuals; (iii) there is little evidence that non-human animals (except possibly chimpanzees) possess this ability; so (iv) there is no reason to ascribe phenomenal consciousness to most other animals. The first premise expresses the HOT theory of phenomenal consciousness which both Carruthers and Rosenthal endorse. There is some evidence for a rudimentary theory of mind in chimpanzees, dogs and elephants (Horowitz, 2002; Nissani, 2004), but let us grant Carruthers' third premise for argument's sake. The critical step in his argument is the second, which has been critiqued by Allen (2003). The interesting thing about Carruthers' theory of the origin of phenomenal consciousness is that it is a by-product that was not directly selected for: it arose as a consequence of animals acquiring a "mind-reading faculty" that enabled them to interpret other animals' behaviour and attribute mental states to them. According to Carruthers (2000), this mind-reading faculty may have arisen in response to the need to interpret early hominid attempts at speech. Since the human senses of touch, taste, smell, hearing and sight all have a phenomenal feel to them, Carruthers needs to explain why his mind-reading faculty needed to have access to the full range of perceptual representations: It would have needed to have access to auditory input in order to play a role in generating interpretations of heard speech, and it would have needed to have access to visual input in order to represent and interpret people's movements and gestures, as well as to generate representations of the form, "A sees that P" or "A sees that [demonstrated object/event]" (Carruthers, 2000b, p. 231). Allen (2004, p. 630) finds this argument unconvincing, as it only explains sight and hearing: The way others look to us, sound to us, and the sensations they produce when they touch us are all possible targets of interpretation. In contrast, there seems little to interpret regarding others' mental states in the way they smell and taste to us, nor in the way our stomachs feel when they have not eaten for a while. I conclude that the mind-reading faculty has no need for access to smell and taste, nor to many somatosensory sensations, for interpretative purposes. In any case, Carruthers' claim that our "mind-reading faculty" has access to the full range of perceptual systems is a mistaken one: the vomeronasal system, which responds to pheromones and affects human behaviour, is devoid of phenomenality (Allen, 2004a, p. 630). Conclusion: Carruthers' argument fails to explain the range of our phenomenal consciousness and is unsuccessful in undermining the case for phenomenal consciousness in non-human animals. Can there be a proof of phenomenal consciousness in animals? According to Carruthers, most human behaviour can be explained in terms of first-order states which we share with animals. Only those behaviours which require explanation in terms of higher-order states can be described as phenomenally conscious. In particular, "phenomenal consciousness is implicated whenever we draw a distinction between the way things are and the way they seem or appear" (Carruthers, 2004). Recent experiments with binocular rivalry have demonstrated that the humans and other animals make identical reports about what they see when conflicting data is presented to their left and right two visual fields: If two different stimuli - e.g. horizontal and vertical stripes - are presented to each of one's eyes, one does not see a blend, but rather first horizontal stripes that fill the whole visual field and then vertical stripes, that fill the whole field. Logothetis and his colleagues... trained monkeys to pull different levers for different patterns. They then presented different patterns to the monkeys' two eyes, and observed that with monkeys as with people, the monkeys switched back and forth between the two levers even though the sensory input remained the same (Block, 2003, italics mine). The most obvious way to explain these results is to say that human and monkey brains handle the conflict of data in the same way, and that humans and monkeys experience the same inconstancy in their conscious perceptions. Carruthers could, however, reply that there is no need to postulate higher-order states here: the monkeys simply have fluctuating first-order perceptions, which they have been conditioned to respond to by pulling a lever. This suggests one way of testing for phenomenal consciousness in animals: any animals that can learn to correct their perceptual errors are phenomenally conscious (Allen, 2002). On this point, the only findings that I have been able to uncover are negative: The possibility of differentiating between the phenomenal field and objective, "meaningful" images evidently is a property only of human consciousness; owing to it, man is liberated from the slavery of sensory impressions when they are distorted by incidental conditions of perception. In this connection experiments with monkeys fitted with glasses inverting the retinal image are interesting; it developed that as distinct from man, in the monkeys this completely disrupted their behavior, and they entered a long period of inactivity (Leontev, 1978). Why were the monkeys unable to adjust to their new view of the world? I would suggest that Carruthers' (2004) distinction between the way things are and the way they seem can only be drawn by those able to formulate the concepts of appearance verus reality. These concepts require abstract language, which monkeys (and some human beings) lack. Since positive proof of consciousness requires this distinction, we are forced to the following pessimistic conclusion: Conclusion: Carruthers' claim that non-human animals are not phenomenally conscious remains, for the time being, consistent with the experimental evidence. CASE STUDY - fish welfare It has been argued in this thesis that fish lack phenomenal consciousness, but nevertheless can be said to take an interest in whatever they pursue, as well as having certain biological interests. The following four tables illustrate some welfare indicators for these animals, as well as ways in which the practices of aquaculture, angling and keeping ornamental fish may adversely impact on their welfare. The source of the information listed below is: FSBI. 2002. Fish Welfare. Briefing Paper No. 2, Fisheries Society of the British Isles, Granta Information Systems, Cambridge, UK. TABLE 1: Sensitive and easily applied welfare indicators for fish |Changes in colour: Stress-induced changes in skin or eye colour (with a complex hormonal background) have been reported in a number of fish species, including ornamental species (Etscheidt 1992), and so could be a sign of exposure to adverse events. Eye colour as an index of social stress/subordinate status in salmonids provides an example.| |Changes in ventilation rate: A high oxygen demand is reflected by rapid irrigation of the gills. The rate of opercular beats is therefore increased by stress and can be counted, automatically or by eye. This, together with a visual assessment of gill status, is used as a sign of incipient problems in ornamental fish (Etscheidt 1992) and to monitor exposure to pollutants in salmonid fish.| |Changes in swimming and other behaviour patterns: Fish may respond to unfavourable conditions by adopting different speeds of swimming and by using of different regions of a tank or cage (Morton 1990, Etscheidt 1992, Juell1995). Abnormal swimming has been used as a sign of poor welfare in farmed fish (Holm et al. 1998). Known behavioural responses to adverse events and conditions are potential signs of both general and specific trouble (Morton1990). These include excessive activity or immobility (Etscheidt 1992), body positions that protect injured fins, escape attempts in confined conditions and chafing movements to dislodge ecto-parasites (Furevik et al.1993).| |Reduced food intake: Notwithstanding that there are many reasons why a fish might not eat, the fact that feeding is suppressed by acute and chronic stress means that loss of appetite is potentially a sign of impaired welfare.| |Slow growth: Notwithstanding that growth rates in fish are flexible and naturally variable, sustained reductions in growth may be indicative of chronic stress. Thus where fish are regularly weighed or where size can be assessed by eye (or by underwater camera) slow growth can be used as a possible sign of trouble.| |Loss of condition: Fish change shape and/or lose weight for many reasons, but because reduced feeding and mobilisation of reserves are secondary stress responses, where fish are regularly weighed and measured, or where body shape can be assessed by eye (for example by the visibility of the vertebrae, Escheidt 1992) loss of condition can be used as a possible sign of trouble.| |Morphological abnormalities: Because adverse conditions can interfere with normal development, the occurrence of morphological abnormalities can be used as an indicator of poor larval rearing conditions (Boglione et al. 2001).| |Injury: Injury may be a direct consequence of an adverse event, in which case, the presence of such injuries is a sign of poor welfare. For example, dorsal fin injury in salmonids is often caused by attacks from conspecifics (Turnbull et al. 1998) and scales that are dislodged rather than lying flat are a sign of poor welfare in ornamental fish (Etscheidt 1992). In addition, because immune responses can be suppressed by cortisol, slow recovery from injury (or a high incidence of injury) may be a sign of generally poor conditions. However, fin erosion has multiple causes and these are not fully understood.| |Disease states: Since the causes of most aquatic diseases are complex and dependent on environmental conditions, a diseased state can indicate an underlying problem with the environment or management. Increased incidence of disease in any population of fish should be treated as a warning that there may be other underlying problems. However, interpreting the welfare implications of an observed disease requires a detailed understanding of the natural history of the disease and in some cases diseases are not sufficiently well understood to interpret their implications for welfare.| |Reduced reproductive performance: For many farmed species, reproduction is prevented or avoided in growing stock. Where this is not the case, for example, in brood stock or where ornamental fish are concerned, because chronic stress impairs reproductive function, failure of adult fish to breed or to display normal patterns of reproductive behaviour.| Overview of current scientific understanding of the impact of common practice in aquaculture, angling and the keeping of ornamental fish, with a few representative examples TABLE 2: AQUACULTURE: SOME DEMONSTRATED EFFECTS ON WELFARE |Transportation||Certain kinds of transportation induce physiological stress responses and a prolonged recovery period may be necessary (Bandeen & Leatherland 1997, Barton 2000, Rouger et al. 1998, Iversen et al. 1998, Sandodden et al. 2001).| |Handling/netting||Physical disturbance evokes physiological stress responses in many species of farmed fish (reviewed by Pickering 1998) and reduces disease resistance (Stangeland et al. 1996).| |Confinement and short-term crowding||Physical confinement in otherwise favourable conditions increases cortisol and glucose levels and alters macrophage activity in various species (Garci-Garbi et al. 1998). Carp show a mild, physiological stress response to crowding that declined as the fish adapted, but crowded fish are more sensitive to an additional acute stressor (confinement in a net; Ruane et al. 2002). Crowding during grading increases cortisol levels for up to 48h (Barnett & Pankhurst 1998).| |Inappropriate densities||High densities impair welfare in some species (trout, salmon: Ewing & Ewing 1995, bass: Vazzana 2002, red porgy: Rotllani & Tori 1997), but enhance it in others (catfish and Arctic charr, Jorgensen et al. 1993). Halibut suffer less injury at high densities (Greaves 2002) but show more abnormal swimming (Kristiansen & Juell 2002). The relationship between welfare and density may be non-linear; low densities may harm rainbow trout, in salmon negative effects start to appear at a critical density and density interacts with other factors such as disturbance or water quality (Ewing & Ewing 1995, Bell 2002, Scott et al. 2001).| |Enforced social contact||Aggression can cause injury in farmed fish, especially when competition for food is strong (Greaves & Tuene 2001). Subordinate fish can be prevented from feeding (Cubitt 2002), may grow poorly and are more vulnerable to disease (reviewed by Wedermeyer 1996).| |Water quality deterioration||Many adverse effects of poor water quality have been described, with different variables interacting, e.g. undisturbed salmonids use c. 300 mg of oxygen per kg of fish per hour and this can double if the fish are disturbed. For such species, access to aerated water is essential for health (Wedermeyer 1996). Immunoglobulin levels fall in sea bass held at low oxygen levels (Scapigliati et al.1999). Heavy metals cause extensive gill damage in acidic water but are non-toxic in hard, alkaline water (see Wedermeyer 1996).| |Altered light regimes||Atlantic salmon avoid bright surface lights, except when feeding (Fernoe et al.1995). Continuous light increases growth in several species (e.g. cod: Puvanendran & Brown 2002).| |Food deprivation||Dorsal fin erosion increases during fasting in steelhead trout (Winfree et al.1998). Plasma glucose increase in Atlantic salmon after 7 days without food, but other welfare indices are unaffected (Bell 2002). Atlantic salmon deprived of food for longer periods (up to 86 days) lose weight and condition, stabilising after 30 days (Einen et al. 1998). Farmed Atlantic salmon swim slower and fight less during feeding bouts when fed on demand (Andrews et al. 2002).| |Disease treatment||Therapeutic treatments themselves may be stressful to fish (e.g. Griffin et al. 1999, 2002, Thorburn et al. 2001, Yildiz & Pulatsu, 1999).| |Unavoidable contact with predators||Brief exposure to a predator causes increased cortisol levels and respiration rate and suppressed feeding (eg Metcalfe et al. 1987). Mortality and injury due to attacks by birds and seals can be high among farmed fish (eg Carss 1993).| |Slaughter||All slaughter methods are stressful, but some are lees so than others (Robb et al.2000). Small, warm water fish such as sea bass killed by chilling in ice water had lower plasma glucose and lactate levels and showed less marked behavioural responses than those killed by other methods, in particular asphyxia (Poli et al. 2002, Skjervold et al. 2001). Electrostunning may be less harmful for larger fish such as trout.| TABLE 3: ANGLING: SOME DEMONSTRATED EFFECTS ON WELFARE |Capture - hooking||Injury and mortality following hooking is common, primarily in deep-hooked fish (Dubois et al.1994; Hulbert & Engstrom-Heg 1980, Muonehke & Childress 1994).| |Capture - playing / landing||Capture of fish by rod and line elicits a stress response of short duration (Gustaveson et al. 1991, Pankhurst & Dedual 1994, Pottinger 1998). Estradiol levels are suppressed in rainbow trout within 24h of capture by rod and line (Pankhurst & Dedual 1994).| |Capture - handling||Exposure of exercised fish to air can have severe metabolic effects (lactate increase and altered acid-base balance), especially in larger fish (Ferguson et al. 1993). Capture and handling suppress reproductive function in brown trout (Melotti et al. 1992).| |Retention / constraint / release||Retention of fish post-capture in either keepnets or stringers induces physiological stress responses, but recovery following release can be rapid (Pottinger 1998, Sobchuk & Dawson 1988). Hooking and handling for release can increase scale damage by 16% (Broadhurst & Barker 2000), possibly making released fish liable to infection. Abnormal behaviour can occur following release after a stressful event (Mesa & Schreck 1989, Olla & Davis 1989).| TABLE 4: KEEPING ORNAMENTAL FISH - SOME DEMONSTRATED EFFECTS ON WELFARE |Capture. Exposure to Poisons.||Marine tropical fish captured by sodium cyanide suffer very high mortality for several weeks after capture (Hignette 1984). Clove oil is a better alternative (Erdmann 2002).| |Transportation||Estimates for mortality during capture of ornamental fish from South America range from 5 to 10% but may be as high as 30%. A further 5 to 10% mortality is estimated to occur during transportation and at the holding facilities (Ferraz de Olivera 1995). During the acclimation period following importation mortalities can be up to 30% (FitzGibbon 1993). However, in all these aspects of the ornamental fish trade there is a great deal of variability. The Ornamental Fish Trade Association has regulations to improve all aspects of capture and transport of fish (www.aquariumcouncil.org).| |After purchase, constraint in a confined space||See above, under aquaculture.| |Handling||See above, under aquaculture.| |Inappropriate densities/species combinations||Lack of appropriate social environment (wrong species or inappropriate numbers) is an important cause of poor health in ornamental fish (Etscheidt 1995).| |Poor water quality||81% of ornamental fish are held outside the optimal pH range, 36% at inappropriate temperatures (Etscheidt & Manz 1992). Poor water quality is the commonest cause of mortality in ornamental fish (Schunck 1980).| |Deprivation of social contact||Angelfish transferred singly to a new tank take longer to resume feeding than those transferred in groups of 3 or 5 (Gomez-Laplaza & Morgan 1993).| |Inappropriate feeding regimes||Inappropriate range and types of food can cause poor health in ornamental fish (Etscheidt 1995). Inappropriate feeding is not usually a direct cause of mortality in ornamental fish, but can be a contributory factor (Schunck 1980).| |Unavoidable contact with a predator||In 19% ornamental tanks prey were housed in small tanks in direct contact with predators (Escheidt & Manz 1992, Foggitt 1997). See above under aquaculture.| |Disease treatment||See above under aquaculture.|

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Siddharth Varadarajan IN THE HINDU The Nuclear Liability Bill needs to be amended to ensure adequate compensation in the event of an accident. The bill must be amended to allow for a proper level of compensation, well beyond the Rs. 2,050 crore “maximum amount of liability” It extinguishes claims for compensation for damage made more than 10 years after an incident. An unconscionable limit The nuclear liability bill is currently being reviewed by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Science & Technology, Environment & Forests. There are several clauses and concepts that need to be amended to ensure the legislation meets its intended purpose. 1. The “maximum amount of liability in respect of each nuclear incident” is fixed at 300 million Special Drawing Rights, approximately Rs 2,050 crore. This figure is too low and can’t possibly cover the kind of nuclear damage a major incident would cause to human life, property and the environment. Since the government wants to accede to the IAEA’s Convention on Supplementary Compensation (CSC), 300 million SDRs has been chosen as national cap so as to receive compensation from countries that are parties to the CSC beyond that. One assumes the government will have to provide compensation above whatever limited sums come from the CSC. Some explicit commitment to this effect, therefore, is essential. It is worth noting that the CSC will only enter into force if a country with a major nuclear programme like Japan accedes. That is unlikely to happen soon. If every country in the world joins the CSC, a maximum of 300 million SDRs would be available. But since the CSC will never attract universal adherence, the best a member state can hope to receive is around 50 million SDR. Either way, these are not substantial sums. Thus, the Bill must be amended to allow for a proper level of compensation, well beyond the Rs. 2,050 crore “maximum amount of liability”. Since the CSC says the compensation amount a signatory specifies prohibits discrimination between national and cross-border victims of a nuclear accident, some national cap may be necessary. But legal language is needed to assure the people that the government will compensate them fully in the event of an accident. 2. Like the national cap, the liability of nuclear operators is also capped too low at Rs. 500 crore for each incident. The bill says the government shall be liable for nuclear damage exceeding that amount. Two amendments are needed to protect public interest. First, the law must clarify that the cap applies only to public sector operators. Second, the Rs. 500 crore cap is low even for a public sector operator. It creates a double social cost. The fact that the operator is not forced to internalise the cost of damages he may cause will lead to the under-provisioning of safety. And, to the extent to which the operator cap is a subsidy towards the true cost of nuclear power, this would lead to the over-optimal share of nuclear power in India’s energy mix. Depending on the extent to which society wishes to subsidise nuclear energy, the operator cap should be set at some point between Rs. 500 crore and Rs. 2,050 crore. The higher figure would be more in keeping with enlightened liability regimes in other countries. Some argue that raising the operator limit will increase insurance costs. But nuclear plants around the world take out property insurance for sums several times higher than their accident liability and this does not affect the viability of nuclear power. Insurance premia, in any case, represent a very small fraction of the total cost of a nuclear plant worldwide. 3. The operator’s right of recourse against suppliers under 17(b) should be preserved and perhaps strengthened to include defective equipment and design flaws. India should leverage its mammoth imports to get the supplier to accept a measure of liability in the commercial contract itself. Moreover, the right of recourse must be for the total damage caused by the supplier’s negligence and not be limited to the operator’s liability cap. Since 17(b) deviates from the right of recourse envisaged by the CSC, India may have to enter a reservation if it accedes to the convention. Alternatively, it can adopt the liability bill but stay outside the convention like South Korea, which faces no impediment in doing business with U.S. suppliers. Not signing the CSC will also preserve the right of Indian victims to approach the courts of the country to which a nuclear supplier belongs in the event of an accident involving their negligence. 4. The bill extinguishes claims for compensation for nuclear damage made more than ten years after an incident. This limit is unconscionable. There is no reason why Indian law should impose such a limit for injuries to humans, especially when the Vienna and Paris conventions on nuclear liability allow a 30 year claim period. In Bhopal, many illnesses are manifesting themselves years after the original incident, and affecting subsequent generations. Physical damage may also require more time to assess. Twenty-five years after the Bhopal disaster, there is still uncertainty about liability for plant remediation. Certainly no claim was brought against Carbide on the question of site clean up within 10 years. 5. It is unsettling that the bill leaves the assessment of damages and claims for a nuclear accident to an executive rather than judicial body. While there is no reason to assume judges will be more sympathetic to nuclear victims than bureaucrats, the prohibition of judicial oversight embodied in clauses 16 and 35 cannot be justified. These will have to be amended or deleted, especially in order to end the ambiguity about the victim’s right to file tort claims. 6. Ironically, nearly half the bill’s clauses deal with the service rules etc of the officers who will process compensation claims rather than victim rights. As far as the composition of Nuclear Damage Claims Commission, it is shocking that more attention is paid to the bureaucratic qualifications of commissioners rather than their knowledge or competence to assess damage claims. In line with the complete exclusion of the health ministry and health professionals from the drafting process, the bill envisages no role for health and environment experts. Amendments are needed to remedy this. 7. Clause 46 says the Act’s provisions “shall be in addition to, and not in derogation of, any other law for the time being in force” and that the operator will not be exempted “from any proceedings which might, apart from this act, be instituted against [him]”. According to officials, the stated intent of this clause is to preserve the victims’ right to file tort claims. It also raises the possibility of criminal liability in the event of negligence on the part of the operator or, presumably, the supplier. But Indian tort law is poorly developed. As for criminal prosecutions, nothing more needs to be said in the light of Bhopal. Thus, for this clause to have any meaning, it must be accompanied by clauses that would facilitate tort claims. The law ministry should also be asked to clarify what the intent behind mentioning only the “operator” in this clause is. Is it to simplify the filing of victim claims by channelling fault-liability on to the operator leaving him to recover damages from suppliers via his right of recourse? If so, does this mean tort claims cannot be filed against anyone other than the operator? Given the unhappiness over the Bhopal settlement of $470 million – the Centre, in a sense, channelled the claims of victims through itself but sold them cheap — the Standing Committee must ensure the nuclear bill does not dilute the victims’ right to file tort claims against any party in the event of an accident. Oddly enough in the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill-2009 the operator’s liability has been capped at Rs 300 crore (it is reported that this figure has become Rs 500 crore) instead of SDRs and it is just horrifying to think that if an accident occurs a few decades hence, whether with the proposed compensation the victims will receive enough compensation to feed themselves for even a few months. The provision that the government may increase or decrease the cap amount on the operator’s liability would most likely benefit the operator in due course of time. Such departures from the international conventions cannot but be viewed as against the welfare of the Indian victims. If at all it was essential that the operator’s maximum liability be fixed in local currency whether at Rs 300 crore or 100 crore, this ought to have been linked to the Cost of Consumer Index or the Cost of Inflation Index (CII) as annually announced by the Indian authorities.Further the bill describes that subject to others provisions, every application shall be made within a period of three years from the date of knowledge of nuclear damage by the person suffering from such damage while another provision states: ‘The right to claim compensation for any nuclear damage caused by a nuclear incident shall extinguish if such claim is not made within a period of 10 years from the date of incident notified …’. The nuclear damage as discussed above does not mean immediate loss of life or personal injury or loss of, or damage to property it may manifest several decades later in form of cancers of genetic abnormalities. For such well-documented nuclear damages the bill does not provide any succour as is available under the protocols to Vienna and Paris conventions where the limitation period is fixed at 30 years. The bill appears to have been drafted without proper application of mind and without considering the data available from Hiroshima and Nagasaki survivors. The scientific naivety of the bill cannot be denied. Is the capping of compensation necessary? This is most crucial point. Historically the concept of capping the maximum liability of the operator was evolved in Fifties and early Sixties of the last century considering that the nuclear industry was then an unexplored area but had a great potential for human welfare and if it had to grow, it needed private industry participation. At the same time, this industry was fraught with catastrophic accidents causing such huge damage to life and environment that if the industry had to compensate fully as per the common law of torts, it would go bankrupt. Hence the industry was reluctant to participate and demanded protection in some form of subsidy from public funds. All the international conventions and national laws of nuclear power countries framed in those days maintained this philosophy. Whether almost six decades later in the year 2010, the fully matured Indian nuclear industry can still demand this kind of subsidy from the state is highly debatable. Undoubtedly research and development activities in any industry are continuing processes and are not unique to the nuclear industry alone but none of the other industries are being provided such preferential protection by the state. Is the capping of compensation rational? The dynamic maturity of nuclear industry in the United States is well reflected in the Price-Anderson Act 1957 wherein initially the operator’s maximum liability was limited to $60 million and the government was to take-up a further liability of $500 million. In its 1982 amendment the operator’s liability was increased to $160 million and that of the government was decreased to $400 million still making the total maximum liability to $560 million. In the 2005 amendment, the government’s share became zero and the total liability of the operator increased to $10,761 million and all of it has to be assured and indemnified. In the bill presented in India, allegedly mooted on pressure from the US nuclear industry, the maximum amount of compensation is totally out of tune with the US Act itself and also with current amendments proposed under the Vienna ($493 million) and Paris ($2,383 million) Conventions and Convention on Supplementary Compensation ($986 million). The Bhopal gas case should have also served as another guideline for setting a maximum liability limit on the nuclear operator although a nuclear accident would be far more catastrophic. In the Bhopal gas tragedy the compensation was settled at $470 million on March 3, 1991. Taking the recent (2009) Cost Inflation Index of 632 with that of 1991 as 199, it would have been understandable if the maximum liability had been capped at $1,500 million in 2009 instead of $468 million as proposed in the bill. Is the capping of compensation beneficial? This issue may be discussed in two parts. Firstly, the operator’s liability being limited to a meagre sum of just Rs 300 crore (reportedly Rs 500 crore now), it does not provide sufficient incentives to the operator to prevent nuclear accidents. It is true that operation of nuclear installations is strictly regulated by rules and guidelines laid down and regularly reviewed and updated from time to time by international and Indian regulatory authorities, there still remains ample scope for the operator to innovate further safety and preventive measures as it is the operator who has more on-hand information on its installation than the regulatory authorities. In the absence of such incentives the operator is more likely to follow routinely the obligatory regulations and would shy away from innovating newer strategies for preventing accidents. The end result is, the operator turns complacent.Secondly, the state’s liability for the balance of the compensation is an indirect subsidy towards the nuclear industry. It results in an artificial competition in favour of the nuclear operator who ought to have absorbed the full cost of risk in the value of the product at the consumer end. Thus the cost of electricity from nuclear reactors becomes artificially more competitive leading to its unrealistic public appreciation and an undue state favour as against other alternative sources of energy like solar which are less hazardous and less polluting and ought to be encouraged from public funds. Is the capping of compensation adequate? . It is almost impossible to predict the cost of damage in a nuclear accident without being fraught with severe criticism and uncertainties. Before the Price-Anderson Act came into being, the US Atomic Energy Commission Wash-740 report estimated that in a worst nuclear accident the cost of damage to property alone would reach $7billion in the Fifties of the last century. This estimate has been revised to $17billion in 1964-’65. Yet in a later study WS-1400 during 1975 the estimated personal injuries were 3,300 early fatalities and 45,000 early illnesses that had to be added to the above property loss. In November 1982 the US Nuclear Regulatory Agency had sponsored yet another programme CRAC2 (Calculation of Reactor Accident Consequences) that estimated cost of US reactor accident to be as high as $314 billion. In July 1986, the United States General Accounting Office (GAO) report stated that a $6.5billion limit on liability would cover 95 per cent of the reactor accidents in the country but a serious accident could be up to 10 times greater. The maximum liability limited to 300 million SDRs as provided in the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill-2009 is not only ridiculously low but it is totally absurd. Is the capping of compensation ethical and constitutional? As said earlier the damage in nuclear accidents should be partitioned into personal damage to life and property and the damage to the environment and ecology. In case of damage to life and property of persons the basic principle of Tort Law is that the injurer be obliged to fully compensate the victim. The compensation for damage to environment is regulated by the international principle of ‘Polluter Pays’ as has been repeatedly held by the Supreme Court of India. A legislative enactment putting a cap on the liability of the injurer would be highly unethical and a blatant violation of Environmental Laws and Constitution of India.At the first instance we should remember that the population living around Indian nuclear installations would be, by and large, uneducated and economically very weak and shall depend solely on the compensation. Unlike in the developed world, they are not covered under any insurance scheme either for life, or property or for medical treatment. Any limit on the compensation to the affected persons fixed by legislation greatly favours the commercial establishments and the elected representatives ought to remember that their basic duties are to protect the interests and welfare of their electorates. Can they go to the people and say that we can give you only limited compensation but please vote for me?Secondly, it is pertinent to point out that the injury to the environment and ecology and sustainable development of the country has frequently been a subject matter before the Supreme Court of India. India has formulated its Constitution and enacted multitude of legislation that are commensurate with India’s cultural ethos, economy and policy of sustainable development. Hence, in the matter of Vellore Citizens Welfare Forum v/s Union of India decided on August 28 1996 the Hon’ble Supreme Court stated: “It is no doubt correct that the leather industry in India has become a major foreign exchange earner and at present Tamil Nadu is the leading exporter of finished leather accounting for 80 per cent of country’s export. Though the leather industry is of vital importance to the country as it generates foreign exchange and provides employment avenues it has no right to destroy the ecology, degrade the environment and pose a health hazard.” Their Lordships further stated quoting from an earlier judgment that “Once the activity carried on is hazardous or inherently dangerous, the person carrying on such activity is liable to make good the loss caused to any other person by his activity irrespective of the fact whether he took reasonable care while carrying on his activity. The rule is premised upon the very nature of the activity carried on” and “Consequently the polluting industries are absolutely liable to compensate for the harm caused by them to the villagers in the affected area, to soil and to the underground water. The Polluter Pays principle as interpreted by this court means that the absolute liability for harm to the environment extends not only to compensate the victims of pollution but also the cost of restoring the environmental degradation…. and as such the polluter is liable to pay the cost to the individual sufferers as well as the cost of reversing the damaged ecology”. As recently as on May 12, 2006, in the matter Karnataka Industrial Development Board Supreme Court reiterated the rule earlier laid down in Indian Council for Enviro-Legal Action & Ors v/s Union of India as “The Polluter Pays principle demands that the financial cost of preventing or remedying damage caused by the pollution should lie with the undertaking which caused the pollution, or produce the good which cause pollution. Under the principle it is not the role of government to meet the costs involved in either prevention of such damage, or in carrying out the remedial action, because the effect of this would be to shift the financial burden of the pollution incident to the tax payer.”The Indian nuclear industry has reached full maturity despite its 35 years of isolation due to sanctions imposed by the world community and is now a willing partner in the process of globalisation without compromising its interests and principles. It is not a signatory to NPT or CTBT or any of the abovementioned conventions of civil nuclear third party liabilities. Hence India ought to have drafted the legislation more suitable to its own ethos and needs.(Concluded) (B B Singh has been a scientist at BARC and with the IAEA. He now practises law at the Bombay High Court) Brahma Chellaney IN THE HINDU The government’s nuclear-accident liability bill seeks to burden Indian taxpayers with a huge hidden subsidy by protecting foreign reactor builders from the weight of the financial consequences of severe accidents. The vaunted civil nuclear deal with the United States came into effect in 2008, with the U.S. Congress attaching a string of conditions to the ratification legislation, the Nuclear Cooperation Approval and Non-Proliferation Enhancement Act (NCANEA). The Indian Parliament was allowed no role to play, not even to examine the deal’s provisions. But having sidelined Parliament on the main deal, the government now wants it to pass a special law to provide foreign companie s with liability protection in case of nuclear accidents. Such a law has been demanded by U.S. firms, which, unlike their state-owned French and Russian competitors, are in the private sector. It is important to remember that the promises on which the deal was sold to the country have been belied, one by one. For example, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had exulted in 2008 that the deal “marks the end … of the technology-denial regime against India.” Yet, just last month, his Defence Minister conveyed to U.S. Defence Secretary Robert Gates India’s “concerns regarding denial of export licences for various defence-related requirements of the armed forces” and other “anomalous” technology restrictions. After the 123 Agreement was clinched, Dr. Singh told Parliament in 2007 that an “important yardstick has been met by the permanent consent for India to reprocess.” But in 2010, India is still negotiating with the U.S. to secure a right to reprocess spent fuel. The U.S., in any event, has no intention of granting India “permanent consent,” with the State Department having notified Congress that the proposed arrangements with India “will provide for withdrawal of reprocessing consent.” The biggest fiction, of course, was to present the deal as the answer to the country’s burgeoning energy needs. Nuclear energy cannot be a reasonable solution for any country because plants take too long to build and cost far too much. The first plant to be set up under the deal is likely to generate electricity, in the rosiest scenario, not before 2016. In a more-plausible scenario, the timeline may stretch up to 2020, given the three reactor-exporting countries’ record. While the U.S. has built no plant in many years, Russia is still struggling to complete its much-delayed twin reactors in Kudankulam, India. As for France, its two new plants under construction, one in Finland and the other at home, are billions of dollars over budget and years behind schedule. The bigger question, which New Delhi consistently has shied away from discussing, is about the cost of electricity from foreign-built reactors. India’s heavily-subsidised indigenous nuclear power industry is supplying electricity at between 270 and 290 paise per kilowatt hour from the reactors built since the 1990s. That price is far higher than the cost of electricity from coal-fired plants. But electricity from foreign-built nuclear reactors will be even dearer. That, in effect, will increase the burden of subsidies on the Indian taxpayers, even as the reactor imports lock India into an external-fuel dependency. To compound matters, the government’s Civil Liability for Nuclear Damages Bill, proposed to be introduced in the upcoming Parliament session, amounts to yet another tier of state subsidy, even if a hidden one. The bill is designed to shield foreign-reactor builders from the weight of the financial consequences of severe accidents. It shifts the primary burden for accident liability from the foreign builders to the Indian state. Although its text has not yet been made public, the bill is said to cap total compensation payable in the event of a severe radioactive release at Rs. 2,250 crore ($483 million), with the liability of the foreign supplier restricted to a trifling Rs. 300 crore ($64.6 million). That represents an Indian taxpayer subsidy to foreign firms to help slash their cost of doing business in India. Each foreign reactor will carry a price tag of several billion dollars. Given that India has agreed to award contracts specifically to U.S., French and Russian firms, each such foreign supplier is expected to build more than one twin-reactor plant. India indeed has agreed in writing to import at least 10,000 megawatts of nuclear power-generating capacity from the U.S. alone. While each such firm stands to rake in billions of dollars in profit from the Indian market, its accident liability is being capped virtually at a pittance. The partial core meltdown almost 31 years ago at the Three Mile Island nuclear plant in Pennsylvania didn’t kill anyone, but it led to 14 years of clean-up costing $1 billion. Despite India’s own bitter experience over the Union Carbide gas catastrophe at Bhopal, the government wants the Indian taxpayers to carry the can for foreign reactor builders. Why cap liability on terms financially prejudicial to Indian interests? Worse still, India — instead of facilitating open market competition — is seeking to protect foreign firms from the market. From procuring land for them for reactor construction to freeing them from the task of producing electricity at marketable rates, India is doing everything to rig the terms of doing business in their favour. By designating nuclear parks for foreign-built reactors, the government has reserved reactor sites exclusively but separately for the U.S., France and Russia. In the same way it has signed billions of dollars worth of arms contracts in recent years with the U.S. without any competitive bidding and transparency, New Delhi is set to award nuclear contracts on a government-to-government basis. India’s nuclear-accident liability bill aims to help replicate what U.S. nuclear firms presently enjoy in their domestic market, where the Price-Anderson Act caps the industry’s liability for a severe radioactive release. But for each accident, the Price-Anderson liability system provides more than $10.5 billion in total potential compensation through a complex formula that includes insurance coverage carried by the reactor that suffered the accident, “retrospective premiums” from each of the covered reactors in operation in the U.S., and a 5 per cent surcharge. Washington assumes liability for any catastrophic damages from an accident only above the $10.5 billion figure (which is inflation-adjusted every five years and thus variable). Why should a poor country like India assume liability from a ridiculously low threshold? In fact, to cover claims of personal injury and property damage in the event of a catastrophic nuclear accident, India — given the density of its population and the consequent higher risks — must also maintain a large standby compensation pool, but without the state being burdened. Another troubling aspect of the proposed Indian legislation is that while the Price-Anderson Act permits economic (but not legal) channelling of liability, thereby allowing lawsuits against any party, New Delhi is granting foreign suppliers immunity from legal actions — however culpable they may be for an accident — by introducing legal channelling of all liability to the Indian state (which will run the foreign-built plants through its Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited). What will it do to nuclear safety to free foreign suppliers upfront from “the precautionary principle” and “the polluter pays principle” and turn their legal liability for an accident into mere compensation, that too at an inconsequential level? To be sure, without a cap on liability damages in India, U.S. firms would be exposed to unlimited liability. But in its effort to help create a congenial environment for them to do business in India, should the state gratuitously assume the principal financial burden in the event of an accident? The proposed Indian cap is well below international levels. Japan, for example, has boosted its plant operator liability to120 billion yen ($1.33 billion). Under the OECD’s 2004-amended Paris Convention, total liability was set at €1.5 billion ($2.04 billion), with the operator’s share being nearly half. Germany, for its part, has unlimited operator liability and demands € 2.5 billion ($3.4 billion) security from each plant’s operator. After the 1986 Chernobyl disaster, with its transboundary consequences, international efforts were initiated to harmonise rules on liability and compensation. But those efforts have been stymied by the failure to bring all relevant international instruments into force. States with a majority of the world’s present 436 nuclear power reactors are not yet party to any international liability convention. Many countries still maintain a “wait and see” approach. For example, China, Japan and the U.S. are not party to any international liability convention, while Russia — a party to the Vienna Convention since 2005 — has refused to pass legislation to waive or cap accident liability for its foreign suppliers. China has yet to erect a formal domestic liability regime, although its State Council in 1986 issued an administrative legal document as an “interim” liability measure. When a number of nuclear-generating countries are yet to adopt domestic legislation in this field, let alone ratify international conventions, why is New Delhi in a rush to pass a bill that caps liability on terms weighted in favour of foreign suppliers? Parliament indeed should seize the opportunity offered by the liability bill to scrutinise the nuclear deal in its entirety.

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Good one nisha:) very informative i must say! Benefits Of Apples For Skin Apples are delicious fruits! They have striking color and a rosy aroma as they belong to the rose family of plants, Rosaceae. They are scientifically known to be full of minerals and vitamins. Do you know that Apples are a store house of fibers, with about 4 grams of fiber enclosed in a medium-sized apple? That’s where the popular saying comes from – “An Apple A Day Keeps The Doctor Away.” The other names for apples are (Seb) in Hindi, (Safarjan) in Guajrati, and (Safarchand) Marathi. Nutrients And Minerals Found In Apples Since apples are stuffed with numerous vitamins and minerals, it contributes to a healthy and well-protected system. Apples contain plenty of antioxidants like flavonoids, polyphenols, and vitamin C that help protect the body against harmful bacteria and viruses. Moreover, the beta carotene in it has anti-cancer and anti-cholesterol properties. It is also an excellent source of B-complex vitamins like Thiamine, Riboflavin, Pyridoxine. Apple Benefits For Health Here is how apple fruits benefits health! Apples have potent anti-cancer abilities that protect the body from the life-sucking cancerous cells. This is the most important apple fruit benefit of all. Scientists from the American Association for Cancer Research, among others agree that the consumption of flavones-rich apples could help reduce your risk of developing pancreatic cancer by up to 23 percent. And several compounds enclosed in apple peels called triterpenoids, showed potential to anti-growth activities against cancer cells as identified by researchers at Cornell University. In addition, colorectal cancer can be beaten with intake of fibers. So the next time you chuck the peels of an apple in the garbage, think of the nutritious value in them! Apples have high amounts of fiber. When we eat apples, the soluble fibers compete with fats in the intestine. This competition between fibers and fats result in the decrease of absorption of LDL low-density lipoprotein or bad cholesterol levels and increase in absorption of HDL high-density lipoprotein or good cholesterol. This how apples and cholesterol levels control in the body is connected. Sponsored Content By Connatix 3. Boost Immunity Apples have an antioxidant known as quercetin which is especially found in red delicious apples. This antioxidant boosts the immune system to build the natural defenses of the body. The other nutrient present in an apple is vitamin C that has anti-inflammatory properties. Fibers also enhance the immune system. It is because of this that apples are considered to be high immunity boosters. 4. Preventing Alzheimer’s An experiment performed on mice found that apple consumption in the regular diet results in higher doses of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine. Also, in Alzheimer’s, the nerve cells of the brain are damaged, and apple juice which contains flavonoids helps repair the damaged cells. So, drinking apple juice can reduce the risk of Alzheimer’s and can battle against the decaying of the brain. 5. Averting Asthma Phytochemicals and polyphenols are the chemicals that give apple its healing properties, which can assist an individual recovering from asthma, breathing problems and improve the general functioning of the lungs. Research shows that children who consume apple juice regularly showed reduced risks of suffering from asthma attacks and wheezing problems as compared to those who seldom consume apple juice. In contrast, eating whole apples didn’t seem to be of any benefit to the wheezing and asthmatic children. [ Read: Health Benefits Of Mangoes ] Another important health benefit of apples is that it aids in fighting off oxygen-free radicals that cause diabetes. Apples are loaded with soluble fibers, the key to blunting blood sugar swings. The high soluble fiber, pectin in apples, helps in controlling blood sugar levels in the body by transporting the sugar into the blood stream at a slower rate. Women who eat at least one apple a day are 28 percent less likely to develop type 2 diabetes than those who don’t eat apples. 7. Prevent Gallstones Gallstones form when there’s too much cholesterol in your bile, and it solidifies. They are particularly prevalent in obese people. To inhibit gallstones, doctors recommend a diet high in fiber to aid in controlling your weight and cholesterol levels. Apples are rich in pectin fiber that can assist in controlling the cholesterol levels in the body. The fiber does this by helping in reducing the absorption of LDL. 8. Neutralize Irritable Bowel Syndrome Irritable bowel syndrome is characterized by constipation, diarrhea, and abdominal pain and ballooning. To control these symptoms, doctors recommend staying away from dairy and fatty foods while including a high intake of fiber in your diet, and apples are rich in fibers. 9. Detoxify Your Liver We’re constantly consuming toxins, whether it is from drinks or food, our liver is in charge of discharging these toxins out of your body. One of the best things you can eat to help detoxify your liver is fruits like apples which are composed of vitamins, minerals, and fibers. [ Read: Health Benefits Of Banana ] 10. Prevent Cataract Past studies have been divided on this matter, but the recent long-term study suggests that people who have a diet rich in fruits that contain antioxidants like apples are 10 to 15 percent less likely to develop cataract. 11. Preventing Parkinson’s Parkinson’s is a disease that is characterized by the breaking down of the brain’s dopamine-producing nerve cells. The antioxidants present in apples prevents this breakdown. 12. Avert Hemorrhoids Hemorrhoids are the result of swollen veins in the anal canal due to excessive pressure on the pelvic and rectal areas. While this is isn’t life threatening, it does make the daily activities painful. The fiber content in the apple reduces the strain and effort, thus reducing the pain. 13. Weight Loss The fiber in the fruit fills the stomach for fewer calories. Hence, reducing the calorie intake along with killing the hunger pangs. This allows for the accumulated fats to be burned and contributes to weight loss. 14. Increase Endurance The antioxidant quercetin makes oxygen more easily available to the lungs. Due to which an increase in the time of endurance has been noticed. This allows you to spend more time exercising. 15. Whiter Teeth The biting and chewing of this fruit increases the secretion of saliva in the mouth that delays tooth decay. This fruit can definitely make those unpleasant visits to the dentist a lot less frequent! 16. Aid Digestion Despite being small in size, these fruits are rich in dietary fiber. Including them in your daily diet will ensure that your digestive process stays intact. At the same time, it will keep away constipation and facilitate smooth movement of bowels. 17. Innate Detoxification Potential A decoction prepared from rose apple may be used to flush out the toxins from the kidneys and liver. While keeping the vital organs clear, it also ensures that the overall health gets a boost. 18. Prevent Brain Cell Damage Eating apples or drinking apple juice is quite good for cellular health. Studies conclude that apples have free-radical eliminating properties. They are rich in Quercetin, an active phytonutrient that promotes cellular health. For this reason, Bramley apples help prevent and cure Alzheimer’s disease. 19. Alleviate Respiratory Troubles Velvet Apples are a home remedy for cough, chest congestion, and preliminary asthma. The high Vitamin C and mineral content of Velvet Apples boost immunity and promote health. Just binge on the fruit and say goodbye to your annoying cough and cold. 20. Aid Blood Circulation Velvet Apples are rich in iron, which helps maintain hemoglobin levels in the blood. It also regulates the red blood cell count in the body. Velvet Apples increase blood oxygenation, stimulate hair growth and accelerate healing. It is a must-have for patients suffering from anemia. 21. Promote Bone Health Velvet Apple or Mabolo is rich in calcium. Calcium is one of the key nutrients that promote bone and teeth strength. The high calcium content of Velvet Apple helps prevent conditions like osteoporosis and rheumatoid arthritis. The fruit should be a part of the regular diet across all age-groups. 22. Analgesic Properties Velvet Apple leaves have mooted analgesic properties that help relieve bone and muscle pain. Crush the leaf and bark of the plant and topically apply it for best results. It is a natural therapy for body aches. 23. Improve Night Vision Velvet Apples or Kamagong contain high amounts of Vitamin A. It helps improve vision and reduce symptoms of night blindness in children. Vitamin A is essential for good eyesight. Let your child munch on a Velvet Apple and say no to eyeglasses. Apple Benefits For Skin There is plenty of anecdotal evidence that indicates that apple benefits for skin & health are many. Apples are probably one of the fruits that can provide you with beautiful skin. They can be beneficial for your skin in the following ways. 24. Brighten And Lighten Complexion Apple fruit has the potential to lighten, brighten and soothe your skin. This is because it has the highest content of collagen and elastic, the stuff that is vital for keeping your skin flawless and youthful. Thus, consuming this delicious red fruit provides you with a rosy, youthful glow forever. 25. Hydrate Skin Apple hydrates as well as cleanses your skin. For this purpose, cut a slice of an apple and apply its juice on your face until the slice dries up. This will balance the oil production in your body and is a great hydrating mask. Apple can also be used as an exfoliant. 26. Anti-Aging Benefits Apple is a great anti-aging mask to lift the dull and wrinkled skin as well as keeping it moist. Regular intake of apples eliminates fine lines and wrinkles. You can rub grated apple on your face and leave on for 10 to 20 minutes. This will eliminate wrinkles as well as heal and cleanse your skin. 27. UV Protection Apple contains UVB defending particles that can provide extra protection from sun’s rays. This fruit can treat sunburns and prevent them from peeling. For this purpose, blend a teaspoon of glycerin with a pulp from the grated apple fruit. Apply this on your skin and leave for 15 minutes and then wash it off with cold water. 28. Acne, Blemishes, And Dark Spots To get rid of acne, blemishes, and dark spots, you can mash a quarter of an apple with milk cream and apply it on your face. Apple also provides relief from acne and sunburns, thanks to its cooling properties. For this purpose, place an apple slice in the refrigerator for an hour or so and apply it on sun burnt skin or acne prone skin for relief. 29. Great Toner Apples are wonderful toners that help to tighten your skin and stimulate blood circulation to the skin surface. Raw apple pulp and apple cider vinegar are quite beneficial in this regard. Apple cider vinegar helps to clear the skin’s pores of pathogens and oil, which are responsible for causing acne and pimples. It also balances the skin’s pH levels, which enables the skin to restrict the overproduction of its own oils. Dip a cotton ball in high-value apple cider vinegar and apply it on your face. This will have the same effect as the toner. Besides, it will keep acne/pimples at bay. 30. Treatment of Puffy Eyes Placing slices of apples under your eyes can reduce dark circles or puffy eyes. Alternatively, you can mix two tablespoons of apple cider with grated potatoes. Apply this on the eye puffiness and cover with a warm cloth. Leave this for 10 to 20 minutes and rinse off with warm water. 31. Prevent Skin Cancer Apple contains a small amount of vitamin A, a family of chemicals known as retinoids. Vitamin A plays an important role in skin development, thus enabling immature skin to develop into mature and functional skin tissue. Vitamin A also reduces the risk of skin cancer. One large apple provides about 120 international units of vitamin A which is equivalent to 5% and 4% of the daily vitamin A requirements for women and men respectively. 32. Benefits Of Vitamin C Consumption of apples boosts your intake of vitamin C or ascorbic acid. This vitamin is involved in the formation of collagen, a protein found abundantly in your skin. Being a crucial structural component of skin, collagen helps to maintain your skin’s waterproof barrier. Deficiency of vitamin C leads to low collagen production which ultimately causes re-opening of old wounds and skin tearing. One large apple provides 10.3 milligrams of vitamin C, which is equivalent to 14% and 11% of the daily vitamin C requirements for women and men respectively. Apple Benefits For Hair Besides being your skin’s best friend, regular consumption of apples provides you with a healthy mane. The plethora of nutrients found in this fruit can boost hair growth and provide numerous other benefits given below. 33. Stimulate Hair Growth Apple belongs to the category of fruits that are known as hair growth boosters. This quality can be attributed to the presence of a nutrient called biotin which has been heralded as the natural growth steroids for hair and nails. People are often recommended biotin in their diet to combat hair loss. Research has indicated that biotin promotes hair growth and infuses strength and thickness into each strand. And needless to say, apple is one of the best natural ways of getting this vital nutrient. 34. Promote Longer And Healthier Hair Long and lustrous locks are everyone’s desire and this delicious fruit does possess the ability to fulfill it. This is because it contains a compound called procyanidin B-2 which stimulates hair growth as well as thickens your hair. It also prevents hair thinning and male pattern baldness. 35. Prevent Hair Loss Apple has the potential to prevent hair loss, thanks to the presence of soluble fiber, phenolic compounds in apple skin, antioxidants, and vitamins. When eaten daily, apples also prevent hair fall. Antioxidants help in increasing circulation to the scalp, thus encouraging hair growth. 36. Treatment Of Dandruff Topical application of apple juice on your scalp helps to restore the normal balance of the scalp, thus preventing scalp problems such as dandruff. All you need to do is give a final rinse of apple juice to your hair after shampooing. This will eliminate dandruff and bring about an added shine. How To Select And Store? Most varieties of apples are readily available in stores all the year round. However, the freshest apples are available from September till November. While purchasing apples, always focus on color. Choose the ones that have a rich and vibrant coloring without any browning near the core. Yellow and green apples should have a slight blush. The size of the apple also indicates its maturity and ripeness to a great extent. Larger apples are generally considered riper. The fruits should be firm to slightly hard with a fresh fragrance. Their skins should be smooth without any bruises or gouges. Some apples have dry, tan or brown-colored areas on their skin. This is known “scald”, and it does not affect the flavor of the apple in any way. Different varieties of apples are available, and the choice of a sweeter or more tart fruit depends on the way you want to enjoy your apples – raw or cooked. The Red and Golden Delicious are among the sweetest apples while the Braeburn and Fuji apples are slightly tart. Gravenstein, Pippin, and Granny Smith apples have tart flavor, but they are most suitable for cooking as they are able to retain their texture. It should be noted that consuming whole apples is a better option than consuming apple juice because the whole apples are rich in dietary fiber and the current processes of juicing drastically reduce the polyphenolic phytonutrient content found in the whole fruit. When handled with care, apples can be stored for a relatively long period of 3 to 4 months. Before proceeding to store the apples, they should be inspected for bruises, cuts, and soft spots. Then they should be sorted by size- small, medium and large. Since the large ones do not store well, they should be eaten first. Fresh apples should be kept at room temperature for a few days and then refrigerated. Cold storage of apples at low temperatures of 35-40 F helps to minimize loss of nutrients as well as maintains some moisture in the cold storage area. This is the ideal storage temperature, and the apples are likely to suffer damage if the temperature dips below 30F and will ripen quickly if the temperature rises above 40F. Over the period of storage involving months, there is a loss of both flavonoid and non-flavonoid polyphenols from apples but valuable amount of polyphenols and nutrients still remain. An apple that is bruised should be removed from the good ones as it will release unusual amounts of ethylene gas that can pose a risk to other apples, thus decreasing their shelf life. Boxed apples should be kept in a cool dark place, preferably in a root cellar where they will not freeze as freezing can rupture all their cells, turning them into a large bruise. However, they should be kept away from potatoes as the latter release gas that can cause apples to get spoilt faster. Cut apples turn brown if left open in the air. Thus to avoid this discoloration, they should be dipped in an ascorbic juice such as pineapple or lemon juice or powder. The apples should be washed in running cold water before using them to clear any surface dust and pesticide or fungicide residues. Besides, they should be checked regularly for signs of spoilage, and the damaged fruit should be eliminated. Tips For Usage (Cooking/Eating) Apples are extremely versatile fruits that can be eaten alone or used as an ingredient in several recipes. The skin of an apple contains unusual amounts of nutrients, and so, it should be eaten with its skin on. Even if you are using the apples in a recipe, it is advisable to use them unpeeled to reap their full nutritional value. Before using the apple, make sure to scrub its skin gently with a natural bristle brush for 10 to 15 minutes to remove the pest proof coating of wax. Processing of apples such as boiling or extraction of apple juices often results in the loss of polyphenols or other nutrients. Hence, consumption of raw apples is the best option to obtain all the nutrients. Given below are some of the tips to enjoy this delicious fruit. Apples can be eaten directly. Besides satisfying your sweet tooth, they can be a nutritious treat. All you need to do is hold the unpeeled apple and take a bite. You will notice that the apple tastes sweeter near the core. Alternatively, you can also eat sliced apples. Diced apples can be added to fruit and green salads. Beets and apples can be combined in a refreshing salad garnished with walnuts and endive and tossed in light vinaigrette. Chopped apples can be braised with red cabbage. Pork chops can be braised with apple cider and served with tender red onions and sweet Granny Smith apples. Apple juice is a refreshing drink and can be prepared at home by blending whole apples in a powerful blender. Commercial apple juices fall into two categories “clear” and “cloudy”. Clear apple juice does not contain the pulpy apple solids called apple pomace while the cloudy apple juice retains some of these pulpy solids. Applesauce can be prepared by mixing sliced peeled apples, water, and sugar in a 2-quart microwave safe dish. This should be covered and microwaved on high power for 6 to 8 minutes. Now, the mixture can be processed or blended to make the sauce. You can also make chunky applesauce by mashing with a potato masher or cutting with a pastry blender. Apples can be used to make healthy desserts that satisfy your sweet tooth as well. For instance, you can bake apples and blackberries and serve it with crumbled sugar-cone topping. a. Apple Tea 1/3 cup black tea leaves 1L water for brewing 1L water for serving Sugar, as required 1 medium sized apple Cloves and cinnamon, as required Step 1: Fill a saucepan with 2L of water. Now, boil the water. Step 2: Wash the apple and cut it into 1 inch-by-1 inch pieces. Remove the stem and the seeds but do not remove the skin of the apple. Step 3: Add the apple pieces to the boiling water and cook it for roughly 5 to 7 minutes. Step 4: Now, add the cloves and cinnamon to the boiling water. Leave it boiling for another 5-10 minutes. Step 5: Strain the apple mixture through a colander and add it to a pitcher. Step 6: Add sugar and stir well. To give it a healthier twist, replace sugar with honey. Step 7: After refrigerating for a while, pour the freshly made tea into the glasses filled with ice cubes. Step 8: Garnish with apple slices. You can refrigerate apple tea for up to 3 days. Apart from benefits, apple tea also has some side effects that you should be aware of. Check them out here: Pregnant women and those who are breastfeeding should avoid the consumption of apple tea. Apple tea consumption can cause certain reactions in the body that can harm the growing fetus as well as the infant. Certain properties of apple tea can cause allergic reactions in a few cases. So, if you are allergic to apples, avoid apple tea! If you are under medication, be extra careful! Apple tea can interact with certain medications and harm the body. Talk to your doctor in that case. Apple tea is an amazing way to keep your body healthy and strong. It can be a healthy replacement for the regular tea. So, if you cannot do without a cup of tea a day, switch to apple tea! 10 and a half pounds of apple 4 cups of white sugar 3 cups of apple cider 2 cups of powdered cinnamon Chop up the apples into quarters and add them to a slow cooker. Add the sugar to the apple and keep stirring. Now pour the apple cider into the cooker so that the fruit doesn’t stick to the bottom. Add some more spices and stir. Cover the slow cooker now and let it cook for 2 hours. Turn down the heat and let it cook slowly for 12 hours. Now check the apples every five hours. It should be soft with large chunks of juice. Place the apples in a blender now and process fruit until it has become soft and juicy. Continue blending until the apples have been processed entirely. Now pour the mixture into the slow cooker again. Cook without the cover on. You can add spices to the mixture now if you like. You can preserve the apple butter by placing it in fruit jars, bottles, and other small containers. c. Cinnamon Sugar Apple Butter Donuts This toothsome and budget friendly recipe is perfect for dessert. They could take a little time to cook perfectly, but once you have made it the right way, your dish is going to impress everyone for sure. 2 cups of flour ¾ cups of brown sugar 1 teaspoon of salt 2 teaspoon of table salt 2 tablespoon of baking soda Half a teaspoon of cinnamon Half a cup of apple butter Half a cup of chopped apples 2 tablespoons of melted butter Heat your oven to 425 degrees at first. Spray your donut pans with some cooking spray at first. Now get hold of a large bowl and whisk with some flour, brown sugar, baking soda, and cinnamon. Don’t forget to add apple butter and milk. The melted butter and eggs come next. Mix properly and fold in the chopped apples. Now pour the batter into each donut cup till it is 2/3rd full. Bake for 9 minutes approximately. Let it cool for 5 minutes. Pour yourself a cup of coffee and enjoy these freshly baked donuts. d. Salted Caramel Apple Cupcakes These cupcakes would surprise your best friend on her birthday. The combination of salted caramel, sour cream, and apples taste absolutely delicious when cooked right. Here is how you should prepare the dish. One stick of butter 2/3rd cups of brown sugar 1 tablespoon of vanilla 1 cup of flour 1 teaspoon of baking powder 1 teaspoon of salt 1 teaspoon of grounded cinnamon One-fourth cup of apple butter 2 to 3 small apples One-fourth cup of sour cream Preheat your oven to 350 degrees. Chop your apples and place them aside. Now get hold of a large bowl and whisk some cream, brown sugar, and butter. Beat the eggs one at a time too. Mix in the vanilla as well. Now take another medium bowl, whisk the flour, baking powder, salt, and cinnamon Beat the flour mixture and wet the ingredients into a large bowl. Mix the apple and sour cream next. Beat the rest of the flour mixture. Fold the chopped apples too. Line them up in cupcake liners. Fill the cup with 2/3rds of the batter. Bake in the oven for 25 minutes approx. Let the cupcakes cool for 5 minutes before serving. See the table below for in depth analysis of nutrients: Apple fruit (Malus domestica) Fresh, Nutritive value per 100 g, ORAC value-5900 (Source: USDA National Nutrient data base) Percentage of RDA Overall, apples contain a great variety of everything you need. This little fruit is jam-packed! You wouldn’t want to waste the golden benefits that apples provide. So grab an apple and start increasing your level of health one bite at a time. Let us know what else you love about apples in the comments! Original article and pictures take http://www.stylecraze.com/articles/top-10-health-benefits-of-apples/?ref=pin site

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To understand how this all works, let's start with the sun. On January 31st a massive coronal hole opened up on the sun, hurling another sledgehammer of charged particles in the direction of Earth. This was due to impact us sometime between February 2nd and February 4th. Not only this, but we recently passed through a new Moon on February 2nd. But why is the Moon of any significance here, one might ask? As James McCanney explains in an interview he did for Spectrum Magazine in 2003: The [New] Moon moves in front of Earth, breaks that electrical flow [between the sun and Earth], and then moves out of the way. It gives us tremendous bombardment after that Moon moves out of the way, the first and second day after the New Moon. That's the condition that has been identified as being one of the leading causes of kicking-off major hurricanes and storms. What it does is: The Moon is interacting with the solar electric field. It's that CHANGE which causes the storms, and causes the environment around Earth to change, and thus affects Earth weather.So the picture we're painting is this: The sun blasts a massive front of solar wind in the direction of the Earth. As the New Moon moves out of the way of the sun and Earth, this, by itself, creates a significant increase in charged particles hitting the Earth. With the excess of charged particles from this solar storm hitting us near simultaneously, all of this excess charge ends up in the radiation belts surrounding the Earth. The Earth then finds ways to discharge this imbalance such as these two major storms we've seen. One storm takes the form of a massive blizzard covering about half of the US. The other takes the form of a cyclone storm, Yasi, that pounds the already flooded east coast of Australia. Increased volcanic and earthquake activity was also noted during this time as well. For those who don't think that a blizzard could possibly have any significant electrical discharge effects, check out this video of lightning over the Chicago area while in the midst of the blizzard's grip: So from this one example, it seem that there may be a correlation between certain activity in space and chaos on Earth, and that the primary means of this "action at a distance" is through electrical interactions. This is the hypothesis put forth by James McCanney whose theories were featured in my last article Pole Shift... The big question is: Is this hypothesis correct? Does space weather really affect us here on Earth? We're told by mainstream science that events such as electric storms, blizzards, hurricanes, cyclones, earthquakes, volcanoes and many other displays of nature's fury are only caused by forces internal to the Earth itself; that we are insulated in a tight atmospheric bubble that exists in a void of near empty space. In contrast, McCanney postulates that we are at the mercy of powerful electric forces in space and that these do play a role in the many energetic events on Earth. So who is right? Before we can answer that, we need to clear up some confusion on what might be the real forces behind events like lightning storms, cyclones, volcanoes and earthquakes. It turns out all of this phenomena might be of secondary origin to the Earth attempting to discharge electricity from space; these events may be part of the Earth's natural grounding process. Lightning: "Bolts From Space" Lightning, from our perspective, is obviously a discharge of electricity to the ground from clouds sitting in the troposphere (the lowest and densest atmospheric layer). The mainstream hypothesis of how lightning is produced from clouds goes something like this: In the process of the water cycle, moisture can accumulate in the atmosphere. This accumulation is what we see as a cloud. Interestingly, clouds can contain millions upon millions of water droplets and ice suspended in the air. As the process of evaporation and condensation continues, these droplets collide with other moisture that is in the process of condensing as it rises. Also, the rising moisture may collide with ice or sleet that is in the process of falling to the earth or located in the lower portion of the cloud. The importance of these collisions is that electrons are knocked off of the rising moisture, thus creating a charge separation.This is the electrostatic induction hypothesis (EIH) of how lightning forms, in a nutshell. There are other similar hypotheses that center on clouds as the producers of lightning, but the EIH is the one generally taught to school children. Keep in mind this is only a hypothesis, nobody has ever come up with an experiment to prove or disprove it yet. This one is still "under investigation" according to most outlets of science knowledge. The problem with this hypothesis is that the energy involved with lightning is simply enormous. It is well known that there are on average 100 lightning strikes around the globe per second. The average lightning bolt discharges an energy of about 500 megajoules in a strike - by conservative estimates. This amounts to 50 gigajoules of energy discharged to the ground per second! This writer finds it difficult to believe that the method proposed by the EIH can produce energies of this magnitude. It seems likely that the power source of lightning is coming from somewhere else. Since our perspective is usually looking up at the sky during a thunderstorm, we may be missing what goes on above the clouds. As it turns out, a lot goes on above clouds during a thunderstorm in terms of lightning. None of this we would necessarily see on the ground, however. Above-cloud lightning comes in two main forms called jets and sprites. Jets appear to shoot straight up in either red or blue colors, often touching the lower boundary of the ionosphere - that protective layer of plasma that we use to bounce AM radio signals off of. Sprites are another form of lightning, only these don't come from out of cloud tops, but from out of the ionosphere high above. They appear as massively glowing holes with filaments stretching down for miles (see image below). Once thought to be quite rare, it is now known that sprites are a common, everyday occurrence around the globe in conjunction with electrical storms. correlation between positive lightning and the sprites mentioned above that dangle down from the ionosphere. Investigators soon "realized that every time there was a sprite above the clouds there was a bolt of positive lightning below the clouds. The sprite and the positive bolt were parts of a single discharge that stretched from space to the Earth's surface." These bolts of positive lightning are quite literally "bolts from space". The combination of sprites and positive lightning form a massive dielectric breakdown in the atmosphere, passing electrical energy from the ionosphere to the ground. With this comprehension, the "electrostatic induction hypothesis" is simply absurd. The main source of energy for thunderstorms, and likely other storm systems, appears to come from outside of the Earth. Cyclones: Another Electromagnetic Wonder In addition to lightning, cyclone storms are another suspected means of discharging electrical charge brought in from space. By cyclone storms, I mean anything from hurricanes, cyclones, typhoons, tornadoes, or anything that forms a funnel shaped cloud over land or water. According to McCanney and others such as Walter Thornhill, these cyclones may be attempts to move charge quickly from the lower atmosphere to the ground. As Thornhill writes on the topic of tornadoes: Meteorologists are not sure how tornadoes form but they do know that they are often associated with severe electrical storms. The key to understanding tornadoes is that they are the result of rapidly rotating electric charge. Just as electrons are the current carriers in the copper wires we use for power transmission, so they are in the tornado. The BIG difference is that the electrons are moving at many metres per second in the tornado while they take several hours to move one metre in copper wire! The result is that enormously powerful electromagnetic forces are in control of the tornado.This means that instead of counter-rotating wind currents holding the tornado together, the wind is actually an effect of rotating electric charge sheets. The scientists studying tornadoes might have everything backwards. Seeing as tornadoes may be electrical in nature, we might expect to see electrical anomalies in and around the tornadoes themselves. In a paper by A.N. Dmitriev titled Electrogravidynamic Concept of Tornadoes, he expounds a litany of strange anomalies associated with tornadoes: In 1951 in Texas a funnel passed over an observer at 6 meter height, the interior having diameter about 130m with walls of 3 meter width. Inside the hollow there was a brilliant cloud. There was no vacuum inside, because it was easy to breath . The walls were rotating with a very high speed, and the rotation might be seen up to the top of the column. A bit later the funnel touched the neighbor's house and immediately took it off. This description is similar to many others [Fl, Jus, Ho] and require the explanation of the fact that rotation of the air necessarily leads to decrease of pressure. Why, being 6m above the ground, the funnel end causes neither damage nor intense air motion, while, upon touching the ground, destroys and moves off a house?While one would be hard pressed to explain all of these strange happenings in terms of a new electric theory of tornadoes (unless that theory included new facets of electromagnetism itself), there is certainly an element of electrical activity in some of these anomalies. Light effects, ball lightning, buzzing and hissing sounds are all properties of electricity in some form. A funnel uprooted the apple tree, tearing it to pieces. A beehive standing a couple of meters from it was left safe.[Hay] A two-story timber house was taken off with its inhabitants and torn to pieces. A staircase of three stairs led to the door with a bench leaning against it. Both, bench and staircase were not moved. The funnel also torn off two wheels of a car standing by, not moving the car itself, while an oil lamp which stood near on a table under a tree, still kept burning. [Fin]. The ability of objects to penetrate the other ones is also being referred to high rotation speeds. A small pebble punctures a glass like a bullet without forming fractures. One board penetrates the other without shattering it. A timber house wall is found punctured by an old charred plank, with it's porous tip staying undamaged. A clover leaf was found pressed into a hard stucco wall. A 1.5 inches gate frame was found punctured by a piece of wood. [La, Graz]. Crossing a river, a funnel pulls up such a quantity of water that it uncovers the river bed, forming a trench in the water. Such phenomena were seen on the Mississippi and Moscow rivers. On the Rhine river, where the depth was 25m, the trench was 7 meters deep. [Nal] Tornadoes may lift and transport people and animals at 4-10 km distances, sometimes keeping them alive. One inch mollusks were moved 160 km [ La], but fell upon the ground one hour before the cloud's coming. On June 17,1940 in Meschery village of the Gorky region in Russia, a tornado poured out about a thousand XIV century silver coins. The coins were falling from the cloud, but not from the funnel itself. The treasure was transported for several kilometers and was then poured out over a compact area. [Nal] A large timber church with 50 people in it was moved 6 meters; no one was killed. In 1963 a funnel transported a house with 10 inhabitants at 400 m distance; all stayed alive. [Nal] The funnel, when it's not touching the ground, emits a buzzing or hissing noise. Faye [Fa] describes several cases when the tornado was accompanied by ball lightning. Sometimes short and wide sheet lightning surround a funnel. Sometime all the surface of a funnel shines a strange yellow glow. Sometimes observers describe a bluish ball-like formation like ball lightning, but much larger, visible in a cloud. Sometimes slowly moving fire columns are seen. [VoM, Vo60,Fr ] Jones describes a pulse generator - some center of electric activity looking as a round, bright, blue spot in a parent cloud, appearing 30-90 minutes before a funnel. [Jo] When it comes to hurricanes or other cyclone storms that form over water, mainstream science hypothesizes a completely different set of principles governing their formation than the ones used for tornado formation. In fact, when it comes to cyclones, there are even different formation theories depending on where on Earth the cyclone forms! I'm not going to go into the details of these theories because they are well known and can be found elsewhere. However, doesn't it seem odd that such similar storm systems found in nature could have entirely different causes? From a phenomenological standpoint both cyclones and tornadoes form funnel shaped clouds, but the main difference between tornadoes and cyclones is the duration in which they persist and, of course, where they form (over land or water). Hurricanes or cyclones also tend to lose strength after making landfall. According to McCanney: ... [T]he reason hurricanes lost power when they approached land was that the powering electrical current from the ionosphere to the cloud tops and to the Earth's surface had no connection (anode) while over the ocean ... so it drew up vast surface areas of ionized air from the ocean surface and sucked them up a central column (the spinning vortex was caused by the moist air rising "up the drain")... whereas the land provided a "ground" for the current and therefore it shunted out the storm's power source. [McCanney 2002 p 71] As we've seen from recent events, by monitoring the conditions on the sun, and noting the alignments of planetary objects (including moons and even comets), we can predict when the Earth may receive a sudden electric jolt that could result in more cyclone storm activity. On his website, McCanney lists a number of correlations where solar activity and cosmic alignments precipitated into massive storms on Earth. One such instance occurred in September of 2004 when two hurricanes formed out of the Atlantic Ocean and several others formed in the Pacific Ocean (see image below). According to McCanney this explosion of cyclone storms was preceded by solar storms and happened the day after a New Moon. Does any of this sound familiar? website describing the methods of tornado prediction: In the 1990s NASA developed a satellite known as a Lightning Imaging Sensor in order to calculate the number of upper atmosphere lightning strikes in a storm. These lightning strikes, invisible to the naked eye because of dense cloud cover, are thought to be early predictors of tornadic activity. As the lightening increases, the likelihood of a tornado increases.This implies that even those predicting tornadoes now are using signposts of electrical activity to make their predictions. Even with this new technique of detection, they still haven't put two and two together when it comes to the electrical nature of the tornadoes themselves. To add some food for thought to this topic, I thought I would mention one more possible connection. Anomalies involving tornadoes were mentioned above in Dmitriev's paper, but do any strange anomalies exist for hurricanes and cyclones? Since they happen over water we don't share much of an intimate relation with these storms until they make landfall, so our data set is rather limited. However, as it turns out "tropical cyclone basins" (those areas where cyclones are likely to form) have an uncanny relationship to plane and ship disappearances described in the Fortean literature. Now, I know you're probably thinking: "Duh, of course! A cyclone would swallow up any plane or ship." Unfortunately, it isn't that simple. The so-called Bermuda "Triangle" is one such location where these disappearances are noted. This area coincides with the tropical cyclone basin in the North Atlantic where hurricanes usually pick up steam before impacting the US, Caribbean or Mexico. According to the late Ivan T. Sanderson, zoologist and ufologist, in his book Invisible Residents, the Bermuda Triangle isn't really a 'triangle', per say. It actually forms more of a lozenge blob and it extends much further east than what people believe. Furthermore, there are a number of similar locations around the globe where planes and ships seem to have a higher than average probability of disappearing. All of these areas form around the 30-40 degree latitude mark that coincides with the sub-tropical jet streams, which according to McCanney, are large sheets of rotating charge forming part of the Earth's impermanent magnetic field. Now by planes or ships disappearing, I don't mean just sinking or falling into the ocean. The stories Sanderson relates about these disappearances showed that there were few signs of the ships or planes to be found. In many of these cases there was no sign of damage, no floating cargo, no oil sheen from leaked fuel, nothing that would indicate destruction of any sort. Many of these disappearances happened under clear skies and in calm waters too. UFO sightings are not uncommon in these regions as well. Sanderson lists many such cases in his book. When Sanderson started to plot out the areas where such disappearances occurred, he noticed that they began to fall into a regular pattern. With further research and the help of geologists and mathematicians, he was able to plot a hypothetical grid - based on principals of geometric symmetry - where such strange events were likely to occur. This "vile vortices" grid (displayed below) shows the result of extrapolating the pattern of disappearances to the entire globe. Sanderson was limited by what data on plane and ship disappearances he could find, which included only a couple hundred good cases, by his account. Not only this, but the notion that these "vile vortices" line up with perfect symmetry across the globe may be an incorrect assumption on Sanderson's part. For instance, the numbered area labeled "20" on the map below, situated in North Africa, should really be closer to the eastern Mediterranean according to Sanderson's research into the actual disappearances. Interestingly, cyclone type storms have, on rare occasion, formed in this region of the Mediterranean Sea. By comparing Sanderson's "vile vortex" grid to the "tropical cyclone basin" map, there seems to be a parallel, although it is not exact. This is probably due to reasons I mentioned in the paragraph above. Also note that the "vortex" region numbered "49" off the east coast of South America has occasionally produced cyclone storms, although this is not generally considered a tropical cyclone basin. Earthquakes and Volcanoes Too? More than 150 times in the past two centuries, volcanic eruptions have been accompanied by spectacular displays of lightning. Sometimes broad bolts of lightning streak across the sky. Other times St. Elmo's fire (ball lightning) cascades from above. Sometimes volcanoes produce branching displays such as at Sakurajima ... The 1981 eruption of Mt St Helens featured a spectacular display of sheet lightning, with truck-sized balls of St Elmo's fire seen rolling along the ground 29 miles north of the mountain. Other well-known volcanoes that produced lightning include Vesuvius (1944), Krakatau (1990's), Surtsey, the new volcanic island in Iceland (1963), and Paracutin, the cinder cone that grew out of a farmer's field in Mexico (1940's.)As expected, the commonly accepted hypothesis explaining why lightning occurs around volcanoes has to do with volcanic dust colliding and separating charge. This is largely a spin-off of the "electrostatic induction hypothesis" as we've covered above. Given what we know about lightning now, this hypothesis seems unlikely. For example, why does it appear in some pictures - like one from the recent volcanic eruption of Mount Kirishima in Japan - that the lightning actually comes out of the volcano top at certain times? Perhaps electromagnetic forces are part of the underlying cause behind volcano eruptions? More research is definitely needed in this area. three eruptions on February 3rd which coincides with our major storms mentioned in the introduction. Volcanoes around the globe are waking up. We may be in for a rocky, ash-filled ride. "Earthquake lights" are not an uncommon scene before, during, and immediately after earthquakes. Up until recently, the existence of these lights was denied by mainstream scientists who regarded them as some form of mass delusion. However, pictures from the Matsushiro earthquake swarm in Nagano, Japan, from 1965 through 1967, show that they are a genuine phenomena of nature. Perhaps these lights have something to do with electrical discharges taking place over or through these seismic zones? Like cyclone storms and volcanoes, earthquakes too seem to have a greater probability of occurring after solar activity and during or immediately after planetary alignments. 6.2 magnitude earthquake shook Chile just hours after a solar eclipse touched the region. Another 7.2 magnitude earthquake shook Japan within 24 hours of the recent (and rare) lunar eclipse, on December 22nd of last year. Then recently, to coincide with our recent New Moon and blast from the sun, there was an earthquake detected along on the border of India and Myanmar. Now, I'm sure those of skeptical mind are probably saying, "So what? Don't earthquakes happen every day?" That is true, but one must take into consideration all the other factors we've noted above which also discharge the planet: events such as lightning storms, cyclones, tornadoes, hurricanes, etc. Once we factor in all of these discharging events, maybe then we will begin to see the overall patterns. Any of these events taken in isolation show us nothing, but when brought together there seems to be a correlation - as recent events show. Every massively energetic event that happens on the surface of this planet is likely the result of activity in our solar system along with the Earth's attempt to correct any electrical imbalances from such. As Dmitriev writes: The facts of various luminescences in the atmosphere were known long ago: preceding and accompanying earthquakes; preceding and accompanying volcanic eruptions; before and during the passage of tropical hurricanes; during a thunderstorm's development; and above the tectonic fault areas. Actually, there's no large-scale high-energy event in the depths of the Earth or on its surface which would not be accompanied by luminous objects. Without any reason or proof, these emitting atmospheric objects are considered as effects of the "main" events, i.e. earthquakes, hurricanes, eruptions, tornadoes, fault-developing processes, thunderstorms, etc. This version of secondary genesis of luminous objects and of their dependence of the main process keeps out of notice thousands of luminous [phenomena], existing in quiet atmospheric and lithospheric conditions.And this is largely the problem. Science considers the purely energetic, luminous, or electric effects as secondary to some main event that corresponds to something that we see, feel or experience in some manner. It would be like a prehistoric caveman seeing a person in our time flip a light switch and concluding that the motion or position of the switch is responsible for the flood of light in the room. Without any knowledge of the electrical power source behind the light, the interaction between the person, the switch, and the light is largely misunderstood. Perhaps we are still the cavemen when it comes to understanding these powerful energetic events on our planet? Without knowledge of the electrical forces from outside of Earth flipping the various switches on our planet causing thunderstorms, cyclones, volcanoes and earthquakes, etc., we miss the big picture. And this is why here at SOTT.net we have a category dedicated to Earth Changes. As some readers may have noticed, we lump anything related to earthquakes, volcanoes, any sort of weather-related phenomena or atmospheric displays into this category. We also have a section called Fire in the Sky where we carry any sort of space weather news such as solar storms, comet sightings, NEOs, etc. While we don't consider ourselves in the business of predicting weather or natural disasters, we do keep track of the Signs. And if McCanney, Thornhill and others are correct, then watching events in space may give us a newfound understanding of the general ebb and flow of energetic forces that affect all of us. Understanding the electrical connections seems to be a big part of this. So while we can't make any specific predictions with this knowledge, we can track the general exchange of cosmic electrical energy in our immediate environment. Human civilization is not exempt from this energy as the mass protests sweeping the Middle East can attest. This excess of electricity from the cosmos seems to translate into powerful emotional displays at the human level - both individually and collectively. There is no action without an equal and opposite reaction; this is true both in physics and esoterica. As this energy affects us all, the best we can do is to get ready by cleaning up our environment, our relationships, our minds, and our bodies by removing toxins of various forms so that we CAN transduce this energy into truly creative forms that won't lead us down the path of destruction. So while changes appear to be underway, we still have the choice of how to use this energy.

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John Maynard Keynes (1883–1946) was the most influential economist of the twentieth century and, after Adam Smith, one of the two most influential economists of the modern age. Two of his books, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919) and The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936), were among the most important books on economics and politics published during the last century. Keynes was the principal theoretical architect of the post-war economic order in which governments assumed responsibility for stabilizing economies and promoting employment through spending, regulation, and debt. The evolution of “managed economies” in the post-war era owed a great deal to Keynes’s writings in the 1930s, in which he established full employment as the proper goal of economic policy and provided policy-makers with a set of fiscal tools whereby they might try to smooth out the booms and busts of the business cycle. This was the “middle way” that Keynes tried to steer between the extremes of communism and fascism and between state planning and free market capitalism. From a political point of view, Keynes was among the liberal reformers of that era who sought to “tame” capitalism by assigning new managerial duties to national governments. Keynes was by no means solely an economic theorist, but a thinker with the widest range of interests. Keynes was a political economist in the tradition of Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, Joseph Schumpeter, and Friedrich Hayek. His work wove together the interconnected subjects of politics and political institutions, culture, history, psychology, and economic theory. Robert Skidelsky, Keynes’s biographer, asserts that he was as much a moralist as an economist. Keynes, he wrote, searched for a vision of capitalism that promoted both efficiency and justice in equal parts. Nor was Keynes an “armchair” or academic theorist: he participated actively in every important political debate that took place in Great Britain during the tumultuous years from the outbreak of World War I through the close of World War II. He believed that progress in economics must arise from the interplay between theory and urgent practical problems. Keynes was a “liberal revolutionary” whose aim was to place the capitalist order on different economic, political, and cultural foundations than those inherited from the nineteenth century. Keynes was sensitive to the historical nature of the capitalist system as it evolved through different phases, created new institutional forms, and adapted to crises and new challenges. He questioned whether it was still appropriate to use theories formulated in 1800 or 1850 to account for the economic realities of the 1920s and 1930s. He wrote in the 1920s that “the age of laissez faire” (as he called it) had been made obsolete first by the development of large corporations and labor unions and then by the destructive effects of the world war. If the old order was dead, then a new one had to be built upon new intellectual foundations. This was the campaign that Keynes engaged in during his interludes of public service and in the books and articles that he wrote between 1919 and his death in 1946. There are five general subjects that require consideration in regard to Keynes’s life and career: (1) The Economic Consequences of the Peace; (2) the evolution of the capitalist order; (3) the Great Depression and The General Theory; (4) World War II and the Bretton Woods system; and (5) Keynes’s post-war legacy. The Economic Consequences of the Peace For Keynes and his generation, the “great war” of 1914–18 shattered the foundations of European civilization. The old order in Europe was built upon a network of interlocking principles and ideals: Protestantism and Victorian morals in culture; nationalism, empire, and monarchy in politics; laissez faire, free trade, and the gold standard in economics. The great question after the war was whether the symbols and institutions of the old order could survive in a new era of sovereign debt, despair and dashed hopes, debauched currencies, and a permanently changed balance of world power. Keynes did not think that they could. Keynes’s reflections on the war and the damage it did to the social order were set out in The Economic Consequences of the Peace, the polemical exposé of the Paris Peace Conference that he wrote in a few months in 1919 after serving as a member of the British delegation to the Conference. Keynes predicted that the Treaty of Versailles, unless revised, would lead to financial ruin across Europe and possibly to a new and even more destructive war. The book was an immediate best seller and it turned Keynes into an international celebrity. It ran through five editions and was translated into eleven languages within a few years. In Keynes’s view, the war fatally disrupted the delicate balance among the various factors of trade, psychology, population, and investment upon which the pre-war order was constructed, leaving millions on the continent starving and destitute when the war ended. Nearly 40 million people (mostly Europeans) were killed or wounded during the course of the war; factories and transportation grids were destroyed across large swaths of the continent; food and medicine were in short supply; all countries were in debt (mainly to the United States) due to vast borrowings to pay for armaments; national currencies were of uncertain value in relation to one another due to wartime inflation; and the accumulated wealth of the Continent was consumed in a few years of war. The suffering was magnified by comparison with the comfortable lives Europeans enjoyed before 1914 and with the optimistic hopes for the future that nearly everyone had entertained just a few years before. Most observers, including Keynes, expected the French, British, and American leaders who controlled the Peace Conference to craft a treaty that incorporated President Wilson’s Fourteen Points. Keynes stressed various elements of Wilson’s program that pointed away from a punitive settlement. Nevertheless, after six months of negotiations, running from January to June (1919), the Conference adopted a regime of reparations and territorial concessions designed to punish Germany by making her bear most of the costs of the war. The Treaty assigned to Germany the entire blame for the war, and forced her to disarm and to cede territories and raw materials to France. In addition, the Treaty assessed some $40 billion in reparations against Germany to compensate the victorious powers for war damages, a sum that was about three times Germany’s pre-war GDP. The Allied leaders adopted this approach in order to reduce German power to a level commensurate with that of France and Great Britain, and thus to restore something resembling the pre-war balance of power among the major European states. Keynes judged this to be a wrongheaded and self-defeating approach. “My purpose in this book,” he wrote, “is to show that the Carthaginian Peace is not practically right or possible. The clock cannot be set back. You cannot restore Central Europe to 1870 without setting up such strains in the European structure and letting loose such human and spiritual forces as will overwhelm not only you and your ‘guarantees,’ but your institutions and the existing order of your society.” In Keynes’s view, the Allied statesmen should have focused more on economic relief and reconstruction, and far less on borders, reparations, and restoring the pre-war balance of power. The Paris Peace Conference marked a turning point when Keynes saw that the ideals and institutions of the pre-war era could no longer serve as the foundations for progress in the post-war era. The faith in automatic progress through saving and self-discipline had been shattered. National currencies and terms of trade were distorted by wartime inflation. Workers would henceforth demand a greater share of the fruits of capitalism than they were willing to accept prior to 1914. Keynes thought that this pointed toward new roles for the state, labor unions, and corporations in the evolution of capitalism. As he wrote, “The forces of the nineteenth century have run their course and are exhausted. The economic motives and ideals of that generation no longer satisfy us. We must find a new way and must suffer again the malaise, and finally the pangs of a new industrial birth.” At this point, no one, least of all Keynes, knew what shape the new order might take. The Evolution of Capitalism In a series of essays he wrote during the 1920s, and which he collected into a single volume under the title Essays in Persuasion (1931), Keynes reflected on the evolution of the capitalist order from its origins in the eighteenth century and on the significant changes in the international system brought on by the war. In these essays, Keynes maintained that rapid changes in the economic order required parallel adjustments in economic and political theory. Keynes envisioned an emerging system of capitalism in which large business enterprises and not-for-profit institutions operated alongside government in common efforts to promote the public interest. The friction between the public and private spheres, so much an aspect of the old order of liberalism, was giving way to a new order of cooperation among large institutions. Keynes’s corporatist vision of the capitalist order represented an evolution of liberalism beyond its nineteenth-century emphasis upon individuals, market competition, and suspicion of the state. The rise of institutional capitalism brought with it a new separation of ownership and control in large organizations. In the past, individual entrepreneurs managed the enterprises they created, but now control was passing into the hands of expert managers who responded to different incentives. In “The End of Laissez Faire,” a pamphlet he published in 1926, Keynes observed that “A point arrives in the growth of a big institution – a big railway or public utility enterprise but also a bank or insurance company – at which the owners of capital are almost entirely dissociated from the management, with the result that the direct personal interest of the owners (the shareholders) becomes quite secondary.” The new managers, in contrast to the founding entrepreneurs, are interested in other goals besides profit, such as stability, security of employment, reputation, and independence. Keynes also welcomed the development of semi-autonomous, not-for-profit institutions such as universities and scientific societies that promote the general interest in different spheres of activity. Keynes pointed to two areas where the state could and should intervene to improve the operation of the modern capitalist order. The first was in the area of money and credit, where he called for deliberate control and planning by a central institution—that is, by a central bank with powers sufficient to regulate the supply of currency and credit toward the goal of full employment and stable prices. This was an implicit attack on the gold standard, which Keynes regarded as an archaic inheritance from the nineteenth century, and in the wake of the war an ineffective instrument for regulating money and credit. His second innovation was to call for public control over investment such that the state would replace banks, investment houses, and wealthy individuals as the major supplier of investment capital. In the modern world, he pointed out, “savers” and “investors” were now different people and institutions; their decisions had to be coordinated by private intermediaries that took in savings and directed them toward new and hopefully profitable enterprises. Keynes had little faith that this process could be carried out seamlessly in the public interest, and so he looked to the state as the institution where the investment function could be carried out rationally in the interests of society as a whole. Keynes was optimistic that the slump of the 1930s was but a temporary lapse in the onward march of capitalist development. He dismissed claims that the Depression marked the end of prosperity or the collapse of the capitalist system. In an essay on the “Economic Possibilities for Our Grandchildren,” he wrote that “We are suffering, not from the rheumatics of old age, but from the growing pains of over-rapid changes, from the painfulness of readjustment between one economic period and another.” This was the painful adjustment from the age of laissez faire to the age of institutional capitalism. Keynes calculated that over the previous one hundred years the standard of living of the average European and American had grown at least four-fold, and that over the next one hundred years it would improve between four and eight times. Within two or three generations, he predicted, the necessities of the comfortable life would be available to all. More profoundly, according to Keynes, mankind’s long struggle for survival in the face of scarcity would then be near an end. Like many other thinkers of his era, Keynes viewed the political and moral principles associated with market capitalism to be degrading and in need of replacement by a more humane system of ideals. There was an evolutionary or historical element in Keynes’s thought: He claimed that capitalism developed in historical stages and also in a morally favorable direction. Institutional capitalism was an improvement over the “classical” system of the nineteenth century, but still a stepping-stone on a path to the next phase of capitalist development when the “economic problem” might be solved once and for all. Read More: Monetarism The Great Depression and The General Theory The General Theory is universally regarded as the more important of Keynes’s two major works because in it he laid out the theoretical case for counter-cyclical government spending policies that proved to be so influential in the post-war era. Though his two influential books were very different in style, substance, and purpose, both hammered at a common theme: the obsolescence of the old order in Europe. The extended slump of the 1930s formed the background for Keynes’s treatise. The industrial economies had gone through recessions and even depressions in the past, but none as deep and prolonged as the collapse in the 1930s. Keynes was as surprised as everyone else by the severity of the slump. Disasters of this magnitude were not supposed to happen in market economies that were thought to possess self-correcting features. When the slump continued, and grew worse in the early 1930s, Keynes concluded that there was something wrong with the adjustment mechanisms of the market that was not accounted for in the standard economic theories. For Keynes, much like the Great War, the Great Depression called into question the received wisdom of the time. In The General Theory, Keynes mounted an attack on what he called the “classical” school of economics, the doctrine of free and self-adjusting markets developed by the political economists of the previous century. The classical theory, he suggested, is not a general theory but rather a special theory applicable to a condition of full employment and to an era of small producers, independent workers, and competitive markets, circumstances that no longer obtained in modern economies increasingly dominated by large institutions and, importantly, by labor unions. A central theme of Keynes’s theory, and of Keynesian economics in general, is that market economies do not automatically adjust to systemic shocks like stock market crashes, widespread bank failures, famines, and wars. A second is that the market system, left on its own, will operate most of the time at levels below full employment and potential output. Keynes argued in The General Theory that there exists no automatic process of adjustment in wages, prices, and interest rates that would correct the slide in employment and output. Under the right circumstances, there could be a general over-production of goods, widespread unemployment, hoarding of money by consumers, and a collapse of investment—all occurring at the same time and in response to one another. This meant that the market might reach equilibrium at levels well below full employment—and Keynes argued that this was in fact what had happened in the 1930s. The basic problem according to Keynes, and the reason market economies often fall short of potential output and “over shoot” both on the up and down sides, is that investors and businesses must make calculations about spending and hiring in the face of a fundamentally uncertain future. Investors are the “prime movers” of the economy, and also the source of market volatility. Consumers, by contrast, behave fairly predictably, spending a stable percentage of their incomes on goods and services of various kinds, except on occasions when fear and panic lead them to reduce expenditures and increase savings. Investors, on the other hand, must allocate funds and hire employees based upon uncertain assessments of conditions many years into the future. “Our knowledge of the factors that will govern the yield of an investment some years hence is usually very slight and often negligible,” he wrote in The General Theory. To complicate matters further, the evolution of stock markets requires investors to make judgments about how other investors assess the future—since those assessments, when added up, determine the value of stocks and potential returns on investment. Keynes drew a portrait of the market economy that was close to the opposite of that drawn by his eighteenth- and nineteenth-century predecessors. They saw a system that operated like a machine with its various parts working in tandem to keep it moving forward, even in the face of external shocks that might slow it down but could not knock it off course for very long. In their view, entrepreneurs and investors were the rational and calculating participants that kept the economic machine moving. Keynes described a system that was inherently prone to booms and busts because its various parts did not work in harmony and because it was greatly influenced by shifting investor moods—or “animal spirits,” as he called them. In his theory, investors and business entrepreneurs were the dynamic but capricious elements, putting their funds into play and withdrawing them based upon those shifting moods about future prospects and in response to the spending and saving decisions of consumers. This relationship between consumers and investors gave the system a “pro-cyclical” bias: Consumers and investors increased their spending in tandem with one another, but also withdrew it according to a reciprocal dynamic. This was one of the relationships that gave the market system its “boom and bust” character. Keynes looked to government spending and borrowing as a counter-cyclical factor that might stabilize the system, particularly during slumps when consumer hoarding and investor pessimism send the economy into a downward spiral. Government could borrow and spend when entrepreneurs and consumers would not or could not. This element of his theory—the new role for government—represented his most radical departure from the approach of his nineteenth-century predecessors. Keynes now viewed government as a player and partner in the capitalist process, rather than as a rival to business and a threat to individual liberty. This meant many things in practice, but most importantly that national governments must assume a greater role in maintaining employment, promoting growth, and intervening with new spending to reverse slumps. World War II and Bretton Woods When World War II began, Keynes once again took on the role as advisor to the British Treasury. Because of his experience in World War I and his prominence as an economic theorist, Keynes knew more than anyone alive about the intricacies of international lending. He was involved in negotiations with the United States over the “Lend-Lease” program in 1941 and at the end of the war negotiated a $3.75 billion loan from the United States that allowed Britain to purchase needed supplies abroad at a time when the country was effectively broke. As World War II neared its end, American and British planners were determined to avoid the errors of 1918 and 1919. The remedies Keynes proposed in 1919 — relief, reconstruction, renewal of trade, cancellation of debts, renouncement of reparations — were generally accepted in 1945 as guideposts for the post-war order. Keynes was also the chief British negotiator at the Bretton Woods (New Hampshire) Conference in 1944 where representatives of forty-four allied nations created the institutional foundations of the post-war economic order. Keynes was the most influential figure at the conference in making the case that the international system was in need of new arrangements to replace the gold standard that would encourage debtor and creditor nations to work together to promote lending, trade, and economic growth. Keynes argued for the creation of a new international currency to facilitate trade and settle international accounts but was over-ruled by American negotiators who wanted an international regime in which national currencies were pegged to the U.S. dollar. Keynes did succeed in winning support for two principal pillars of the post war economic order: the World Bank to finance development projects and the International Monetary Fund to provide emergency loans to debtor countries temporarily unable to finance trade. Keynes’s Post-War Legacy Many attributed the rapid growth in America’s post-war economy to the application of Keynes’s theories. In 1965, Time took note of his vast influence by publishing a cover story under the title, “We Are All Keynesians Now.” As the magazine acknowledged, “Keynes and his ideas, though they still make some people nervous, have been so widely accepted that they constitute both the new orthodoxy in the universities and the touchstone of economic management in Washington.” As the magazine suggested, Keynes’s theories took over the economics profession in the post-war era and provided the framework for new ways of analyzing the business cycle, unemployment, and the potential contributions of government spending to stable growth. During the 1970s, an unprecedented combination of high unemployment and double-digit inflation caused many economists and policy-makers to lose confidence in Keynes’s theories and to look elsewhere for policy prescriptions. At this time, monetary economists gained the upper hand in explaining the sources of inflation and unemployment and in pointing to central bank policies rather than government spending as principal remedies. Though Keynes’s theories were temporarily in retreat in Washington and London during the 1980s and 1990s, they never really lost influence among academic economists who continued to insist that market economies are inherently unstable and that government spending funded by debt is an effective remedy for recessions and unemployment. The recent financial crisis has provided a new occasion for the application of Keynes’s theories. Keynes’s theories remain controversial, especially among those who are skeptical of the large role governments have seized in economic affairs. Many skeptics point to the difficulties of applying Keynesian remedies in the real world where politicians make government budgets far more in response to political pressures than to requirements of economic growth. Economists still debate the rapidity with which market economies adjust to shocks, the extent to which government debt produces real growth versus inflation, or whether investors operate under a cloud of uncertainty or view the future in terms of rational expectations. Yet, in spite of such controversies, the fact remains that Keynes’s theories were instrumental in building the modern state, just as John Locke’s or Adam Smith’s writings were seminal in the formation of the limited state of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. For this reason, they will not be overcome by theoretical arguments alone but will undoubtedly remain influential so long as the political settlements arrived at in the 1930s and 1940s survive intact. –Essay by James Piereson

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NATURAL ALTERNATIVES TO ADMINISTRATIVE VIOLENCE University of Tasmania The Latin root of the word violence is vis meaning strength or force. Violence is defined as vehemence, exertion, rapidity, injury, unjust force; not coming by natural means (as in a violent death); unlawful, unreasonable, severe or extreme. The verb is more specific: to violate means to treat with violence, roughly and injuriously; to mishandle, abuse, desecrate, profane; to infringe, break, disregard; to seize, possess wrongfully; to have carnal knowledge of, to possess (a woman) by force; to rape, to ravish. (Webster Universal Dictionary, 1968:1672). Administration, from the Latin administrare , to manage, carry out, accomplish, means to manage a business or estate; public affairs, government; the law (as in the adminstration of justice); the dispensation of the Sacrament; the application of remedies, etc. (Webster Universal Dictionary, 1968: 34). Administration is thus a ubiquitous activity necessarily present in all human societies but concentrated in business, government, law, religion, and health; where violence is employed in any one of these domains, one can identify a separate category of activity which may be called administrative violence. Administrative violence can be seen in methods and/or results: if an action or policy results in a violent situation, such as that which may be caused by the withholding of food or medicine supplies, then administrative violence may be identified (Galtung, 1990: 10). The results of administrative violence may be physical, such as death through war, crime, preventable disease, or starvation, or psychological, through humiliation, misrepresentation, character assassination, torment, or lies, often with physical results. Policies or actions that produce, for example, sudden loss of status or self-respect through humiliation that can cause illness, loss of will to live and ultimately death, are certainly a form of administrative violence. Violence by an administration may involve an offence against a criminal or commercial code or common law but the term administrative violence is more appropriately reserved for those violent acts of administration which do not offend against any established law or code of practice. Similarly, war, police action, detention, legal execution and state-sanctioned voluntary euthanasia are violent actions by administrations but should be placed in a separate category to that of administrative violence. Administrative violence may take the form of small, innocuous and perfectly legal administrative actions such as the unannounced withdrawal of a physiotherapy unit, the closure of a branch line or small country primary school, the withdrawal of after-sales service of a product, or sudden increase in prices or charges without warning or justification. Within an organisation, administative violence can be used, particularly in personnel practice, when employees are dismissed without warning or justification, or their sections are placed under threat for capricious reasons or no good reason at all, or they are humiliated by sudden loss of responsibilities or status. The use of language, as in verbal abuse which may still not contravene anti-vilification laws, can constitute administrative violence. The use of ethnic or racial humour is a particularly widespread form which always has potentially dangerous repercussions. (Allen, 1983). The school playground can be a place of great violence, both physical and psychological, with sometimes extreme consequences: where this is allowed to go unchecked or is even condoned and institutionalised, administrative violence is taking place. The case has been reported of a Jewish boy who survived Buchenwald without having had a hand laid upon him but who later suffered severe depression when caned, ostracised, and made the victim of other forms of institutionalised violence in an English public school. (Gill, 1988:77). The Causes and Justifications of Administrative Violence. Administrative violence can be rational in origin, particularly when fast, decisive, effective action is required: in, for example, saving a ship which is near to collision. Here the cause of the action provides its justification, and injury to passengers and damage to crockery through a violent turn would be understood and accepted by all. The sudden closure of a loss-making division in order to save a larger company from bankruptcy is another example of where the cause of the violent action and its justification are merged. If, however, no attempt is made to alleviate the impact on the retrenched employees, their families and their communities, then an administrative decision has been carried out with excessive and unwarranted administrative violence. Administrative violence can also have non-rational origins through moods and emotional states such as frustration, impatience, anger, greed, fear or insecurity, or through the deliberation manipulation of these states. Often rationality and emotion are mixed to produce violent actions and reactions. In 1942 Czech agents, with British backing, assassinated Reinhard Heydrich the violent and sadistic Protector of Bohemia and Moravia. As a direct result, an estimated 23,000 hostages died, and no further assassinations of high-ranking Nazis were carried out (Bondy, 1981:285). Violence can also be a response to conflict. In management literature conflict occupies a central place, being defined as behaviour occurring when two or more parties are in opposition or battle in where there will be a winner and a loser. (Litterer,1970:331). Conflict is often contrasted with competition which does not necessarily involve the destruction of a rival and can be friendly and in accordance with mutually agreed rules of conduct. Competition can generate positive emotions such as exhilaration whereas conflict will produce the negative emotions of anger, resentment, fear, and after loss, revenge. The victors in friendly and legitimate competition are accepted with grace by the vanquished and there is generally an opportunity at some stage in the future to turn the tables. Perceptions are also involved: Baron distinguishes competition from conflict in terms of the contrasting perceptions of the contest and the opponent, and the emotions aroused. (Baron,1983:402). If violence is used in competition, a situation can quickly degenerate to one of conflict, with an escalation of violence to the point of mutual destruction. In conflict, the possibility of loss, be it possession, position, status, dignity, face, or life itself, can be almost certainly guaranteed to produce violence which will generate reactive violence, in the well-known cycle of violence. (Haig, 1991:204). Restraint in reaction under conditions of extreme provocation such as those provided by colonialism, which was denounced by Franz Fanon as an expression of violence (Carter, 1990:210), or racism, requires great wisdom, control of the emotions, and greatness of mind: qualities displayed by Gandhi (1869-1948), Martin Luther King (1929-1968), or Nelson Mandela (1918--). In the struggle against sexist discrimination, Emmaline Pankhurst (1858-1928) was one of the leaders in the movement to obtain the vote for women in England. Her group, the Women's Social and Political Union, used civil disobedience as its main weapon. The repeated gaolings of Pankhurst and her followers succeeded by non-violent means, in gaining attention and support for their cause. (Sargent, 1993: 133-134). However rare these qualities are, their application enabled lasting achievements that could not have been made had violence been used. This is because the use of violence always provides a justification internally and externally for a violent crackdown in a way that mass noncooperation for example does not. (Carter, 1990:213). Administrative violence can be justified administratively where it is necessary to save a greater whole, for example, but its undesirable consequences of further violence must always be taken into account before its implementation. If violence to save a part leads to the destruction of the whole, it is clearly not justified administratively. The Moral Justification of Administrative Violence. The world's great religions all proclaim the sanctity of human life and disallow violence except in self-defence, the defence of the community, or as punishment for wrongdoing. Judaism permits capital punishment for a capital offence, as contained in the Law of Talion, ("an eye for an eye"), but emphasises restraint in punishment and the avoidance of the idea of unlimited revenge. (Thompson,1990:17). Christianity generally allows for capital punishment, as in for example in Article 37 of the Articles of Religion of the Church of England, but the teachings of Jesus were to avoid violence and retaliation, praying for persecutors (Matthew 5:39,44). When Jesus was arrested, he did not permit his disciples to use force to save him (Matthew 26:51,52). Islam seeks harmony and peace within the community (Ummah) but the problem of violence and hostility is taken seriously and the Qur'an provides fixed penalties including death for serious offences. (Thompson, 1990:48). Hinduism is a family of religious traditions. The law book Manusmrti states that a person is not guilty if he or she kills an assassin, and allows for killing to maintain social order. (Thompson, 1990:61). In Buddhism, the first of the five precepts (pansil) is that one should not take life as violence and murder harm not only the victim but also the perpetrator by destroying inner peace. (Thompson, 1990:73). Buddhists generally oppose capital punishment and believe that compassion should be shown towards wrongdoers, but they do not believe that crimes should go unpunished. Thus concern with the damaging effects of violence, in both crime and in punishment, is central to the major belief systems, and in all cases the emphasis is on the control of violence. Often administrative and moral justifications become merged. German opponents of Hitler saw their duty as not only administrative but moral, and came to realise that nothing less than the assassination of Hitler could save the German nation and others from destruction. In assessing the situation, the historian Rothfels was to write "On this basis, murder could be considered a moral duty, a duty to clear the German name and free the world from evil..." (Rothfels,1970:151). The Consequences of Administrative Violence. As with criminal, political, or any other type of violence, administrative violence also produces undesired consequences in addition to those that are desired. The undesired consequences or side effects may well be highly damaging to the perpetrator, possibly even outweighing the cost of the damage that the initial use of violence was intended to overcome. Physical violence is often a consequence of administrative violence. Prolonged and bitter strikes and lockouts, savage applications of retrenchment and other acts of administrative violence often produce a backlash of bashings, kidnappings and murder: one could refer to the case of the murder of the Chief Executive Officer of Regie Renault, one of Europe's largest car-makers, in 1986, after the application of precisely such policies. (Rao and Bostock,1990:23). The psychological consequences of administrative violence are also quite negative. As it is impossible for people not to be hurt by violent administration, and although there may be a time-lag before there is full realisation, reactive violence may be predicted in the form of actions motivated by spite, revenge, anger, and a desire to "get even" through sabotage, industrial espionage, disloyalty, and an infinite range of small actions which can damage and ultimately destroy even the largest of organisations. In this instance, it is possible to explain the treachery of a notable group of young English intellectuals, notably Burgess, Philby, Maclean and Blunt, as a reaction to the administrative and psychological violence of the English class system in the 1930s as a result of which their loyalty was transferred to the Soviet Union. (Wright, 1987). The Analogy With Natural Therapy. Modern Western medicine has an impressively powerful range of weapons at its disposal in the fight against disease: surgery, radiation, lasers, and chemotherapy including the use of potent drugs and antibiotics. The violence of these highly invasive therapies and their significant side-effects is seen as a price most people would gladly pay for their proven effectiveness. Natural therapy, also called alternative or complementary medicine (Stanway, 1979), is an approach to health based on a number of principles. Firstly, the emphasis is on prevention rather than cure, so that the violence of conventional medicine can be avoided. Secondly, it is holistic (from the Greek holo, meaning whole or entire), with the implication that the importance of the mind/body relationship is recognised as fundamental. Thirdly, it is multi-modal, being open to a variety of concepts and techniques, especially those from other cultures, and in opposition to acceptance of an orthodoxy. Fourthly, its goals are long-term, specifically long-term health maintenance, activity and survival, in contrast to the "smash repair" philosophy which seems to characterise most conventional paradigms of treatment. Lastly, there is respect for nature, the original and unmodified physical world. The natural world does experience violence, as in violent storms, or the killing of one animal by another for food, but it does have the essential qualities of long-term balance, sustainability, harmonious self-regulation, and permanence. Natural therapy works with, rather than against, nature, and in accordance with these principles. Its techniques, using plants, massage, diet, the elimination of toxins, and concern to establish spiritual well-being, are nonviolent, without side-effects, and lasting in benefit. (Olshevsky et. al., 1989). Administration can also be natural in being nonviolent, preventative, and holistic in aiming to unify material and philosophical objectives and techniques. It can be multi-modal in adopting concepts from other cultures and in so doing questioning the orthodoxies of conventional management and administration. It can pursue long-term goals rather than short-term advantage, in accordance with the underlying principles of nature, namely, balance, sustainability, harmonious self-regulation and permanence. Using Natural Alternatives to Administrative Violence. In examining successful, enduring organisations, one notices an absence of violence in the conduct of their affairs. In comparing the management of some U.S. companies with their more successful Japanese counterparts, two scholars have observed that "One has only to pick up an issue of Fortune, Business Week, or the Wall Street Journal to read about some CEO slashing here, firing there, acquiring, divesting, or otherwise acting like a hack surgeon. One would be hard pressed to find accounts of similar episodes in Japan. They would surely not be honoured. There are times when one must cut deep, fast and crude, but they are rare in well-managed companies, and their frequency in the United States is a symptom of our managerial malaise." (Pascale and Athos, 1982:203). Historically, Japan has experienced periods of great violence, but its post-war economic success has been accompanied by a prevailing ethos which has been one of nonviolence. Imai (1986) has described the approach to industrial administration as Kaizen , or gradualist implementation of long-term long-lasting but undramatic improvements, in marked contrast with the Western approach of "scrap and rebuild" with dramatic but short-term changes. The implementation of new technology can be done in a natural way, with the support of personnel, or by force through violent conflict, a method often finding favour in Great Britain today, for example. "We can see the extreme example of where this attitude leads in the mining and printing industries of Britain, with new technology being introduced literally at gun point in an atmosphere which is closer to being civil war than harmonious industrial relations." (Lowe,1988:10). Security of tenure in employment is a major area for the application of nonviolence in administration and has been the hallmark of many successful organisations, the costs of reduced flexibility being recognised as an acceptable price to pay for the building and maintaining of a productive, enthusiastic and loyal team of employees. The widely acclaimed organisation theorist Perrow noted that despite its costs, the career principle is a sound one. Perrow saw the major factor in favour of the tenure/career model of employment as being the need to provide an incentive and guaranteed return on long-term investment in technical training and skill development. (Perrow, 1986). Another important area for the implementation of natural nonviolent administration is in the handling of information, specifically, the avoidance of violence to the truth through lying, distortion, misrepresentation, and concealment. Whilst the need for some information management for strategic reasons is accepted, gross violence to the truth is in the long run dysfunctional for the survival of the organisation. This was shown most graphically by Dr Goebbel's propaganda machine which after 1941 lost its credibility, even with the majority of its German listeners, in stark contrast to the British Broadcasting Corporation, which retained its credibility throughout World War II even though there were some important nondisclosures. (Stevenson, 1976). The use of physical violence in administration should be minimal. In reporting its findings to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, an official American investigation concluded that although violence was effective in achieving the short-run objectives of rooting out corruption, dealing with outlaws and imposing law and order, the long-run cost was "...a tradition of lawless vigilantism grafted onto the nation's value structure" (Kirkham, et.al.,1970:293). It is important to identify violence as a method and style in administration, and that the full extent of its side effects be recognised. As a method of proven short-term effectiveness in the conduct of human affairs it will undoubtedly always find ready use and acceptance, and moreover, one sometimes having an administrative and a moral justification. However, where an enduring long-term solution is required, nonviolence or at least an absolute minimum of violence should be used. It has been remarked that the Gandhian technique of total nonviolence would not have worked against a different type of regime from that of the British (Carter, 1990:213), and would not, for example, have worked against the Third Reich. If, however, violence is unavoidable, it should be controlled to the absolute minimal level. It has also been noted that an excessively idealistic view of human nature can lead to conflict, violence and war (Garnett, 1976), which indicates that complete nonviolence in administration can be an unacceptable response also, particularly where a situation has bee allowed to seriously degenerate. Administration in all of its applications can be made more effective and lasting in its achievements by following the principles used in the natural approach in the administration of health care: an emphasis on prevention rather than cure, so avoiding the undesirable side-effects of violence, and carried out in accordance with the principles of nature, specifically, balance, sustainability, harmonious self-regulation and permanence. Baron, R.A. 1983. Behavior in Organizations: Understanding and Managing the Human Side of Work. Newton: Allyn and Bacon. Bondy, Ruth. 1981. 'Elder of the Jews" Jacob Edelstein of Theresienstadt. New York: Grove. Carter, A. 1990. "Nonviolence as a Strategy for Change", in Paul Smoker, Ruth Davies and Barbara Munske, eds., A Reader in Peace Studies. Oxford: Pergamon, 210-216. Garnett, A. Campbell, 1976. "War and Violence", in Burton F. Porter, ed., Personal Philosophy, Perspectives on Living. New York Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 130 -141. Gill, Anton, 1989. The Journey Back From Hell, Conversations With Concentration Camp Survivors. London: Grafton. Haig, Robin A. 1991. "The Psychiatrist and War", Psychiatric Bulletin, 15, 203-204. Imai, Masaaki, 1986. Kaizen, The Key to Japan's Competitive Success. New York: McGraw Hill. Kirkham, James F., Levy, Sheldon, and Crotty, William J., 1970. Assassination and Political Violence, A Report to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence. New York, Washington, London: Praeger. Litterer, J.A. 1970. "Conflict in Organisations, a Re-examination", in W. Sexton, ed., Organizational Theories. Columbus, Merill. Lowe, Ian, 1988. "The Future: its Challenges for Management", Future, l, 7-11. Olshevsky, Moshe, Noy, Shlomo, Zwang, Moses, and Burger, Robert, 1989. Manual of Natural Therapy, A Succinct Catalog of Complementary Treatments. New York, Oxford: Facts on File. Pascale, Richard T. and Athos, Anthony G., 1982. The Art of Japanese Management. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Rao, S.V. and Bostock, W.W., 1990. "Managing Organisations During Periods of Cyclical Change", Asia Pacific International Management Forum. 16,1,21-23. Rothfels, Hans, 1971. The German Opposition to Hitler. London: Wolff. Sargent, Lyman Tower, 1993. Contemporary Political Ideologies, A Comparative Analysis. Belmont, Calif., Wadsworth (9th. ed.) Stanway, Andrew, 1979.Alternative Medicine, A Guide to Natural Therapies. London: Bloomsbury. Stevenson, William, 1976. A Man Called Intrepid, The Secret War. London: Macmillan. Thompson, Mel, 1990. Guidelines for Life, Personal and Social Issues in World Religions. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Webster Universal Dictionary, 1968. London: Bay. Wright, Peter, 1987. Spycatcher. Richmond: Heinemann.

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A counterfeit medication or a counterfeit drug is a medication or pharmaceutical product which is produced and sold with the intent to deceptively represent its origin, authenticity or effectiveness. A counterfeit drug may contain inappropriate quantities of active ingredients, or none, may be improperly processed within the body (e.g., absorption by the body), may contain ingredients that are not on the label (which may or may not be harmful), or may be supplied with inaccurate or fake packaging and labeling. Counterfeit drugs are related to pharma fraud. Drug manufacturers and distributors are increasingly investing in countermeasures, such as traceability and authentication technologies, to try to minimise the impact of counterfeit drugs. Patients die after being given countereit drugs that do not cure their condition. Antibiotics with insufficient quantities of an active ingredient add to the problem of antibiotic resistance. Legitimate, correctly labeled, low-cost generic drugs are not counterfeit or fake (although they can be counterfeited), but can be caught up in anticounterfeiting enforcement measures. In that respect, a debate is raging as to whether "counterfeit products [are] first and foremost a threat to human health and safety or [whether] provoking anxiety [is] just a clever way for wealthy nations to create sympathy for increased protection of their intellectual property rights". Generic drugs are subject to normal regulations in countries where they are manufactured and sold. Prescription and over-the-counter drugs Counterfeit medicinal drugs include those with less or none of the stated active ingredients, with added, sometimes hazardous, adulterants, substituted ingredients, completely misrepresented, or sold with a false brand name. Otherwise, legitimate drugs that have passed their date of expiry are sometimes remarked with false dates. Low-quality counterfeit medication may cause any of several dangerous health consequences, including side effects or allergic reactions, in addition to their obvious lack of efficacy due to having less or none of their active ingredients. Since counterfeiting is difficult to detect, investigate, quantify, or stop, the quantity of counterfeit medication is difficult to determine. In 2003, the World Health Organization cited estimates that the annual earnings from substandard and/or counterfeit drugs were over US$32 billion. The considerable difference between the cost of manufacturing counterfeit medication and price counterfeiters charge is a lucrative incentive. Fake antibiotics with a low concentration of the active ingredients can do damage worldwide by stimulating the development of drug resistance in surviving bacteria. Courses of antibiotic treatment which are not completed can be dangerous or even life-threatening. If a low-potency counterfeit drug is involved, completion of a course of treatment cannot be fully effective. Counterfeit drugs have even been known to have been involved in clinical drug trials. Several technologies may prove helpful in combating the counterfeit drug problem. An example is radio frequency identification, which uses electronic devices to track and identify items, such as pharmaceutical products, by assigning individual serial numbers to the containers holding each product. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is working towards an electronic pedigree (ePedigree) system to track drugs from factory to pharmacy. This technology may prevent the diversion or counterfeiting of drugs by allowing wholesalers and pharmacists to determine the identity and dosage of individual products. Some techniques, such as Raman spectroscopy and energy-dispersive X-Ray diffraction (EDXRD) can be used to discover counterfeit drugs while still inside their packaging. The State Food and Drug Administration is not responsible for regulating pharmaceutical ingredients manufactured and exported by chemical companies. This regulatory lack, which has resulted in considerable international news coverage unfavorable to China, has been known for a decade, but failure of Chinese regulatory agencies to cooperate has prevented improvement. On May 6, 2005, the Chinese press agency Xinhua reported that the World Health Organization had established Rapid Alert System, the world's first web-based system for tracking the activities of drug counterfeiters, in light of the increasing severity of the problem of counterfeit drugs. “If I have to follow U.S. standards in inspecting facilities supplying to the Indian market,” G. N. Singh, India’s top drug regulator, said in a recent interview with an Indian newspaper, “we will have to shut almost all of those.” According to Outsourcing Pharma citing the European Commission, 75% of counterfeit drugs supplied world over have some origins in India, followed by 7% from Egypt and 6% from China. The Central Drug Standards Control Organisation (CDSCO), the drug regulatory authority of India conducted a nationwide survey in 2009 and announced that of "24,000 samples [that] were collected from all over India and tested. It was found that only 11 samples or 0.046% were spurious." The 2012 Pakistan fake medicine crisis revealed the scale of production of counterfeit medications in Pakistan. Over 100 heart patients died after administration of adulterated drugs by the Punjab Institute of Cardiology. Pakistan did not have any regulatory enforcement on production of medicines until this crisis occurred. In response to the crisis, a regulatory body was finally set up in February 2012. The United States has a growing problem with counterfeit drugs. In 2012, tainted steroids killed 11 people near Boston and sickened another 100. In another case, vials of the cancer medicine Avastin were found to contain no active ingredients. The vials were sourced in Turkey, shipped to Switzerland, then Denmark, finally to the United Kingdom from which they were exported to U.S. wholesale distributors. The Wall Street Journal reported that the U.S. wholesale distributor was hired by Canada Drugs, which also owns CanadaDrugs.com, a retail pharmacy website that sells prescription medication internationally, with a focus on the American market. In 2007-08, 149 Americans died from a contaminated blood thinner called Heparin that was legally imported into the United States. Investigated by the FDA Office of Criminal Investigations, the Albers Medical investigation is the most prolific example to date. On August 21, 2005, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Western District of Missouri issued a press release announcing that three businesses and eleven individuals were indicted for their involvement in a $42 million conspiracy to sell counterfeit, smuggled and misbranded Lipitor and other drugs and for participating in a conspiracy to sell stolen drugs. As part of this investigation, FDA initiated a recall of more than 18 million Lipitor tablets, which ranks as the largest recall in the history of criminal investigations of counterfeit medications. Participants in this scheme conspired to purchase and sell counterfeit, misbranded and illegally imported drugs. Foreign versions of Lipitor and Celebrex were smuggled into the U.S. from South America and re-sold after being re-packaged to conceal the true origin of the drugs. Counterfeit Lipitor also was manufactured in South America and then smuggled into the U.S. where it was co-mingled with the genuine foreign Lipitor and sold in the U.S. In addition, participants conspired to buy, sell and traffic almost eight million dollars worth of stolen Glaxo Smith Kline and Roche drugs, using fake pedigrees to launder the drugs and thereby concealing that they were stolen. There also were charges related to the sale of counterfeit Procrit, as well as counterfeit and misbranded Serostim and Neupogen. Procrit is an injectable drug used in the treatment of anemia and Neupogen is an injectable drug used by cancer patients to stimulate the production of white blood cells in order to decrease the incidence of infections. The FDA held a Congressional hearing in 2005 to review the situation. The U.S. is an especially attractive market for counterfeiters because 40 percent of worldwide annual prescription drug sales were made in the United States in 2007. In 2011, a "PROTECT IP Act" was proposed to deter advertising. Between 2002 and 2010, drug imports to the U.S. more than doubled, with 80% of drugs' active ingredients imported, now accounting for 40% of finished medicines. U.S. residents at greatest risk of exposure to counterfeit products through personal prescription drug importation are age greater than 45 years, residing in the south or west regions of the U.S., Hispanic ethnicity, college educated, poor or near poor poverty status, lacking U.S. citizenship, traveling to developing countries, lacking health insurance, managing high family out-of-pocket medical costs, having trouble finding a healthcare provider, self-reporting fair or poor health status, filling a prescription on the Internet, and using online chat groups to learn about health. Recent evidence suggests that provision of health insurance coverage may effectively reduce importation and the subsequent risk of exposure to counterfeit medicines, especially among particular subpopulations. Fake antimalarial medication has been threatening efforts to control malaria in Africa. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), in 2011, 64% of Nigeria's imported antimalarial drugs were fake. Nigeria is Africa's largest drugs market, and over 70% of its drugs are imported from India and China, considered the "biggest source of fakes." In 2007, the world's first free-to-access anticounterfeit platform was established in the West African country of Ghana. The platform, dubbed mPedigree, relies on existing GSM networks in that country to provide pharmaceutical consumers and patients with the means to verify whether their purchased medicines are from the original source through a free two-way SMS message, provided the manufacturer of the relevant medication has subscribed to a special scheme. Still in trial stages, the implementers of the platform announced in 2009 that they are in partnership with Ghana's Ministry of Health and the country's specialized agency responsible for drug safety, the Food and Drugs Board, to move the platform from pilot to full-deployment stage. A similar service is being rolled out in India. In 2010, NAFDAC in Nigeria launched an SMS-based anticounterfeiting platform using technology from Sproxil. That system was also adopted by GlaxoSmithKline (GSK) in February 2011. In April 2011, CNN published a video highlighting Sproxil's solution in the fight against counterfeit drugs in Nigeria. In July 2011, Kenya's Pharmacy and Poisons Board also adopted text message-based anticounterfeiting systems and endorsed the Sproxil solution. In early 2012 it was announced that more than one million people in Africa had checked their medicines using the text-message based verification service developed by Sproxil. An ePedigree is another important system for the automatic detection of counterfeit drugs. States such as California are increasingly requiring pharmaceutical companies to generate and store ePedigrees for each product they handle. On January 5, 2007 EPCglobal ratified the Pedigree Standard as an international standard that specifies an XML description of the life history of a product across an arbitrarily complex supply chain. Illegal drugs can be counterfeited easily because no standards or regulations govern them or their packaging though some examples of illegal drugs are sold under "brand names" to indicate certain standards or dosage levels were being adhered to, as in the case of 1960s-era LSD, which was sold with patterns or logos printed on blotter paper. These illegal "brands" can also be counterfeited by drug dealers who want to be able to sell their products at higher prices. Counterfeit illegal and recreational drugs range from products which do not contain any active ingredients, as in cases where lactose powder is sold as heroin, or dried herbs such as oregano are sold as cannabis, to cases where the active ingredients are "cut" with a diluent (as in cases where cocaine is mixed with lactose powder), and cases where the claimed active ingredients are substituted by something cheaper (e.g., when methamphetamine is sold as cocaine). The use of diluents in illegal drugs reduces the potency of the drugs and makes it hard for users to determine the appropriate dosage level. Diluents include "foodstuffs (flour and baby milk formula), sugars (glucose, lactose, maltose, and mannitol), and inorganic materials such as powder." The diluents used often depend on the way drug purchasers consume particular drugs. Drug dealers selling heroin to users who inject dilute the drug with different products from dealers selling to users who smoke or insufflate the drug; diluents which can easily form a solution with water for injecting heroin can be problematic for users who are sniffing the powder. When cocaine is mixed with diluents for the purpose of injection, the "...diluents can produce serious abscesses and pain if the user misses the vein and injects into muscle tissue." "Diluents and adulterants are often added to No. 3 heroin", including sugar, quinine, barbital and caffeine, some of which "can cause serious side effects." Dr. Hirsch, the New York Medical Examiner, claimed that buying illegal drugs is "... like playing Russian roulette," because "there is no way of knowing just what a heroin dealer has slipped into the packets." In some cases, if a dealer does not take the time to dilute the drug with lactose or other fillers, a "very potent blend of heroin" is sold, which can lead to overdoses. Claims that illegal drugs are routinely cut with substances such as rat poison and crushed glass, often cited in antidrug pamphlets, are largely unsubstantiated. Some countries, cities and organizations deploy drug checking services in order to improve the ability of users to make a more accurate risk assessment. - Counterfeit consumer goods - Counterfeit medicines online - Drug fraud - Health care fraud - Lists about the pharmaceutical industry - New Scientist - Pharmaceutical fraud - Regulation of therapeutic goods - Robert Courtney — American pharmacist who dispensed diluted cancer drugs between 1991 and 2001 - Security printing - Mark Davison, "Pharmaceutical Anti-Counterfeiting: Combating the Real Danger from Fake Drugs", Wiley, 2011, 426pp - Bansal D, Malla S, Gudala K, Tiwari P (March 2013). "Anti-Counterfeit Technologies: A Pharmaceutical Industry Perspective". Sci Pharm. 81 (1): 1–13. doi:10.3797/scipharm.1202-03. PMC . PMID 23641326. - Counterfeit drugs: 'People are dying every day' BBC - Kaitlin Mara, Coverage Of Anti-Counterfeit Policy Debate Varies Widely Across Global Media, Intellectual Property Watch, August 2, 2010. Consulted on August 11, 2010. - Bassat, Quique; Tanner, Marcel; Guerin, Philippe J.; Stricker, Kirstin; Hamed, Kamal (2016-01-01). "Combating poor-quality anti-malarial medicines: a call to action". Malaria Journal. 15: 302. doi:10.1186/s12936-016-1357-8. ISSN 1475-2875. PMC . PMID 27251199. - Songara, Rajendra K; Chauhan, Pratibha (2011-11-07). "webmedcentral". doi:10.9754/journal.wmc.2011.002431. - "WHO | Substandard and counterfeit medicines". Who.int. August 25, 2004. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - Williams, J: "Healthcare Distributor", page 81. E.L.F. Publications, Inc., December 2006/January 2007 - "Health | Fake drugs caught inside the pack". BBC News. January 31, 2007. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - "Chinese Chemicals Flow Unchecked to World Drug Market" article reported by Walt Bogdanich, Jake Hooker and Andrew W. Lehren and written by Mr. Bogdanich in the New York Times October 31, 2007 - "Medicines Made in India Set Off Safety Worries". nytimes.com. Retrieved February 12, 2014. - "New counterfeit report highlights worrying trends". Outsourcing-pharma.com. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - "About 100 people have died from spurious antihypertensives in Lahore". Thenews.com.pk. January 24, 2012. Retrieved February 22, 2012. - "DRA details: President issues ordinance to form drug regulatory body". The Express Tribune. February 17, 2012. - "Bad Medicine", The Economist, Oct. 13, 2012 - Christopher Weaver; Jeanne Whalen (20 July 2012). "How fake cancer drugs entered U.S.". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 19 April 2015. - Randall W. Lutter (1 November 2005). "Hearing on Counterfeit Drugs within the United States". Archived from the original on January 18, 2009. - "IMS Health Reports Global Prescription Sales Grew 6.4 Percent in 2007, to $712 Billion". us: Imshealth.com. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - Zullo, Andrew R.; Dore, David D.; Galárraga, Omar (2015). "Development and validation of an index to predict personal prescription drug importation by adults in the United States". Journal of Pharmaceutical Health Services Research. doi:10.1111/jphs.12088. - Zullo, AR; Howe, CJ; Galárraga, O (2 February 2016). "Estimating the Effect of Health Insurance on Personal Prescription Drug Importation.". Medical care research and review : MCRR. doi:10.1177/1077558716629039. PMID 26837427. - Nordqvist, Christian (January 17, 2012). "Fake Antimalarial Medications Undermine Africa Malaria Drive". Medical News Today. Retrieved January 18, 2012. - "Home page". mPedigree. Retrieved January 18, 2012. - Sample news report here: http://news.myjoyonline.com/health/200803/14868.asp - allAfrica.com: Ghana: Country to Use SMS to Fight Fake Drugs (Page 1 of 1) - "Detect counterfeit drugs through cloud services technology, system evolved from HP's pilot African project". The Times Of India. September 29, 2011. - "Sproxil fight against counterfeit drugs". Tech.233.com.gh. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - Chioma Obinna; Gabriel Olawale (June 12, 2010). "Nigeria: NAFDAC Introduces New Anti Counterfeiting Technologies". allAfrica. Retrieved January 18, 2012. - Ifedigbo, Sylva. "How to identify fake Ampiclox". Daily Times Nigeria. Retrieved February 14, 2012. - "CNN.com Video". CNN. - Phil Taylor. "Kenya plans national roll-out of mobile anti-counterfeiting tech". Securingpharma.com. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - "Sproxil claims milestone with 1 millionth medicine verification". SecuringPharma. Retrieved February 14, 2012. - "Pedigree Standard". www.epcglobalinc.org. Retrieved 2015-05-21. - "NCJRS Abstract - National Criminal Justice Reference Service". Ncjrs.gov. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - Office of National Drug Control Policy - Publications - Pulse Check: Trends in Drug Abuse, Summer 1997 - changnoi.com (November 9, 1973). "Opium and Heroin production in Burma-Part1 |GlobalHangoverGuide". Hangoverguide.com. Retrieved March 12, 2012. - Tr, Joseph B. (September 4, 1994). "Potent New Blend of Heroin Ends 8 Very Different Lives". The New York Times. Retrieved April 30, 2010. - "Ecstasy - common misconceptions". DrugScope. Retrieved January 18, 2012.

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INTRODUCTION Even though discrimination and prejudice have been addressed various times throughout history, the both have been, and still remain, prevalent factors in American society. Discrimination is depicted when others are treated differently or negatively based on their personal traits and characteristics, including differences in race, age nationality, handicaps, religion, political standing, sexual orientation, and gender (http://dictionary.reference.com/search?q=discrimination). Prejudice is defined as “detriment or injury caused to a person by the preconceived, unfavorable conviction of another or others.”(http://dictionary.reference.com/search?q=prejudice). The fight against prejudice and discrimination has been an on going battle for many figure heads such as Martin Luther King, Jr., Mahatma Gandhi, and Abraham Lincoln. Women’s fight for equality all began when they gained the right to vote. For years women have been push aside and have not been able to have the same benefits and the same level of respect as men have had and the prejudice and discrimination still remains today. Women are still paid less than men, even if they have been hired to do the same job. African Americans still have difficulty finding jobs because people feel they can’t be trusted. These two factors in our society have been considered a problem by many, yet absolutely meaningless by others. Society has fought to eliminate racism, sexism, and in many instances, ageism has also become a growing problem for many in the world today. However, prejudice is also defined as simply “a preconceived preference or idea” (http://dictionary.reference.com/search?q=prejudice), therefore the question arises whether or not certain levels of prejudice could actually be beneficial and if they could possibly help people in a social or economic aspect. Are having certain ideas about people or a group a way to ensure safety in shaky situations? Could assigning gender specific roles be more effective in the business world than having none at all? There may be people that are more comfortable dealing with people of their own race. These questions and speculations revolve around the concern for the nation’s economy and supposed well being. They are based on whether or not certain people should hold certain positions at an agency or organization in order to improve income. This is why companies want to know whom the consumer will listen to and whom they will be able to relate to. According to Frieden (as cited by Wolin, 2003), the gender of a sales representative should not establish the likelihood of the consumer buying a product. However, women have been portrayed in advertisements in a full body stance more often than men, whereas the male population is usually depicted in profile form. Is this due to the fact that women are considered to be more of a sexual object than men? Is there still a sense of superiority in the male gender? Are men seen as authority figures and deserve that shot up close? A study by Allen (2003) shows that people will have a better response level to an advertisements or article when the figure portrayed holds similar or equal characteristics of the consumer or the observer. They tend to develop a personal outlook on the ad and register the message better than if the individual in the picture were someone quite unlike themselves (Allen, 2003). This is a reason why advertisements that are targeted to sell Tickle Me Elmo dolls probably would not have anyone over the age of thirty running their commercials and why African Americans are being largely portrayed in new McDonald’s commercials. They want to draw a crowd. Can these tactics found in the advertisement and business world be considered forms gender bias, racism, or are they simply ways to make money and keep the economy going? Age has also been a major issue when targeting a specific audience. Ageism is a term used to define prejudice toward people because of their age (http://dictionary.reference.com/search?q=ageism). In most cases, the elderly are seen as society’s main target. However, it appears that there has been a rise in discrimination toward a younger population of workers as well. “New Ageism” is a term that has been developed referring to discrimination and prejudice directed to both old and young workers in a field (McVittie, McKinlay, &Widdicombe, 2003). Older members are still struggling to fight for equal opportunities and have difficulty finding jobs, regardless of their talent and level of expertise (McVittie et. al, 2003). At times, young workers have trouble gaining the respect and attention they deserve and may not be taken as seriously by those higher in command because of their lack of experience. Glover, Branine, and Morrow (2003) mention that, “ younger people are major victims of ageism”. The young and the old have not received equal opportunities but seem to be struggling in similar ways. There are many negative aspects related to ageism, and considering the difficulties they have caused for numerous individuals, ageism has also been utilized whenever money is to be involved. Again, comfort and reliability are the key elements that an organization is looking for when reaching out to a consumer. Race is also a predominant factor when referring to consumer behavior. Since there has been so much discrimination and racism displayed throughout history, strong feelings toward those of equal and differing races or ethnicities have developed. This mind-set may be caused by either fear, lack of understanding, or mere ignorance. According to Basow and Howe (as cited by Appiah, 2001), the source of these actions is due to the identification theory, where people tend to cling on to any available form of congruence between themselves and another individual. They are able to relate to that person on a more personal level and can see themselves in that state. When looking through a consumer perspective, people can see themselves buying a product or following a lifestyle because of the fact that the person being portrayed is an image of him or herself. Appiah (2001) also makes a point to address the distinctiveness theory which states that people categorized as minorities, such as African Americans, Hispanics, or Asians, are more likely to detect someone’s ethnicity than those found in the majority pool of the population. Minorities are also more likely to relate with other minorities, and the majority of society is more likely to relate to those most like themselves (Appiah, 2001). Society seems to have become more aware of these human tendencies over the years because there has been a gradual increase of minority portrayals and depictions in the media, as well as an increase in job availability for minorities. Organizations know that African Americans will listen to another African American if seen on television rather than listen, or trust, a Caucasian American. There is a greater sense of comfort. The question remains where this level of comfort derives from and whether or not this method or manipulation of discrimination is worthwhile. Race, age, and gender of sales representatives and promoters of a product have become tools in fields such as advertising, marketing, and sales promotion. The studies previously mentioned have been done to understand how men and women are portrayed through sales, and how race has been used to create a bond between the consumer and the agency. But what lies behind that connection and why people feel drawn to stick to what they know? Even though the previous information states consumer behavior and the roles that gender, age, and race play in today’s society, what influence do these elements have on the consumer when they are offered a product? The study being conducted serves to determine if people tend to be partial to a specific race, age, or gender, based on previous knowledge, and to study the influence the sales representative may have on that individual. Is a Hispanic individual more likely to agree on a sale if the vendor is of another race? Do older members of society find younger adults trivial in what they have to say? Are men drawn to a product if they feel a closeness or attraction to a female vendor? It is hypothesized that the sale of a product will be more successful if the age of the vendor and the consumer is congruent. It is also hypothesized that the sale will be successful if the two individuals are of the same race. However, the third hypothesis states that the sale will go through if the two individuals are of the opposite sex rather than of equal genders. METHOD Participants There will be a minimum of 80 participants in this study consisting of undergraduate students, teachers, and staff members at Loyola University New Orleans’ campus. They will range from the ages of 18 and older and will be both male and female. We will attend different organizational meetings and individuals on campus, contact them via e-mail, and will also ask them to participate if it is beneficial to their qualification in a particular class.Materials There will be two versions of a survey distributed: Survey A and Survey B. The researchers will explain to the participants that the survey they are taking will contain questions regarding feelings and opinions toward different races, ages, and gender. There will also be questions asking the participants their age, gender race, and sexual orientation and will include questions based on personal opinion also based on other races, ages, and genders. The questions in both of the surveys will remain the same, but the pictures designated to the situational questions will vary in order to maintain a counterbalance throughout the study. A Likert scale ranging from one to seven will measure whether the participant will definitely, probably, or will definitely not agree with the scenario or question stated. The independent variables manipulated in this study include the factors of race, age, and gender and the dependent variable being measured includes the success of the sale and the strength of the opinions determined by the survey.Design and Procedures The researchers will conduct the study as a correlational, non-experimental design. The results will be based on the responses on the Likert scale. The researchers will approach the participants at random in their designated meeting rooms/offices or on an individual basis with either Survey A or Survey B. The participants will be given the time necessary to fill out the survey. The participants taking the surveys will then be asked to fill out the questions based on whether or not they definitely, probably, or definitely do not agree with the scenario or question at hand. When they are done answering the survey, both the document of informed consent and the surveys will be collected into two separate envelopes. Finally, the participants will be debriefed and the researchers will inform them that the survey they have just filled out is to gather a better understanding of how age, race, and gender can be predominant influences when selling a product. They will also be told that the opinion-based questions are to gather the information on people’s feelings and dispositions toward those of equal or opposite age, race or gender. RESULTS The first hypothesis that the congruency in age of two individuals would allow an increase in comfort levels and an increase in the likelihood of a sale was not supported. Through the use of the Pearson Correlation Matrix, the age scale showed no correlation between willingness to buy the product and the age group of the participants. There was no significance in the results(r = -.138, n.s). Also, the second hypothesis stating that opposite genders would increase the likelihood of a sale was not supported. On a Male vs. Female scale, which measured specifics attitudes toward either men or women based on the gender reported, women tended to be more positive toward men rather than women according to their responses. Unlike the Male vs. Female scale (Table 2), the Opposite Sex scale (Table 3), which was used to measure attitudes toward people of the opposite sex specifically from the gender reported on the survey, showed no significance amongst the responses given (t (72)= .762, n.s). When responding to Question 10 on Form - 1 and Form – 2, male participants showed that there was a slight increase in the comfort level and increase in likelihood of the sale when the individual shown was a woman. However, Question 10 showed very little difference in the responses given to the male and female images. Finally, the race scale that was used to measure the comfort levels amongst varying races showed that there was a significant difference between groups (F (4,69)=2.6, p<.05). According to the Tukey HSD Post Hoc test was performed, there was an approaching significance found between participants in the Caucasian American group and the Asian American group, showing that those of Asian American descent tended to be less positive toward those of Caucasian American descent (Table 5). However, based on these results our hypothesis was not supported because there was no significance (p= .077). The only significance retrieved from the photo/ scenario questions given in the surveys was found in Questions 27 – 29 where the individual portrayed in the two surveys differed in race. The individual in Form - 1 was of Caucasian American decent whereas in Form - 2 the individual was of African American descent. Based on group statistics, Questions 27 – 29 showed that people were more positive toward the African American male rather than the Caucasian American male in that Question 27 had t (72)= 3.157,p<.05, Question 28 had t (72)=3.392,p<.05, and Question 29 had t (72)= -2.089,p<.05. DISCUSSION Discussion Overall, this study brought about no support for any of the three hypotheses that were stated. The first hypothesis did not show that the congruency in age might increase the success of selling a product. The second hypothesis based on race congruency was not supported either. There was also no significance in the third and final hypothesis stating that there would be an increase in the success of the sale if the vendor and the consumer were of the opposite sex. There were no results that would support the statements given by Basow and Howe (as cited by Appiah, 2001) regarding the identification theory which states that people tend to identify with characteristics in other people that are similar to their own. We were also not able to show any significance regarding minority groups and their identification with themselves as did Basow and Howe (Appiah, 2001) in their establishment of the distinctiveness theory. There are many factors that may have contributed to limitations and inability to support any of the three hypothesis, including confounds in the survey, problems regarding specific questions, small number of participants, as well as the inability to connect past research with the study. One of the main reasons that there was a lack of support in our study was because of the numerous confounds that can be identified throughout our survey, specifically regarding the photo scenario questions. First, there were many questions that should and possibly could be restated in order to provide more clarity as to what is being asked. This would make it easier for the participant to respond and understand where the researcher is coming from, and would make it easier for the researcher to understand where the participant was coming from with their responses. Second, there were photo/scenario questions, where it was difficult to determine the main comparison that was being looked at between the two surveys that were administered. For instance, question seventeen draws out a scenario where the participant would approach a department store clerk for assistance. In Form –1, the focus of the question is being directed to an older Caucasian woman, whereas in Form – 2, the focus is on a younger black woman. The results could have been confounded due to the fact that the comparison between the two forms could either be determined through a racial point of view or a comparison between their ages. It is not a fixed difference between the two women that are being portrayed, therefore, causing an uncertainty from a researcher’s perspective because there isn’t a determinant factor as to where the participant is coming from with their answers. The researcher is not sure whether the participant is focusing on the topic at hand, race, age, or gender, or if the expression on the individual’s face, their clothing, or their attractiveness might have swayed the participants in their responses. Another confound that may have obstructed the results of this survey would have to do with the fact that there was a very limited amount of participants involved in the study. In addition to a low participant count, specific groups, particularly race, were very limited in range. There was a large pool of Caucasian Americans that were involved in the study in comparison to Asian Americans, of which their were only three. This confounds the results by not allowing a balanced view on opinions and answers given. The answers are mainly based on only one race and do not allow interpretation and understanding of opinions of other races. This limitation can also be applied to the age aspect of the study. There were very few participants that were over the age of 30, being that most of the participants that were involved were students at Loyola University New Orleans. Also, a defensive attitude toward the study may have developed when the participant became aware of the racially directed questions throughout the survey. People may have answered what is considered socially correct and may have not put down precisely what it is that they feel about those of other races. One last confound that should be mentioned is inability to establish the focus that the participant had when answering the photo/scenario questions. It is uncertain whether or not the participant was even considering the race, age, or gender of the individual being depicted, and may have just focused on whether or not the price of the product being distributed was a fair one, whether or not the individual looked suspicious, or if they simply felt they didn’t know this individual well enough to trust them in the first place. In order to reduce the number of confounds and to be able to possibly conduct a similar study in the future, there would have to be an even comparison found between the photo scenario questions between the two forms, a larger pool of participants is necessary so that there is a higher chance that the racial groups would be balanced, and make sure that the questions are clearly either positive or negative in character. Finally, there needs to be a way that the one could determine what the focus of the participant was throughout the survey and whether or not they truly were focusing on either the race, age, or gender of the individual shown. For instance, if there were a description of the individual being shown based on the characteristics or trait that the researcher would want the participants to focus on. There could be definite sections for race, age, and gender, and inform the participant in the instructions that that is the main focus of that section. That way, there could be less of a chance that the participant may be distracted from the main topic of the survey. If conducted correctly, a study of this sort can be applied to a real situation through either a business perspective or simply to develop a greater understanding of the underlying thoughts of individuals when dealing with different people with differing characteristics. It would allow those in the work force to understand what it is that attracts an audience and could possibly help them to increase sales and their income by knowing their public. It would help agencies determine whether or not it is safe to turn toward prejudice in order to move a product or if they should stray away from such a sensitive area. Companies can relate this study to hiring employment and help for their particular services when they are focusing and a specific age range, gender, or race. Also, people may begin to understand what it is about prejudice that makes and breaks society. It may be able to answer the question of whether or not all prejudice is harmful. Is the level of comfort that we have toward people of the same race or gender healthy and should we continue to follow this mentality. Will this mind frame allow us to better ourselves, better the economy, or cause us to regress altogether? In conclusion, there can be many more studies done regarding the business world, our economy, and our stance on prejudice in society. If studies continue, people would soon discover whether or not we have been overlooking the effects of prejudice in our society and whether or not it is safe for some of them to continue. Prejudice has been referred to negatively throughout history and it is important that one has to determine whether or not people are being prejudice or simply that people have a liking for those that are like or equal to themselves. However, it is important to take into consideration as large of a population as possible when conducting this study because such a sensitive issue can not be reduced in validity and should have a focus on all levels, including cultural and racial groups, ages, and must involve men and women, or else the strength of the results will weaken. TABLESTable 1Descriptive Statistics_____________________________________________________________Scale N Mean Standard Deviation__________________________Age 74 3.84 .6330Men v. Women 74 4.59 .9286Opp. Sex 74 2.98 .6923Race 74 6.16 .7777 Table 2 Men v. Women Groups Statistics___________________________________________________Gender N Mean Standard Deviation__________________________Male 39 4.47 .9388Female 35 4.73 .9104 Table 3Opposite Sex Scale Group Statistics_________________________________________________Gender N Mean Standard Deviation__________________________Male 39 2.92 .8316Female 35 3.05 .4979 Table 4Descriptive Statistics Race Scale___________________________________________________Race N Mean Standard Deviation______________Caucasian American 43 6.35 .1030African American 9 5.81 .3177Hispanic 12 6.02 .2116Asian American 3 5.19 .9048Other 7 6.14 .1590 Table 5Group Statistics Photo Scenario Questions____________________________________________Question Form N Standard Deviation Mean___________________10 1 41 1.71 4.90 2 33 1.86 5.274 1 41 1.41 5.59 2 33 1.11 5.6717 1 41 1.29 5.80 2 33 1.72 5.4818 1 41 1.69 4.05 2 33 1.72 4.7024 1 41 1.71 2.85 2 33 1.73 2.6125 1 41 1.45 2.95 2 33 1.54 2.8526 1 41 1.50 5.20 2 33 1.25 5.0027 1 41 1.53 4.51 2 33 1.39 3.4228 1 41 1.58 4.54 2 33 1.61 3.2729 1 41 1.84 4.34 2 33 .71 5.2130 1 41 1.55 4.61 2 33 1.96 4.1831 1 41 1.16 6.00 2 33 1.60 5.7932 1 41 1.56 3.83 2 33 1.34 3.9433 1 41 1.27 5.44 2 33 1.50 5.0634 1 41 1.67 4.17 2 33 1.11 4.12 Table 6Frequency Table – Age___________________________________________________________Age Frequency Percentage Cumulative Percentage_______________________18 7 9.5 9.519 24 32.4 41.920 17 23.0 64.921 11 14.9 79.722 8 10.8 90.524 1 1.4 91.927 1 1.4 93.232 1 1.4 94.639 1 1.4 95.950 2 2.7 98.666 1 1.4 100.0 Table 7Frequency Table – Gender________________________________________________________Gender Frequency Percentage Cumulative Percentage_______________________Male 39 52.7 52.7Female 35 47.3 100.0 Table 8Frequency Table Race__________________________________________________________Race Frequency Percentage Cumulative Percentage___________Caucasian American 43 58.1 58.1African American 9 12.2 70.3Hispanic 12 16.2 86.5Asian American 3 4.1 90.5Other 7 9.5 100.0 Table 9Frequency Table – Sexual Orientation_______________________________________________Sexual Orientation Frequency Percentage Cumulative Percentage_________________Heterosexual 70 94.6 94.6Homosexual 3 4.1 98.6Bisexual 1 1.4 100.0 REFERENCES ReferencesAllen,C.A. (2003). Stereotypes in retail print advertising: The effects of gender and physical appearance on consumer perceptions. Dissertation abstracts international section A: Humanities & social sciences, 63(12-A), 4389. Appiah, O. (2001). Black, white, hispanic, and asian american adolescents’ responses to culturally embedded ads. Howard journal of communication, 21(1), 29-48. Glover, I., Branine, M., & Morrow, I.J. (2003). Ageism in work and employment. Personnel Psychology, 56(1), 265. McVittie, C., McKinlay, A., & Widdicombe, S. (2003). Committed to (un)equal opportunities?: ‘New Ageism’ and the older worker. British journal of social psychology, 42, 595-612.Wolin, L.D. (2003). Gender issues in advertising—An overnight synthesis of research: 1970-2002. Journal of advertising research, 43(1), 111-129.

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This is the work of Graham Scarr D.O. It is such a great piece of work that I had to include it this blog. Although I try to stick to "original" work, this one is absolutely fabulous. Very long, but worth every minute. Enjoy! BIO-TENSEGRITY is a structural system that maintains stability by distributing mechanical forces through components that interact in just one of two different ways - attraction (tension) or repulsion (compression). Such simplicity is due to some basic laws of physics and because it is energetically efficient is likely to have developed throughout evolution to produce biological organisms of great complexity. Tensegrity systems eliminate the need for bulky elements and are lightweight structures with a high resiliency that depends on the integration of every part. It seems to be pervasive in biology and is described in the human body through molecules, cells, the extra-cellular matrix, vascular system and entire musculo-skeletal-fascial system. Many examples of tensegrity in biology can be found but they often occur in obscure journals or are written in complicated scientific language; they are described here in the hope of making them more accessible. Most experimental work has been carried out on cells, which are essentially complete organisms, while generalizations from a 'whole-body' perspective have been reasoned from first principles or inferred from models and observation. Because tensegrity describes biological systems more thoroughly it is only a matter of time before it becomes the standard approach to bio-mechanics. Structural hierarchies; Cellular cytoskeleton and morphogenesis; Cell cortex; Helix; Collagen; Fascial system; Cranal vault; Spider silk; Shoulder joint, elbow and pelvis; Respiratory system of the bird; Mammalian lung; Central nervous system; DNA nanostructures. Biological structures appear to be very different to the simple tensegrity models that we make with sticks and bits of string, but they conform to the same simple rules of geodesic geometry, close-packing and symmetry, to build more complex structures (the basic principles and construction of a tensegrity structure are given on the geodesics and models pages). Physical models are usually built with components on the same size scale but the essence of bio-tensegrity is structural and functional interdependency between components at multiple size scales. One particular aspect that is often not appreciated in simple models is structural hierarchies and an example of one is shown here. Hierarchies are ubiquitous in biology and an inherent capability of tensegrity configurations. They provide a mechanism for efficient packing of components, the dissipation of potentially damaging stresses, and a functional connection at every level, from the simplest to the most complex, with the entire system acting as a unit. Each component in a hierarchy is made from smaller components, with each of these made from smaller still, often repeating in a fractal-like manner. Tensegrity hierarchies achieve a significant reduction in mass and as tension always tries to reduce itself they automatically balance in the most energy-efficient configuration. Because every part influences every other part forces are distributed throughout the network and stress concentrations avoided. The separation of tension and compression into separate components means that material properties can be optimized and these forces transferred down to a smaller scale with the elimination of damaging shear-stresses and bending moments. At atomic and molecular levels they automatically balance in the most energetically efficient configuration to form crystals and molecules which are, therefore, tensegrity structures in their own right. The forces of tension and compression always act in straight lines, but components arranged in hierarchies can give the appearance of curves at larger scales, and curves are common in biology (see definitions page). The helix is a common motif in protein structure and a general model for coiled winding at multiple size scales throughout the body; its functional value has been demonstrated in a diverse group of organisms and is also described in relation to tensegrity (also see geodesics and helix pages). The hierarchical arrangement of helixes in muscle shows this scaling up and links with the close-packing geometry of a myofibril. At the nano level, tensegrity helixes describe the mechanical behaviour of the cellular cytoskeleton - a semi-autonomous structural system amenable to such analysis because of its size. CELLULAR CYTOSKELETON AND MORPHOGENESIS Ingber showed how the cytoskeleton behaves as a multi-functional tensegrity structure that influences cell shape and activates multiple intra-cellular signalling cascades. Within the cell, microtubules under compression are balanced by microfilaments of actin under tension with bundles of actin and spectrin fibres playing similar respective roles in the cell cortex. Intermediate filaments link them all together from the nucleus to the cell membrane so that any change in force at one part of the structure causes the entire cytoskeleton to alter cell shape. Tension is generated through the action of actomyosin motors and polymerization of microtubules. Many enzymes and substrates are immobilized on the cytoskeletal lattice and mediate critical metabolic functions including glycolysis, protein synthesis and messenger RNA transcription. DNA replication and transcription are also carried out on nuclear scaffolds that are continuous with the rest of the cytoskeleton. Changes in the cytoskeleton and cell shape thus alter cellular biochemistry leading to a switch between different functional states such as growth, differentiation or apoptosis. Experiments that allowed individual cells to assume certain shapes showed that those able to distort or spread had the highest rates of growth; rounded cells became apoptotic (died) while those intermediate in shape became quiescent and differentiated. Cells also tend to extend new motile processes (lamellipodia and filopodia) on sharp corners rather than blunt ones and this is linked with the cytoskeleton. The cytoskeleton connects to the extracellular matrix (ECM) and other cells through adhesion molecules such as integrins and cadherins, respectively. These transmembrane proteins create a mechanical coupling that transfers tension generated within the cytoskeleton to the ECM and adjacent cells. Because a prestressed state of tension exists between them, so a change in ECM tension also causes a realignment of structures within the cytoplasm and a change in cell function; this process is known as mechanotransduction. Integrins act as strain gauges that respond to changes in tension on both sides of the membrane and their ativation promotes the binding of proteins such as talin, vinculin, alpha-actinin, paxillin and zyxin. These physically link them to contractile actin bundles ('stress fibres') in the cytoskeleton and form part of a specialized complex called a 'focal adhesion'. The transfer of tension from the ECM stimulates actomyosin tension generation, causing an increase in integrin binding and clustering, and the recruitment of more focal adhesion proteins that balance the ECM tension. Force transfer is also transmitted via the cytoskeleton to other focal adhesions and integrins, stress-sensitive ion channels, cadherins, caveolae, primary cilia and nuclear structures etc. The attachment of fibronectin molecules (ECM) to the outside of certain integrins (alpha-5-beta-1) is what stimulates a reorganization of actin in the cytoskeleton and the accumulation of focal adhesions to the area. Changes in tension then feed back to cause unfolding of the fibronectin molecule and exposure of cryptic sites within it that lead to fibrillogenesis of itself and ultimately of collagen. The spacing of fibronectin nanofibrils on the outside of the membrane is proportional to the spacing of cross-linked actin bundles in the cytoskeleton and the cell is thus able to maintain tight regulatory control over collagen morphogenesis. During embryogenesis, tension generated in the cytoskeleton is transferable to the ECM, and changes in matrix tension cause a realignment of structures within the cytoplasm and a change in cell function. Consequently changes in enzymatic activity produce local and regional variations in the compliance of the basal membrane and cells adhering to these regions then distort more than neighbouring cells. Mitogen stimulation can then lead to the development of more complex tissue patterns such as budding, branching (alveoli) and tubular structures (capillaries) or produce motile cells that are able to migrate(epithelial-mesenchymal transition). Branching can create a pattern similar to the 'Koch snowflake' fractal and it has been suggested that the position of coronary artery lesions around the heart follows a pattern related to the Fibonacci sequence and Golden Mean, maximising perfusion of the myocardial bed.Gibson Simple geometry seems to get everywhere. If the reciprocal transfer of mechanical forces between the cytoskeleton and extracellular matrix orchestrates cellular growth and expansion, it is likely that complex multi-cellular tissue patterns can emerge based on the same principles, and continuity of the extracellular matrix with the fascia could extend this throughout the entire body. Levin and Ingber have both proposed this as a tensegrity configuration but it is not universally accepted as yet; however, new developments in computer modelling confirm the relevance of tensegrity to the cytoskeleton and multi-cellular systems. The cellular cortex (cortical cytoskeleton) lying just beneath the cell membrane can be considered as many tensegrity units within a geodesic dome and has been modelled around an icosahedron. It is essentially made from triangulated hexagons of the helical protein spectrin (tension) coupled to underlying bundles of the helical protein actin (which in this case are under compression). The network is organized into ~33,000 repeating units, each with a short central actin protofilament, linked by 6 spectrin filaments to a lipid-bound suspension complex (model). About 85% of these units appear as hexagons, with ~3% pentagons and ~8% heptagons, which suggests that the hexagonal arrangement is a biological preference (see the geodesic page). The helix is a common motif in protein construction and creates a general model for coiled winding in many other structures throughout the body; it has links to tensegrity through a common origin in the geodesic geometry of the platonic solids (see geodesic and helix pages). Helical molecules behave as tensegrity structures in their own right as they naturally stabilize through a balance between the forces of attraction (tension) and repulsion (compression). Globular proteins contain multiple helical domains and can themselves polymerize into larger helixes such as those in the cytoskeleton. Similar helixes can form hierarchies as they wind around each other to form coiled-coils (eg. spectrin) or assemble into mechanically rigid rods or filaments, or further combine into more complex structures with specialized functions (eg. collagens). Collagens are major structural proteins that consist of several hierachical levels of helixes within bone, tendon, ligaments and fascia. Axial stretching or compression of a helix initiates rotation in a direction that depends on the direction of twist or chirality. Linking it to another one surrounding it with opposite chirality causes resistance as each helical layer counteracts the rotation of the other. Crossed-fibres of collagen scale up to form tubular helixes in the walls of blood vessels, the urinary system and intestinal tract and influence their mechanical properties. Elastic arteries such as the aorta have walls organized into lamellar units with collagen reinforcement and smooth muscle cells that form crossed-helixes with an orientation of 55o. It is likely that wall components under tension contain sub-structures under compression at a different hierarchical level, and vice versa. Capillary formation results from tension-dependent interactions between endothelial cells and an extra-cellular scaffold of their own construction and these cells form a selective barrier that allows vascular contents to pass out between capillary walls. The internal cellular cytoskeleton determines cell shape and orientation through tensegrity, is affected by signalling mechanisms and variations in fluid flow, and alters the tension between cells through adherens junctions, ultimately affecting tube permeability. This compares with the wall of a helical tensegrity model that has many gaps but if the struts could be expanded into plates that just touched each other they could be made to 'seal' the internal space; just like the capillary cells. An optimum helical angle of ~55o balances longitudinal and circumferential stresses and helical fibre arrays allow pressurized tubes to bend smoothly without kinking and resist torsional deformation. Cardiac muscle fibre orientation varies linearly between inner and outer walls, from 55o in one direction to 55o in the other, with tangential spiralling in a transverse plane. The heart is a helical coil of muscle that contracts with left and right-handed twisting motions, and a simple tensegrity pump that may have relevance to cardiac dynamics has also been described using the 'jitterbug' mechanism. Similar helixes form hierarchical 'tubes within tubes' in fascia and permeate and surround the muscles, limbs and body walls of a huge variety of species, all considered through tensegrity (see helix page). Tubular organs that maintain constant volume throughout changes in shape have been described in the tongues of mammals and lizards, the arms and tentacles of cephalopods and the trunks of elephants. The arrangement of scales in the pangolin and snake illustrate the helix at the macro level although notice how the orientations of left and right-handed helixes on the body are different in the limbs; the pattern in the limbs may be related to the Fibonacci sequence (see geodesics page). The thoraco-lumbar and abdominal fasciae also have a spiral appearance, if only in part, and helical fascial sheaths that transfer tensional forces within and between themselves have been described in controlling movement in a way that the nervous system is incapable of. Fascial tissues are also reinforced by two helical crossed-ply sets of collagen with the 'ideal' resting fibre orientation of 55o (axial) that varies with changing muscle length. Bones, tendons, ligaments and fascia are all arranged in hierarchies with collagen the most widespread of all structural proteins appearing at several different levels. In collagen type I repeating sequences of amino acids spontaneously form a left-handed helix of procollagen with three of these combining to form a right-handed tropocollagen molecule. Five tropocollagen molecules then coil in a staggered helical array, that lengthens longitudinally by the addition of more tropocollagen to form a microfibril, and pack radially to form a fibril; with higher arrangements forming fibres and then fascicles. (see helix page). The collagen molecule exists in many different configurations and is a major component of the extracellular matrix (ECM) that surrounds virtually every cell. The matrix attaches to the cellular cytoskeleton through adhesion molecules in the cell membrane and forms a structural framework that extends through the fascia to every level in the body. Traditionally considered as mere packing tissue fascia has been show to exert considerable influence over muscle generated force transmission. It naturally develops into compartments, or 'tubes within tubes', particularly noticeable in cross-sections of the limbs. Within muscle a delicate network of endomysium surrounds individual muscle fibres and is continuous with the perimysium ensheathing groups of fibres in parallel bundles, or fasciculi. Perimysial septa are themselves inward extensions of the epimysium, which covers the muscle and is continuous with the fascia investing whole muscle groups. These fascial tissues are reinforced by two helical crossed-ply sets of collagen with the 'ideal' resting fibre orientation of 55o (axial) that varies with changing muscle length (see helix page). The fascial system has been described as a tensegrity system which might seem rather strange initially because there dont appear to be any compression struts. The extracellular matrix/fascial system is a complex biological hierarchy which means that it is likely to be different to simple models. As tension and compression always occur together it must have structures under tension and others under compression. Considering a sheet of tensioned fascia between two bones, or even both ends of the same bone, any two points along that tension line (x,y) will be separated by a pull from either end. The points are held apart by tension but as one of the functions of a 'strut' is to hold two points apart (nodes) the tissue between them is behaving as such to other parts lower down in a tensegrity hierarchy. Collagen and proteoglycans probably interact in a tensegrity way at the nano level. Fascia could thus be considered as a network of tensioned cables and [virtual] 'struts' but only if it is part of a larger tensegrity system that includes 'real' struts such as bones at a higher level. The basic tensegrity principles remain the same but the description starts to become a bit more complex (see definitions page). At the macro level,bones (struts) are compressed by muscles and fascia under tension. Muscles are cables that generate axial tension on contraction, but the resulting changes in their diameter also make them variable length compression struts perpendicular to this, which probably contributes to the tension in associated fascia and force appearing at tendons. The balance of ‘agonist/antagonist’ muscle tensions has also been shown to reduce stress concentrations in long bones (bending stresses) making them compatible with the resiliency required of tensegrity struts. Guimberteau described a 'microvacuolar' system that allows sliding between different tissues throughout the body as the basic network of tissue organization. These microvacuoles are collagen envlopes containing proteoglycans and "histological continuum without any clear separation" was observed between fascia, skin, muscles and vasculature; sounds remarkably like a tensegrity. THE HUMAN CRANIUM Many aspects of normal cranial development are poorly understood, with some previously held views now outdated, but a tensegrity model can explain some of these and improve understanding of normal and abnormal development. A more detailed explanation is given on the cranial vault page. The skull is generally considered to be a solid box but is actually made up of 22 bones most of which remain distinct throughout life; several of these bones contribute to the cranial vault that covers and protects the brain. The sutural spaces between the bones are filled with fibrous tissue and are important to the mechanism that allows the cranium to grow larger and accommodate the developing brain. A tough membrane called the dura mater lines the internal surface of the bones. Until recently the general opinion was that the growing brain pushes the bones outwards but this is now known not to be the case; an increase in dural mater tension does stimulate bone growth but the mechanism is much more complex than previously thought and better explained through tensegrity. The geodesic dome (icosahedron) is developed into a tensegrity model (T6-sphere) with the struts connecting opposite vertices. The straight struts are then replaced with curved struts and these are replaced with curved plates (not shown) to produce the model skull with bones that surround a central space. The bones of the cranial vault are tensioned by the dura mater (elastic cord in model) and configured as a tensegrity structure. The curved struts are at the top of a bone hierarchy (at least seven different levels within bone) that extends down to the molecular level (see definitions page). Adult bones are separated by a sutural gap of about 100 microns and have curved outlines with a fractal relationship between them. Dural membrane (tension cords) attached to the peaks of bone convexities, and the alignment of collagen fibres in sutures, cause adjacent bones to be pushed apart as they form the tensegrity structure. (see definitions page). The vault bones develop totally within membrane which they separate into an outer periosteum and inner dura mater membrane as they grow around their edges (bone fronts). Tension in the dural membrane beneath the sutures, combined with chemical signals from the osteoblasts (bone-making cells) at the bone fronts, influence the cytoskeleton of epithelial cells in the membrane beneath the suture through the process of mechanotransduction, and change cell activity that results in further bone growth. It is a cyclic mechanism that regulates bone growth and maintains sutural patency up until at least seven years of age (when the brain stops growing). Even after this age the sutures should remain patent and may contribute to the small amounts of bone mobility recognized by 'cranial' osteopaths and 'cranio-sacral' therapists. The bones form a dome that provides protection to the brain, compression struts of a tensegrity structure that maintains sutural flexibility and accomodates brain growth, and a microstructure that transfers external forces down through a hierarchy to the nano-scale. The centre of the bone is a honeycomb like structure made from collagen and mineral reinforcement. Curved-strut plates are still compatible with tensegrity when considered in terms of hierarchies because the forces of tension and compression ultimately act in straight lines at some smaller scale. A tensegrity configuration allows the skull to enlarge and remain one step in front of the growing brain rather than being pushed out by it. It also allows the skull to respond to the mechanical demands of external muscular and fascial structures and integrates the entire cranium. The dural membrane also reduplicates into four sheets that penetrate the cranial cavity (falx cerebri and cerebellum and two halves of the tentorium cerebelli). Abnormalities in the cranial base may alter the tension pattern in these sheets and cause the sutural/dural mechanism to behave differently, leading to premature sutural fusion in babies (craniosynostosis) and malformation in head shape (plagiocephaly). Spider silk can be considered as a tensegrity structure with some similarities to fascia. It is a composite material with a hierarchical structure composed mainly of the proteins Spidroin I and II. Spidroin I consists of poly-alanine chains in anti-parallel beta-sheet conformation packed into an orthorhombic crystallite unit. These crystallites are interconnected by helical oligopeptides rich in glycine that form a polypeptide chain network within an amorphous glycine-rich matrix. The overall network shape is circular segments (40-80 nm diameters) interconnecting in series to form a silk fibril with many of these arranged laterally to form the silk thread with a diameter of 4-5 microns. It is the regular spacing and orientation of these crystallite units and hierarchical structure that suggests that it is a tensegrity structure. An analogy can be made between a spiders web and the spoked bicycle wheel where cable tension is balanced by compression within the rim and central hub. If the cables were relatively elastic the central hub could be moved around always returning to the same position of stable equilibrium. The multiple hubs in the second model could also be reduced so that they looked like single nodes between crossing cables (although under a microscope they would appear unchanged). The common spider web is made from silk woven into a configuration of radial and spiral tension cables attached to a gate post and tree. These latter form a single compression element connected through the ground like the rim of the bicycle wheel. Each of the connecting nodes between cables represents one of many ‘hubs’ that can be displaced within the elastic tension network but that always returns to the same position of stable equilibrium, one of the conditions of tensegrity. However these examples of the bicycle wheel and spiders web should probably be considered as on the limit of 'tensegrity' (see definitions page). THE BICYCLE WHEEL AND SHOULDER JOINT Levin was the first to describe the higher complexities of the human body in terms of tensegrity using the analogy of a bicycle wheel. Here the outer rim and central hub are considered as compression elements held in place by a network of wire spokes in reciprocal tension. This type of wheel is a self-contained entity maintained in perfect balance throughout with no bending moments or torque, no fulcrum of action, and no levers. He suggested that the scapula functions as the hub of such a wheel, in effect as a sesamoid bone, and transfers its load to the axial skeleton through muscular and fascial attachments. The sterno-clavicular joint is not really in a position to accept much compressional load and the transfer of axial compression across the gleno-humeral joint is at maximum only when loaded at 90o abduction. The joint is essentially a frictionless inclined plane which means that it must rely heavily on ligamentous and muscular tension in all other positions. The humerus as a hub model would function equally well with the arm in any position. Interestingly, different parts of the gleno-humeral capsule that transfer specific tensional stresses can only do so if the capsule is intact, even if those stresses do not apparently pass through the missing parts (this would make sense if the capsule is a tensegrity sheet at a microscopic level). In a similar way the ulna could be likened to a hub within the distal humeral ‘rim’ of muscle attachments, where load bearing across the joint may be significantly tensional and allow compressional forces to be distributed through a tensioned network and the hand to lift loads much larger than would otherwise be the case (see the elbow page). The pelvis is also like a wheel, with the iliac crests, anterior spines, pubis and ischia representing the outer rim and the sacrum representing the hub tied in with strong sacro-iliac, sacro-tuberous and sacro-spinous ligaments. Similarly the femoral heads may act like hubs within the ‘spokes’ of the ilio-femoral, pubo-femoral and ischio-femoral ligaments. 'Hinge' joints in the skeleton are very different to those in man-made structures. A standard door hinge has metal plates screwed to the door and fram, with one side of each plate bending around a central metal rod. The rod holds the door part of the hinge to the frame part and is compressed between them as the door swings. Most skeletal joint movements display helicoid motion around a variable fulcrum and in the knee joint it has been shown that there is no continuous compression between bones and cartilage, even when they are pushed together. A tensegrity ‘hinge’ joint in a biological context doesn’t need a single compression element to carry the entire load and the tensegrity arm models clearly shows these features (see the elbow page for more anatomical details). The body is made of many joints and they are all linked together through the fascial system. Theo Janssen is a Dutch artist who has linked multiple joint units so that they can walk; a comparison with the human locomotor system seems inevitable. A Janssen mechanism is a structure made of parts with specific lengths according to a precise formula so that they can move as a single entity. The second model is a multi-joint tensegrity based on the same mechanism with each joint modelled with the six struts of a T6-sphere. Some of the struts are elongated so that they become parts of two of these joints. The rotation then produces the same relative motion and interactions although it needs a bit more head scratching to work out which parts are pushing and pulling during the movement. The long thin struts between the 'joints' are substructures in a hierarchy where the next level above is comparable to the metal plates of the original TJ mechanism. Apart from the fixings to the wooden block there are no fixed fulcrums, levers, or moments of inertia in this model. This model shows how the movement of a tensegrity joint can cause other joints to move passively at a basic level and that muscles just refine that movement further down the chain as a higher active level of control. We can separate passive and active components in models but in biology they are often inseparable. This model still has a long way to go but it is one more step. According to Wolff’s law, tensional forces remodel the bony contours and alter the positions and orientations of their attachments, contributing to the complexity of shapes apparent in the skeleton. As part of a tensegrity structure each attachment would influence all the others, distributing forces throughout the system and avoiding points of potential weakness, in contrast to a rod or truss which is vulnerable to buckling. Such a mechanism would be an advantage in long-necked animals such as giraffes, camels and dinosaurs, where the load from the head is distributed throughout the neck, as opposed to a stress-ridden cantilever system such as the Forth Bridge. The erect spine and bipedal weight bearing capability of humans has traditionally been viewed as a tower of bricks and compressed disc joints that transfer the body weight down through each segment until it reaches the sacrum; but a vertical spine is a relatively rarity amongst vertebrates. Most other species have little or no use for a compressive vertebral column which is frequently portrayed as a horizontal truss and cantilever support system. As the main difference in vertebrate anatomies is in the detail it seems reasonable to suppose that they have some structural properties in common. Tensegrities are omni-directional ie. they are stable irrespective of the direction of loading, and the spine, pelvis and shoulder all demonstrate this property (within physiological limits), enabling dancers to tip-toe on one leg and acrobats to balance on one hand. RESPIRATORY SYSTEM OF THE BIRD The respiratory system of the bird differs substantially from the mammalian lung; it is an exceptionally efficient gas exchanger that processes the large amounts of oxygen required to sustain flight. Some of the reasons for this are considered to be its geodesic design and hierarchical tensegrity arrangement that mechanically couples each part into a functionally unified structure. The volume of the bird lung is about 27% less than that of a mammal of similar body mass although the respiratory surface area is about 15% greater. The lung is attached to a rigid ribcage and its volume changes relatively little during a respiratory cycle (1.4%); instead, separate air sacs act like bellows and cause unidirectional and continuous ventilation. The air passages of the lung have a hierarchical arrangement with two-thirds of the lung volume taken up with several hundred parabronchi; their polygonal atrial openings each give rise to several funnel shape ducts (infundibulae) that terminate in numerous air capillaries, the terminal respiratory units (fig. ?). Both blood and air capillaries anastomose and interdigitate to form a tightly packaged three-dimensional network. The parabronchi develop from epithelial cells that are compressed due to space restraint and naturally form hexagons with lumens that enlarge during development (fig. ?). This geodesic packing arrangement persists into the adult and makes the most economical utilization of space, thus maximizing the potential respiratory surface area. The constitutive parts of the parabronchus act together to function as an integrated unit that prevents the air capillaries from collapsing under compression and blood capillaries from distending with over-perfusion; mechanically, it is rather similar to the tensegrity bicycle wheel described in chapter 2. Intertwined smooth muscle bundles and collagenous tissue surround the atrial openings into the central lumen and form a complex helical arrangement. The collagen forms an intricate system of longitudinal, transverse and oblique fibres that connect to elastic fibres in the interatrial septa and floor of each atrium, and continue as the interfundibula septa that eventually becomes the basement membrane surrounding the exchange tissues. The smooth muscle, collagen and elastic fibres surrounding the atrial openings form an internal parabronchial column that lies next to the lumen (fig. ?). The collagenous septa and exchange tissues are also continuous with the interparabronchial septa that enclose the walls of larger blood vessels and form an external parabronchial column. The exchange tissues and associated septa are thus suspended between the internal and external parabronchial columns like the spokes in a bicycle wheel. Contraction of smooth muscles around the atrium tenses the interatrial and interfundibula septae and stretches the elastic fibres, with collagen limiting their stretchability; the elastic fibres then act as energy-storage elements and recoil when the muscles relax. The interatrial, interfundibula and interparabronchial septa thus balance the centripetal force produced by contraction of the smooth muscle. An outward centrifugal force is also produced, by surface tension generated within the air capillaries and the prevailing intramural pressure in the interparabronchial arteries, and this is balanced by the elastic and inflexible collagen fibres. The parabronchus thus exists in a dynamically tensed state, with the inward pull of the atrial smooth muscles (internal column/wheel hub) ultimately counterbalanced by the interparabronchial septa (external column/wheel rim) and surrounding parabronchi. The morphology of the parabronchus and its constitutive parts thus fits every definition of a tensegrity structure. MAMMALIAN LUNG ALVEOLI The matrix surrounding alveoli is considered to be a tensegrity structure. “The septa between alveoli are very thin and contain a single dense capillary network. They are supported by a fine network of fibres that are interwoven with the capillaries and anchored at both ends in axial fibres that form the network of alveolar entrance rings in the wall of alveolar ducts; and peripheral fibres that extend through interlobular septa towards the pleura. This allows the spreading of the capillaries by mechanical tension on the fibres. Because of this disposition of capillaries and fibres, alveoli in the mature lung are not structural units that can be separated: each of their walls is shared by two adjoining alveoli, both in terms of gas exchange with the capillary and with respect to mechanical support. Even the epithelial lining is shared by two adjacent alveoli as it extends through the pores of Kohn... This disposition of the fibre system makes the lung a tensegrity structure, which means that, in terms of mechanics, the integrity of lung parenchymal structure is exclusively ensured by the tension of the fibre continuum that supports alveolar walls and their capillaries. If one fibre is cut, this causes collapse of the septum followed by rearrangement of the adjacent parts, as occurs in emphysema. THE CENTRAL NERVOUS SYSTEM It may be that a tensegrity mechanism is responsible for morphogenesis of the central nervous system, based on some particular characteristics of developing neurites and anatomy of the cerebral cortex. Tension along axons in the white matter is considered to be the primary driving force for cortical folding and is counterbalanced by hydrostatic and growth-generated pressures. When neurites are transiently stretched, their length increases in proportion to the applied tension, indicating simple elastic behaviour. Under sustained stretching, however, they display visco-elastic properties as the initially elevated tension passively relaxes to a lower level over a period of minutes. Active elongation occurs when tension is maintained above a threshold level and active retraction occurs when tension is fully released. Collectively these passive and active mechanical properties allow neurites to adjust their length by a negative feedback mechanism that tends to maintain a steady tension, much as a fishing line is reeled in or out to regulate tension on the line. Early in development, neurons migrate to the cortical plate along radial glial cells, differentiate and emanate axons that reach specific target structures. Many structures have pronounced anisotropies in the orientation of axons, dendrites and glial processes; and are under tension. Consequently tissue elasticity will vary in different directions and expansion will occur preferentially in the direction with the greatest compliance, generally perpendicular to the main fibre axis. The trajectories of long-distance processes arising or terminating in a given region of the cerebral cortex are biased towards one side as they enter and leave exclusively through the underlying white matter. During cerebral growth collective axon tension pulls strongly interconnected regions towards one another (conjoining arrows), forming outward folds (gyri) and allowing weakly connected regions to drift apart and form inward folds (sulci). Consequently cortical cell layers vary in thickness beneath gyri and sulci (similar to the effect of folding a paperback book). The self-assembly of three-dimensional tensegrity nanostructures of the simplest 3-strut tensegrity model and platonic solids is now possible using single and double strands of synthetic DNA. They confirm that the tensegrity concept can realistically be applied to the evolutionary development of biological structures.

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1. Virtual Globes and internet GIS As with many technological innovations, there has been plenty of hype around virtual globes such as Google Earth or World Wind, and media interest in 'armchair archaeology' has been high. Many people will remember the first time they ran Google Earth the visual impact of the imagery and its animated function were certainly awe-inspiring, recalling the special effects of science-fiction film and television; or those first dramatic photographs taken by astronauts. But beyond the initial excitement of finding one's own house, and then flying to one's favourite archaeological sites in astounding detail, we should ask the question: so what? Taking a step back from the enchantment of the visuals, how can this technology be used productively in or for archaeological research? How new are they really, these new technologies? Of course, computer-generated landscapes using satellite and geodesic data for terrain modelling and mapping, have been used in archaeology and other disciplines for some time. (Terragen, ERDAS Imagine are amongst some of the more common and still useful tools). But none have been as easy-to-use, so globally comprehensive or, crucially, freely available as Google Earth or WorldWind. These virtual globes cannot be said to be full Geographical Information Systems, currently lacking various integral manipulation facilities, and there are many applications for which traditional GIS programs will still be vital. However for many functions, they provide the quick and easy mapping needs required for looking at geographical positions and adding basic data overlays, such as this overlay of the ancient Chinese capital of Luoyang on Google Earth. The institutional origin of Google Earth, specifically an internet search engine company, offers a clue to the fundamental technical shift currently taking place away from older GIS approaches. Traditionally, it has been necessary to keep data for GIS systems (whether that be vector data providing boundaries or place-names, raster data such as satellite imagery or point data such as site locations) on a local high-specification computer for use in ArcGIS, GRASS or similar GIS systems. Increasingly, however, computer networks have come to play an ever bigger part in the distribution of data: rather than every individual keeping a copy of the satellite image on their hard disc, the data is downloaded by the client program when it is needed. 'Web Map Services' (or WMS) such as ArcIMS or MapServer, allow the creation of a 'distributed' geographical data network. As an archaeological example, a public archaeological service might have a WMS system which returns the position of all recorded archaeological sites in the region as a map, while a national mapping service might have a WMS system elsewhere which returns a base map of the region. A user who has a compatible client program (such as ArcGIS, GlobalMapper) can combine these two data sources together to produce their own map: indeed, if the copyright permission allows it, they might run their WMS service which combines the two other sources into a single service. Thus the potential permutations of this form of geographical 'syndication' are endless. Both Google and NASA have access to extensive server capabilities and massive storage capacity. This allows them to keep a centralised store of huge amounts of satellite imagery and geographical data, and, on demand, serve them extremely quickly to clients across the world. To store all the necessary data at full resolution for the entire world on a personal PC would take many terabytes of information, perhaps 10,000 CDs-worth. Large images are broken into 'pyramids' so that the client programs (GE & WW themselves) only download the imagery at the required detail when needed. The cost of the highest resolution satellite imagery is also normally problematic for archaeological researchers (a single 5x5km square Quickbird image costing around 1500 euros to order) and on this global scale, prohibitive. Until recently it had also been difficult to store and even manipulate large datafiles such as the LANDSAT imagery for the average user. However, the unique economy of scale formed by Google's advertising revenues, or NASA's huge public budget, combined with increasing broadband and computer speeds, has facilitated a not-so-quiet democratisation of high-resolution photographic access to the world's surface. This 'dynamic geographical service', in which data is distributed, also allows the potential for multiple data sources and integration. Google Earth makes it extremely easy to add data for both casual users and more advanced programmers, and then share it with others. Points, lines, polygons and overlays can be added from within the program, and then exported as a KML or KMZ file. Using Google's SketchUp program, three-dimensional models can also be added to the scene. Underlying these features is a form of XML (eXtensible Markup Language) called KML (Keyhole Markup Language) in Google Earth or WWXML in WorldWind. Like HTML, this is a markup language which allows you to specify the way in which a file is interpreted, and therefore plotted by the browser (in this case the 'geobrowser'). KML is very straightforward to master for anyone who has written HTML web pages, and this means that most good web-designers will also be able to write dynamic KML services (using PHP, Python, SQL or whatever), with relative ease. [Note: There are also a number of other XML schemes with similar purposes: GeoRSS for syndication of blogs with geographical features, or GML for more advanced geographical data types. 'Network links' for Google Earth, or plugins for WorldWind, allow user-chosen data, such as recent earthquakes, or current global cloud cover to be downloaded dynamically across the internet and so kept up-to-date. The ArchAtlas extensions (ArchAtlas Virtual globes) use these facilities to keep the Sites-from-Satellites and Open Archaeological Atlas database up-to-date, with links to relevant webpages. The internet-wide response to this easy way to add geographical information has been the trend for what is known as 'geotagging': for example services such as Flickr (http://www.flickr.com/) and Panoramio (http://www.panoramio.com), sites for sharing photographs and images, now include a feature to specify the geographical co-ordinates of an image in Google Maps, GE and others. Wikipedia also includes co-ordinates for many of its encyclopedia entries. The result is a 'semantic globe': the unlabelled features of the raster satellite imagery are being slowly overlain by textual and further visual information in order to make them meaningful. This is a simultaneous process of digitisation and spatialisation of all kinds of data into a global geographic grid. Archaeological data is no exception to this. 2. Archaeological geotagging: trends in internet archaeology Traditional paper atlases of world history have long been a popular and essential part of archaeological learning, dissemination of information and global comparisons of archaeological phenomena. In general they have come in two flavours: popular yet cursory; or else magisterial yet prohibitively expensive, both to publish and to buy. In both cases however, the information contained often becomes rapidly dated as further research reveals new sites, new finds and new approaches which alter established views and interpretations of the historical process. The technological possibilities of the internet, as Andrew Sherratt already showed us with ArchAtlas, now offer us a way to change the way such information and visual summaries can be presented. The ArchAtlas imagery is, though, for the most part static, which of course makes sense for interpretive essays where one wants clear visuals, but if the site is to provide a strong reference service, the background archaeological data must be reliable and dynamically updateable. Virtual globes and internet mapping functions offer an obvious way to make this possible. As yet, the full potential of plotting dynamic archaeological data on visualisation programs (both visual globes and other internet mapping schemes) has, I think, hardly been tapped: locations of large sites and a few overlays are pretty much the only applications I have seen available for Google Earth. But the point overlay features of Google Earth and WorldWind could be equally useful to depict raw material sources or individual find type locations; and landscape surveys could easily publish their sites location or find distribution information online in this way and link to further data about the sites. Beyond individual points: there are clear opportunities for: (1) depicting trade routes or movements of various kinds as line polygons (2) ancient buildings as 3D models (3) distributions in density map form (compare, for example this density map of the distribution of chickens in Declan Butler's bird-flu tracking extension for Google Earth). (4) environmental changes as image overlays (for example sea-level and alluvial such as in southern Mesopotamia cf. ArchAtlas Environmental change) (5) or culture areas as fluctuating coloured polygons (this is a screenshot of an experimental extension for Google Earth of WorldWind). (6) Further and so far underexplored, both Google Earth and the upcoming WorldWind version 1.4, include time as an additional component of data description and interaction. This will form a key part of the future of archaeological visualisation of long-term processes: rather than snapshots, we may begin to visualise more and more historical processes, such as urbanisation, as continuous animations. All these have precedents in paper atlases: but the advantage of the online version is (i) its ability to remain up-to-date, (ii) the nature of the internet means that experts from across the world can contribute simultaneously and publish much faster, and (iii) the information can be animated into filmic or media-rich formats. But developing these visualisations is not straightforward. As was learnt trying to put together many of the pages for ArchAtlas, it is often extremely difficult to find accurate site co-ordinates. There are paper sources for certain regions and periods (which I will talk more about in a minute) but co-ordinates may be given in less common projections so need to be converted, and the precision is often low. This is where archaeological practice is now beginning to catch up, as many different projects and institutions plan web-based and GIS-enabled databases of archaeological information. Online Archaeology http://www.onlinearchaeology.co.uk/, Doc Savage's Jordan online http://archaeology.asu.edu/jordan/index.html, ECAI TimeMap http://ecai.org/epubs/TimeMap.html. As yet, no archaeological equivalent to ubiquitous 'community-driven' sites such as Wikipedia, Flickr, Panoramio, has become dominant: but the publication of spatialised archaeological data, what we might call archaeological geotagging, is likely to become increasingly important. Some projects (Open Context http://www.opencontext.org/) are also beginning to use integrative database schemes such as ArchaeoML (another schema of XML) to make excavation, survey and other data more widely accessible on the web a scheme which will soon be integrated geographically. The Megalithic portal (http://www.megalithic.co.uk), for example, is a website which has relied on contributions from its readership to collect large numbers of GPS co-ordinates for Megalithic sites across Europe. They released a very substantial number of locations, not all of them megalithic however, as a single file for Google Earth and also have their own online mapping interface. Concurrently, the Google Earth Community website http://www.keyhole.com also provides a forum called 'History Illustrated' which allows any user to 'post in' their own collection of placemarks, polygons, overlays and three-dimensional models. The result is that switching on the 'GEC' layer in Google Earth immediately shows placemark labels which include many well-known archaeological sites or monuments. Those who have used this facility will know that care must be taken with taking labels at face value: as with other information sources on the internet, quality varies immensely. For example, many placemarks are inaccurately or imprecisely placed (indeed we had this problem with the original ArchAtlas dataset when the dramatic increase in resolution suddenly showed quite how imprecise our source databases were; this also happened with the UNESCO World Heritage Sites list (GEC page http://bbs.keyhole.com/ubb/showflat.php?Number=38862). Cumulative labelling by different people in the community often provides a more solid identification of sites, but if there are only two options, it is difficult to be able to judge the reliability of either. Both these examples (GEC & Megalithic map) are potentially useful sources of locational information, but they partly illustrate two important challenges: (1) firstly the obvious difficulties of co-ordinate precision and accuracy, and (2) secondly the confusion created by increasing numbers of sources of locational information. How can the average archaeological user make a judgement about the reliability of any one particular co-ordinate? As other types of archaeological information are published online, how will the various sources be best integrated, accessed and made useful for both research and teaching communities? 3. A global atlas, internet databases and syndication practices There are two possible answers to this: a short-term patch, and a longer-term strategy. The former would involve the creation of a central global archaeological atlas database which relies on contributions from researchers who donate their geospatial data to the database with attributions and links to further information. A good digital global atlas must be authoritative and trustworthy, and thus will require a careful process of verification. But the verification process is impossible for one researcher and it could only be practical with a collaborative process of regional specialists. One could easily house this kind of database on a single server, such as ArchAtlas, using some form of Wiki-style system so that researchers can log-in and add, modify, and add notes to data, allowing both greater reliability, recognition of their contribution, and potential for debate. Of course, the first question is how do you persuade people to give their time and data to such a database: what incentives are there for a researcher to donate information collected about their own sites or for their own research to a more general project like ArchAtlas? To what extent will projects such as landscape surveys be willing to freely share their data or prefer to maintain the data within their own systems and websites? Indeed, would it be beneficial (long-term) to develop some form of syndication system with the central database as a 'linking mechanism', whereby ArchAtlas would act as a portal for the combination of various good data sites, but which would each have to maintain their own databases online? In the longer-term, such a system of semantic data sharing and syndication would be far more flexible and powerful, but also more complex to set up, requiring agreed standards on data formats which do not yet exist. There is already substantial extant co-ordinate data in the form of gazetteers of archaeological sites, which could easily be converted to the electronic format. Though many of them are far less precise than the current satellite imagery, they at least show a substantial proportion of sites to within a few kilometres. For example, the ArchAtlas project digitised data from many different sources over the last couple of years - including data from the following sources: Old World Traders Project (Ciolek 1999), ASPRO (Hours et al. 1994), BMSAG, Archaeological Gazetteer of Afghanistan (Ball 1982), Gazetteer of Aegean Civilizations of the Bronze Age (Hope Simpson & Dickinson 1979), (Levi 1980), (Baines & Malek 2000), amongst others. What remains unclear sometimes, and one of the reasons these have so far not been published on ArchAtlas, is the copyright status of such co-ordinate lists. Who owns the site location data? What are the rules and etiquette on re-publication of such material? However, the most serious question which faces this whole initiative, is the issue of site protection. What happens when the precise location of archaeological sites is available to anyone on the internet? How can we protect sites from high-tech looters? If we are to release site co-ordinates online, in what format would we release the data? For example, the co-ordinates could be made accessible only to bona fide researchers through a passwording system. Equally the co-ordinates could be crippled in precision to allow large-scale work but at the sacrifice of small-scale resolution. Alternatively, since looters often have much greater access to funds for site identification than the average archaeologist, might it be better to be completely open with the data in an effort to allow archaeologists to do their work more effectively and governments to better protect sites? The question is whether the trend for geotagging (both inside and outside the profession), will result in the inevitable publication of site co-ordinates, or whether an attempt should be made to control co-ordinate distribution. 4. Future paradigms: Global archaeological landscapes and software production The 'reference' and teaching potential of a global archaeological atlas is perhaps obvious, but how can it aid research? Of course there are potential pitfalls in the nature of such a database system. Databases structure the questions that can be asked of them. Indeed I think there is often a danger embedded within the nature of a 'view from above' i.e. the use of mapping technologies and satellite imagery to visualise human history that the experiential aspects of the spatial lives of past human societies may get lost. Obviously care should be taken that the archaeological imagination does not get siphoned into a single database or computerised track. But in the not-so-distant future, I suspect the combination of virtual globes, advanced GIS and database technologies has the potential to initiate a paradigm shift in the nature of geospatial analysis, of information dissemination and even in the possibilities for innovative types of archaeological questions. The ability to zoom from god-like vision of the whole earth to the scale of individual houses or cars is not simply a gimmick but also a sophisticated way to come to understand global geography, and analyse concurrently various historical processes at different resolutions. In the past, the main challenge for a concurrent global-local perspective has been the ability to control good archaeological data over large geographical and temporal spans, whilst maintaining a meaningful relationship between long-term cultural trends and small-scale details. A global archaeological atlas, which has the ability to link multiple forms of data together into a geographical grid, and visualise them using ever-advancing visualisation programs from Google Earth to ERDAS Imagine, increases the opportunities for micro- and macro-scale analysis of past societies. With accurate site positions on a global scale, combined with high-resolution satellite data, global modelling of environmental patterns becomes increasingly possible, enabling a kind of 'global landscape archaeology'. As previously time-consuming mapping tasks become trivial for the computer using ever larger datasets, global comparative studies, Childean or world-systems-scale interpretations may be subjected to detailed empirical testing (cf. Sherratt 1997, Frank 1993). At stake then, is our ability to move beyond current models of long-term socio-cultural and economic development, something that is definitely worth exploring further. Baines and Malek 2000 Baines, J. and J. Malek 2000, Cultural Atlas of Ancient Egypt, New York: Checkmark Books, Facts on File. Ball, W. 1982, Archaeological Gazetteer of Afghanistan, Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les civilisations. British Museum South Asian Gazetteer (BMSAG), http://www.thebritishmuseum.net/SouthAsia/index.asp. Accessed: 3 March 2007 Ciolek, T. Matthew (1999), 'Old World Trade Routes (OWTRAD) Project', http://www.ciolek.com/owtrad.html. Accessed: 3 March 2007 Frank, A.G. 1993, 'Bronze Age World-System Cycles', Current Anthropology, 34:383- 430. Hope Simpson and Dickinson 1979 Hope Simpson, R. and O. Dickinson 1979, Gazetteer of Aegean Civilizations of the Bronze Age, vol I: The Mainland and the Islands, Göteberg: Paul Astroms Förlag. Hours et al. 1994 Hours, F. et al. 1994, Atlas des sites du Proche Orient (14000-5700BP) , Lyons: Travaux de la Maison de l'Orient, 24. Sherratt, A. 1997, 'Gordon Childe: Right or Wrong?', in Sherratt, A., Economy and Society in Prehistoric Europe, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. [Reprint]

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Natural resource conservation policies have long been a part of American farm policy. They predominantly consist of voluntary incentives and cost-share assistance in programs that have grown in number, scope and in terms of Federal outlays since the Food Security Act of 1985. This expanding suite of programs has become increasingly important in the omnibus farm bill legislation that Congress works to reauthorize approximately every five years. Recent lawsuits, State and Federal actions, as well as voluntary commitments made by major food retailers and manufacturers, may well magnify that importance for the 2018 and future farm bill debates. The public perception of modern farming created by water quality hotspots such as the Great Lakes, Gulf of Mexico, Chesapeake Bay, and key drinking water sources for cities such as Des Moines appears to be increasing pressure on elected officials, private food companies, and farmers to undertake greater efforts to address water quality concerns. This further sharpens the focus on farm bill conservation programs. It coincides, however, with a significant downturn in commodity prices and farm incomes in an increasingly difficult political environment for farm bills. Reducing nutrient losses, improving water quality and meeting industry sustainability goals by financially-stressed farmers calls into question not only the design of existing policies and programs, but also the compartmentalized system of farm policy. Conservation concerns intersect with farm risks on the same fields covered by crop insurance and farm programs. This may present opportunities for creative, hybrid policies in the next farm bill that help farmers stay in business while being good stewards of natural resources and sustainable suppliers. Nutrient loss and sustainable sourcing are built upon the same realities of Midwestern row crop farming. Growing crops require nutrients such as nitrogen, phosphorus and potash, but they do not consume all that is applied or available; significant quantities of these nutrients are exported from farm fields or leached through soils into drainage tiles by water (Cameron 2013; Ribaudo et al., 2011; Royer et al., 2006; Kladivko et al., 2004). Nutrient loss is largely a function of the weather, especially rain. As large concentrations of these exported or lost nutrients collect in water bodies, they can cause hypoxia or dead zones such as in the Gulf of Mexico (Petrolia and Gowda, 2006; Rabalais et al., 2002). They can also contaminate drinking water supplies requiring expensive removal and treatment efforts by municipal suppliers that are required to meet standards for safe drinking water (EPA, 2016b). The public response to nutrient loss and water quality degradation has thus far been regulatory or quasi-regulatory. For example, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has moved forward with regulatory actions under the Clean Water Act that impact farmers in regions such as the Chesapeake Bay (Fowler, 2013). Additionally, many States have implemented wide-scale strategies to reduce the nutrient loads from both point and nonpoint sources within their borders (David et al., 2015). A second response has recently become more prominent: litigation. The Des Moines Water Works (DMWW) lawsuit against three drainage districts is arguably the most consequential because it challenges existing exemptions for, and has the potential to impose significant costs on, farmers (Coppess, 2016). Many leading food companies, retailers and grain companies are also joining efforts to reduce farming’s impact on water quality under the broader banner of sustainable farm production (SUSTAIN News, 2016; Keystone Policy Center, 2016; Acharya et al., 2010). Some predict that within less than five years, nearly all food companies in the United States and the European Union will have publicly committed to sustainable sourcing, an objective unknown as recently as 2004 (Hamilton and Reaves, 2014). For example, the Midwest Row Crop Collaborative (MRCC) was recently formed by founding partners such as Cargill, the Environmental Defense Fund, General Mills, Kellogg Company, Monsanto, PepsiCo, The Nature Conservancy, Walmart, and the World Wildlife Fund. The MRCC pledges to support farmers in the improvement of soil health and water quality. Its goals include farmer adoption of sustainability measures on 75% of Iowa, Illinois, and Nebraska row crop acres by 2025, a 45% nutrient loss reduction goal to be met by these pilot states by 2025, and partnership efforts with other states in the upper Mississippi watershed. These goals notably align with the EPA’s Mississippi River/Gulf of Mexico Hypoxia Task Force (2001) strategies for reducing the hypoxic zone in the Gulf of Mexico (EPA, 2016a). Today’s omnibus farm bill legislation includes commodity support programs, crop insurance and conservation programs. These policies have long, interconnected histories that date to the New Deal responses to the Great Depression. Commodity programs have provided price and income support to producers, while Congress initially created crop insurance as an experimental effort to provide assistance in cases of yield losses. Conservation policy began as an attempt to preserve soil in response to the devastating conditions of the Dust Bowl. Combined, these policies focus on fundamental farm risks: market prices; weather-related production; and natural resource consequences. Commodity programs were first designed to increase crop prices by attempting to control supplies and using price supporting loans, but repeated failures and political problems caused Congress to shift to a system of income supporting deficiency payments when prices were low (Orden and Zulauf, 2016; Glauber, 2013; Winders, 2009; Glauber, 2004; Hansen, 1991). The modern system features direct assistance payments in a decoupled scheme that dates to the 1996 Farm Bill, as well as an emphasis on risk management through crop insurance (Glauber, 2013; Orden, Paarlberg, and Roe, 1999). This system provides farmers more flexibility in making planting decisions and may also benefit conservation efforts because farmers who put land into conserving uses or made better use of beneficial rotations do not lose payments. It also emphasizes risk management. Currently, payments are contingent on price or revenue losses. Moreover, farmers are encouraged to purchase subsidized crop insurance, which has become the largest item of Federal farm spending (CBO, 2016). While farm conservation policy was initially a response to the Dust Bowl, it was quickly placed in service of price support policy as a mechanism for taking acres out of production and providing direct assistance to landowners and farmers (McGranahan et al., 2013; Cain and Lovejoy, 2005). The focus for conservation policy changed significantly beginning with the 1985 Farm Bill. Congress emphasized conserving natural resources and addressing environmental concerns when it created the modern Conservation Reserve Program (CRP). CRP was an updated version of earlier policies but with a specific statutory purpose of retiring environmentally-sensitive and highly erodible lands for ten or fifteen years. Over time, the suite of reserve or retirement programs has grown to include easement policies that remove acres—whole fields or portions of fields—from production via property rights on the land for conservation measures such as restored wetlands or permanent grasslands. The 1985 effort also added a quasi-regulatory component in the form of conservation compliance (Heimlich and Claassen, 1998; Malone, 1986). Conservation compliance is not an assistance program but rather places eligibility requirements on Federal farm support based on conservation practice adoption by the farmer. Specifically, farmers and landowners can lose program eligibility if they fail to comply with restrictions for farming on highly erodible land and wetlands. Failure to comply can result in lost payments and, potentially, a requirement that the farmer repay Federal assistance received while she or he was out of compliance. Working lands policies provide direct financial assistance to farmers for adopting conservation practices. The 1996 Farm Bill created the Environmental Quality Incentives Program (EQIP) to provide cost-share assistance to the farmer for installing specific and approved conservation practices to help meet or avoid regulations. The 2002 Farm Bill created the Conservation Security/Stewardship Program (CSP), which has been modified each farm bill thereafter. In general, the program provides five-year contractual payments to farmers for maintaining and improving conservation across the entire farming operation. Funding and interest in these policies has been increasing, while new trends are developing. For example, the 2014 Farm Bill combined various authorities to emphasize a regional focus with coordinated efforts and assistance across multiple farms, while adding funding and requiring non-Federal sources of matching funds (Coppess, 2014; Zulauf, 2014). Figure 1 plots spending on various conservation programs as well as a comparison with outlays for commodity programs and crop insurance. Farming is complex and full of risk. Production is undertaken by many individual actors spread across large land areas and subject to the vagaries of weather, climate and markets; each farmer is in competition with neighbors and farmers around the world. Nutrient loss and sustainable sourcing are also deeply connected to the weather and similar issues impacting production (Cameron et al., 2013; Kladivko et al., 2004; Gentry et al., 1998). This connects them to the price and yield risks farmers must manage. Adding or revising practices for conservation, sustainability or similar outcomes can add significant expense and management challenges for farmers that, in turn, may increase resistance to both policy and practice changes (Kanter et al., 2015; David et al., 2015; Hamilton and Reaves, 2014; Christianson, 2013). Weather, risk and costs are familiar terrain for farm policy. Current assistance policies, however, are compartmentalized into commodity, crop insurance and conservation programmatic systems; a system which arguably fails to align fully with realities on the farm and in the fields. Nutrient loss reduction and sustainable sourcing raise questions about this policy system, but may also provide opportunities for creative policy solutions that take into account not only conservation but also farm risk. Efforts to address conservation challenges could benefit from incorporating counter-cyclical and risk components familiar to farm programs and crop insurance. Similarly, farm programs and crop insurance could provide better assistance to farmers if they incorporate aspects of the economic risk farmers may face from nutrient loss reduction and sustainable sourcing. As a result, hybrid conservation-risk policies could benefit farmers who are good stewards of natural resources. They could also push Federal farm payments in the direction of a public good where the taxpayer obtains environmental benefits in return for the assistance. This could be especially beneficial politically in a time of polarization and challenging Federal budgetary scenarios that limit policy effectiveness. The following discussion provides an initial exploration of hybrid programs and how existing policies could be creatively adapted to help farmers reduce nutrient loss and meet sustainable sourcing goals. Research and experience have developed a set of practices that can help reduce nutrient losses and improve the sustainability of row crop production, commonly known as Best Management Practices (BMP); adopting them can increase the farmer’s costs (David et al., 2015; Christianson, 2013). Farmers adopting BMP could potentially be putting themselves at a cost disadvantage to those farmers who do not adopt BMP, a situation that could be magnified in times of low prices. Current conservation programs address this issue generally through cost-share assistance, while current farm programs and crop insurance provide assistance triggered on low prices or decreased revenues. Taking a hybrid policy approach towards encouraging adoption of BMP might prove effective. To begin with, a hybrid program could be designed to provide enhanced counter-cyclical assistance to the farmer adopting BMP. For example, the price and revenue guarantees in farm programs could be increased for those farmers that adopt BMP based on the estimated additional costs of the BMP adopted. If a certain practice was estimated to cost $0.20 per bushel, then that could be added to the reference price or benchmark price components of the farm programs. Thus, farmers adopting BMP would trigger payments before farmers who do not adopt them. They would also receive larger payments for the same level of decline. Current farm programs make payments on historical base acres rather than on the actual acres planted to the crop. Most of the programs make payments on 85% of the decoupled base acres for the crop on the farm, known as the payment acres. This could also be adjusted to provide enhancements to farmers who adopt BMP, especially if budget challenges to the farm bill result in efforts to lower payment acres. For example, BMP farmers could continue to receive payments on 85% of base acres but non-BMP farmers could receive payments on only 80% of their base acres. Other features of the programs could be adjusted as well. For example, the revenue programs limit payments to a maximum of 10% of the benchmark average revenue and that limit could be adjusted to enhance the program for farmers adopting BMP. Aside from farm programs, the hybrid concept could also be applied to crop insurance. The operational aspects of crop insurance, especially the rating of policies and the requirement for actuarial soundness—that is, indemnities must be matched by premium—could limit the options for hybrid components. The most straightforward adjustment would be to provide additional assistance with the cost of insurance premiums to those farmers adopting BMP relative to those who do not. The Federal government currently subsidizes on average 62% of the cost of crop insurance, but that is averaged across all policies and farms. The actual level of premium subsidy a farmer receives depends on the level and policy they purchase (Zulauf, 2016). For example, farmers purchasing 60% coverage on basic and optional units receive a 64% subsidy rate but farmers purchasing 85% coverage on basic and optional units receive a 38% subsidy rate. Congress could provide BMP farmers with a higher subsidy rate than non-BMP farmers, which could play a role if farm bill discussions are consumed by political pressures to reduce premium subsidy rates. BMP farmers could avoid the rate reduction. The above are only examples for ways to create hybrid policies in the next farm bill and much will depend on the direction the debate takes in Congress. The underlying point is that these policies can be adjusted in ways that encourage conservation but continue the focus on helping farmers with the risks inherent in production via the counter-cyclical and risk-based features of existing farm programs. Moreover, hybrid policies may reach significantly more acres than continuing to limit conservation assistance to the cost-share programs. This potential can be found in comparing the acres reached by the various programs. According to the Farm Service Agency, there are more than 259 million base and generic base acres counted in farm programs (USDA-FSA, 2016). According to the Risk Management Agency, there were nearly 283 million acres insured by crop insurance in the 2015 crop year (USDA-RMA, 2016). Natural Resources Conservation Service program data indicates far fewer acres are covered by the conservation programs of the farm bill, as demonstrated in Figure 2 comparing total base acres, total insured acres and the total acres under active conservation contracts for the major conservation programs: CRP; CSP; EQIP; and easements (USDA-NRCS, 2016). In addition to potentially reaching far more acres, creative hybrid policies might further conservation goals at a lower cost as compared to expanding cost-share assistance to an equivalent acreage. This is due to the counter-cyclical nature of the hybrid policies which would make payments only in years of price or revenue declines. Furthermore, adjusting premium assistance or payment acres to encourage conservation practices might well result in some estimated reductions in program spending. The key to the next farm bill likely lies in the obscure Federal budgeting process and, more specifically, in the estimates created by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO). Under Federal budget rules and procedures, the funding available for the next farm bill will depend on the 10-year CBO expenditure forecast at the time. Any changes to program authorities that are estimated to spend more will require offsets. In that way, the CBO baseline has outsized influence on the development of farm and conservation policies and the writing of a farm bill. Budgetary pressures on the farm bill coalition can be intense, threatening to split apart the coalition and defeat the legislation. New spending or programs for conservation and farmers will collide at the baseline. These same constraints, however, could also be the catalyst for creative policy design such as the hybrid concepts discussed herein. History may not repeat itself but it does appear to recycle, certainly in the case of farm policy. For example, the 2014 Farm Bill debate featured many similarities to past farm bill debates, including 1995-1996 and even as far back as 1962. Looking ahead to 2018, the 1985 debate may be particularly relevant. It featured low prices, depressed farm incomes, a strong push for farm program reforms from environmental interests and significant budgetary challenges (Heimlich and Claassen, 1998; Malone, 1986; Infanger et al., 1983). It is not a perfect precedent, however, because the farm economy is not expected to be anywhere near the level of economic crisis as it was in the 1980’s. The key is the fact that despite the many challenges it faced, the 1985 Farm Bill initiated modern conservation policy with the CRP and conservation compliance. The latter was arguably the larger legislative achievement because Representatives and Senators agreed to withhold payments from struggling farmers in a time of crisis if they did not abide by conservation measures. If farm and environmental interests again struggle in 2018 under difficult budgetary and political circumstances, the 1985 debate might provide valuable lessons for capitalizing on the challenges. Opportunities exist where conservation and farm policies intersect. Nutrient loss reduction and sustainable production highlight this because both involve some of the same risks inherent in farm production. Finally, the long history for farm and conservation policies provides valuable lessons to guide the search for mutually-beneficial and workable solutions that can also strengthen the coalitional bonds necessary on the rough legislative road through Congress. Acharya, T., D.W. Bena, B.C. Sauerhaft, and D. Yach. 2010. “The Role of the Food Industry in Strengthening Links Between Agriculture, Nutrition and Environmental Sustainability.” Global Policy 1(3): 327-329. Cain, Z. and S. Lovejoy. 2004. “History and Outlook for Farm Bill Conservation Programs.” Choices. Quarter 4. Available online: http://www.choicesmagazine.org/2004-4/policy/2004-4-09.htm. Cameron, K.C., H.J. Di, and J.L. Moir. 2013. “Nitrogen Losses from the Soil/Plant System: A Review.” Annals of Applied Biology 162: 145-173. Christianson, L., J. Tyndall and M. Helmers. 2013. “Financial Comparison of Seven Nitrate Reduction Strategies for Midwestern Agricultural Drainage.” Water Resources and Economics 2: 30-56. Congressional Budget Office (CBO). 2016. “CBO’s March 2016 Baseline for Farm Programs.” Available online: https://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/51317-2016-03-USDA.pdf. Coppess, J. 2016. “Dead Zones & Drinking Water, Part 4: The Des Moines Water Works Lawsuit,” farmdoc daily (6):58, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Available online: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2016/03/dead-zones-drinking-water-part4.html. Coppess, J. 2014. “A Brief History of Farm Conservation Policy.” Policy Matters, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Available online: http://policymatters.illinois.edu/a-brief-history-of-farm-conservation-policy/. David, M.B., G.F. McIsaac, G.D. Schnitkey, G.F. Czapar, and C.A. Mitchell. 2015. Science Assessment, Illinois Nutrient Loss Reduction Strategy, Chapter 3. Available online: http://www.epa.illinois.gov/Assets/iepa/water-quality/watershed-management/nlrs/nlrs-final-revised-083115.pdf. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). 2016a. “Mississippi River/Gulf of Mexico Hypoxia Task Force.” Available online: https://www.epa.gov/ms-htf. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). 2016b. “Table of Regulated Drinking Water Contaminants.” Available online: https://www.epa.gov/ground-water-and-drinking-water/table-regulated-drinking-water-contaminants. Fowler, L.B., M.B. Royer, and J.E. Colburn. 2013. “Addressing Death by a Thousand Cuts: Legal and Policy Innovations to Address Nonpoint Source Runoff.” Choices. Quarter 3. Available online: http://www.choicesmagazine.org/choices-magazine/theme-articles/innovations-in-nonpoint-source-pollution-policy/addressing-death-by-a-thousand-cuts-legal-and-policy-innovations-to-address-nonpoint-source-runoff. Gentry, L.E., M.B. David, K.M. Smith, and D.A. Kovacic. 1998. “Nitrogen Cycling and Tile Drainage Nitrate Loss in Corn/Soybean Watershed.” Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 68:85-97. Glauber, J.W. 2013. “The Growth of the Federal Crop Insurance Program, 1990-2011.” American Journal of Agricultural Economics 95(2): 482-88. Glauber, J.W. 2004. “Crop Insurance Reconsidered.” American Journal of Agricultural Economics 86(5):1179-1195. Hamilton, H. and E. Reaves. 2014. “Food and Beverage Company Sustainable Sourcing Initiatives in Farming Regions.” AGree. Available online: http://www.foodandagpolicy.org/content/5-food-and-beverage-company-sustainable-sourcing-initiatives-farming-regions. Hansen, J.M. 1991. Gaining Access: Congress and the Farm Lobby, 1919-1981. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Heimlich, R.E. and R. Claassen. 1998. “Agricultural Conservation Policy at a Crossroads.” Agricultural and Resource Economics Review 27: 95-107. Infanger, C.L., W.C. Bailey, and D.R. Dyer. 1983. “Agricultural Policy in Austerity: The Making of the 1981 Farm Bill.” American Journal of Agricultural Economics 65(1): 1-9. Kanter, D.R., X. Zhang, and D.L. Mauzerall. 2015. “Reducing Nitrogen Pollution while Decreasing Farmers’ Costs and Increasing Fertilizer Industry Profits.” Journal of Environmental Quality 44:325-335. Keystone Policy Center. 2016. “Agriculture, Food, Environmental Leaders Launch Effort to Support Farmers, Strengthen Conservation in Illinois, Iowa, and Nebraska.” Available online: https://www.keystone.org/agriculture-food-environmental-leaders-launch-effort-support-farmers-strengthen-conservation-illinois-iowa-nebraska/. Kladivko, E.J., J.R. Frankenberger, D.B. Jaynes, D.W. Meek, B.J. Jenkinson, and N.R. Fausey. 2004. “Nitrate Leaching to Subsurface Drains as Affected by Drain Spacing and Changes in Crop Production System.” Journal of Environmental Quality 33:1803-1813. Malone, L.A. 1985. “A Historical Essay on the Conservation Provisions of the 1985 Farm Bill: Sodbusting, Swampbusting, and the Conservation Reserve.” University of Kansas Law Review 34:577-597. McGranahan, D.A., P.W. Brown, L.A. Shulte, and J.C. Tyndall. 2013. “A Historical Primer on the U.S. Farm Bill: Supply Management and Conservation Policy.” Journal of Soil and Water Conservation 68(3): 67A-73A. Orden, D. and C. Zulauf. 2016. “Lessons from Farm Policy History.” Choices, Quarter 4. Available online: http://www.choicesmagazine.org/choices-magazine/theme-articles/looking-ahead-to-the-next-farm-bill/80-years-of-farm-billsevolutionary-reform Orden, D., R. Paarlberg, and T. Roe. 1999. Policy Reform in American Agriculture: Analysis and Prognosis. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Petrolia, D.R. and P.H. Gowda. 2006. “Missing the Boat: Midwest Farm Drainage and Gulf of Mexico Hypoxia.” Review of Agricultural Economics, 28(2): 240-53. Rabalais, N.N., R.E. Turner, and D. Scavia. 2002. “Beyond Science into Policy: Gulf of Mexico Hypoxia and the Mississippi River.” BioScience 52(2): 129-142. Ribaudo, M., J. Delgado, L. Hansen, M. Livingston, R. Mosheim, and J. Williamson. 2011. “Nitrogen in Agricultural Systems: Implications for Conservation Policy.” Washington D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service Report No. 127. Available online: http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/err-economic-research-report/err127.aspx. Royer, T., M.B. David, and L.E. Gentry. 2006. “Timing of Riverine Export of Nitrate and Phosphorous from Agricultural Watersheds in Illinois: Implications for Reducing Nutrient Loading to the Mississippi River.” Environmental Science & Technology 40(13): 4126-4131. SUSTAIN News. 2016. “From Kellogg’s to Unilever, A Quiet Revolution in Sustainable Farming.” SUSTAIN Environmentally Sustainable Agriculture, News & Press Releases July 27. Available online: http://sustain.ag/read/48. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Farm Service Agency (USDA-FSA). 2016. “ARC/PLC Program, ARC/PLC Election Data.” Available online: https://www.fsa.usda.gov/programs-and-services/arcplc_program/index. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Natural Resources Conservation Service. (USDA-NRCS). 2016. “RCA Report—National Reports.” Available online: https://www.nrcs.usda.gov/wps/portal/nrcs/detail/national/technical/nra/rca/ida/?cid=stelprdb1187041. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Risk Management Agency (USDA-RMA). 2016. “Summary of Business Reports and Data.” Available online: http://www.rma.usda.gov/data/sob.html Winders, B. 2009. The Politics of Food Supply: U.S. Agricultural Policy in the World Economy. New Haven: Yale University Press. Zulauf, C. 2016. “Crop Insurance Premium Subsidy Rates: A Proposed Objective Metric Based on Systemic Risk.” farmdoc daily (6):86, Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Available online: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2016/05/crop-insurance-premium-subsidy-rates.html Zulauf, C. 2014. “2014 Farm Bill Conservation (Title II) Programs.” farmdoc daily (4):89, Department of Agricultural and Consumer Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Available online: http://farmdocdaily.illinois.edu/2014/05/2014-farm-bill-conservation-title-ii-programs.html.

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History Now author: Carl Lankowski Date written: September 2015, updated November 2015 On 30 November 2014, a draft resolution was posted to the Chevy Chase listserv to change the name of the fountain in Chevy Chase Circle by Gary Thompson, an Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner (ANC Commissioner) for ANC 3/G encompassing the “DC side” of Chevy Chase Circle, the round-about that originally defined the new street-car suburb from 1892. The recitations in the draft resolution were clearly about distancing the community from honoring Francis Griffith Newlands—lawyer, Nevada Congressman, then senator, and heir to great wealth through his wife—because of the outspoken racially segregationist positions he advocated during the same period (ca. 1890 to Newlands’ death in 1917) that he founded Chevy Chase (on both sides of Western Avenue, the DC/MD boundary). Chevy Chase Circle is on land controlled by the federal government through the National Park Service. (National Park Service, 2015) The fountain was built and dedicated by an act of Congress in 1938 on a design submitted by Edward Wilton Donn in 1933. The funds came from the widow of the honoree. On February 22, 2007, DC’s Historic Preservation Review Board voted to list the Francis Griffith Newlands Memorial Fountain in the District’s inventory of historic sites. (Chevy Chase Historical Society Newsletter--Newlands Fountain Receives Historic Designation, 2007) Thompson’s ANC action was his last as an elected member, as he decided not to stand again in the November 2014 DC municipal election. As a self-described amateur historian, he had been active for many years in local preservation causes, one of which involved commemorating the 150thanniversary of the July 1864 battle of Fort Stevens, a nearby element of DC’s civil war ring fort system attacked by Confederate General Jubal Early’s forces. In his listserv post, Thompson referenced long-time Chevy Chase, Maryland resident, Edward Sisson as an inspiration for placing the landmark re-naming on the ANC agenda. Edward Sisson’s aunt lived in one of the big houses on Lenox Street near the corner of Connecticut Avenue, just north of Chevy Chase Circle, in the heart of the original Chevy Chase development, from 1937 until her passing in 2013. In 2009, Sisson contributed an article to the on-line journal, NewGeography, “The Chevy Chase Club: Real Estate and Racism,” in which he asserts that this country club, whose SE corner is across Connecticut Avenue from his aunt’s house, is typical of the genre in its racial discrimination, an irritating vestige of a plantation mentality. (Sisson, 2009) Francis Newlands was the founder and first president of The Chevy Chase Club. Newlands Street runs through the heart of Chevy Chase Village. In an interview with me on March 6, 2015, Sisson referenced a growing sensitivity to racial discrimination as background for his statement about The Chevy Chase Club and his Newlands Fountain initiative. Leaders of the Chevy Chase (Maryland) Historical Society lost no time in responding to Thompson’s ANC initiative. Four days in advance of the ANC meeting, on December 4, a five-page document signed by its president, a board member and the director of its archive and research center, was sent to the ANC to clarify Newlands role and alleged inaccuracies in Thompson’s account. (Angela Lancaster, 2014) The authors formally eshew taking a position on renaming the fountain. They wanted to contextualize Newlands’ racial views: “Senator Newlands’ views on race are a matter of public record and have been well-documented over the years. And while today we, and most Americans, find those views repugnant, they were widely-held both in our area and throughout the nation during Senator Newlands’ lifetime.” They went on to contest some of the assertions in Thompson’s draft resolution. They denied the inclusion of racial and religious covenants in deeds associated with the Chevy Chase Land Company. They denied that evidence existed for the assertion that Newlands’ vision for Chevy Chase was perpetual racial segregation. They challenged the assertion that Rock Creek Park had been inspired in part by segregationist aims. They aver to Rowley’s biography of Newlands, which avers a mix of Progressive and segregationist and anti-immigration positions he held. Their penultimate paragraph summarizes their position: “None of the foregoing comments contradicts the fact that Senator Newlands was a man whose beliefs about race we find abhorrent today. These comments do, however, correct certain factual errors in your Resolution and place Newlands in the context of his time. The overall tone of the Resolution presents Senator Newlands in only one dimension, and it overlooks his many achievements, as well as the large company of elected officials, business leaders, and civic elites who shared his racist views in the Progressive era.” Reacting to the lively listserv discussion between Gary Thompson’s original draft and the ANC meeting of December 8, he introduced a revised resolution, which provided in its recitations several examples of Newlands’ poignant white supremacist statements and eliminating references to racial covenants, resolving to support removal of Newlands’ name from the fountain and appealing to D.C. Council to support the ANC resolution and add one of its own and send both to the D.C. Historic Preservation Office for implementation. A brief discussion ensued, in which several views were expressed and after which the matter was indefinitely deferred on a 4:2 vote. The next day, Edward Sisson sent around a reaction to the 8 December proceedings to ANC members and board members of Historic Chevy Chase DC. He was especially concerned with taking issue with the “man of his time” defense of Newlands. “When [Newlands] was born, and throughout his development of Chevy Chase, and then when he was elected to the House, and then to the Senate, and then when he was a close advisor of governor Wilson in 1912, and then nominee Wilson, President-elect Wilson, and President Wilson, the legal principle in America was that race is irrelevant to the right to vote. The principle was often undermined by stratagems such as the poll tax, literacy tests, etc., but the principle was colorblindness in the vote. That was the “default setting” on voting as regards race…Newlands tried to change that “default setting” of “his time” back to the “default setting” of an earlier time. Newlands’ position was so “NOT of his time” that he did not even get the Democratic Party of 1912 (the party was very racist in those days) to go along with him. Newlands’ “white plank” did not go into the Democratic Party platform. Newlands’ position on race was not a “man of his time” position, it was a new and extreme minority position.” Sisson’s other point in his reaction e-mail message “is the location of the current memorial at a gateway to the capital city…My undergraduate degree is in architecture from MIT, a field to which urban planning is quite close. If a planner were to look at the city from a large-scale overview, it would immediately clear that each major entry-point to the capital city is an important symbolic location, and the symbol chosen at each entrance says something about the people in the city and about the people whose national capital is that city.” Some weeks later, on January 23, 2015, some of Newlands’ descendants contributed to the debate in the form of a letter addressed to the ANC commissioners. (Sandia Johnston, 2015) The main argumentative thrust of the two-page document is that Newlands was honored in 1938 for a variety of accomplishments, many in keeping with positions of the Progressive movement that are still widely taken for granted today. While acknowledging racist commentary made by their ancestor, the broader picture included many praiseworthy elements that still deserve recognition. These include: Newlands’ role as primary author of the Newlands Reclamation Act of 1902, support for women’s suffrage, advocacy for labor unions, and of course, the visionary development of Chevy Chase. The argument is summed up with: “as with any historical figure, it is important to fully understand his story and place him within the context of his time.” When a Washington Post writer asked for a reaction to the ANC initiative from the Chevy Chase Land Company, the vehicle Newlands created to develop the eponymous residential neighborhood north and south of Western Avenue, it declined to comment. (Turque, 2015) A Local Debate in Two Phases (as of July 2015) The Newlands Fountain debate was largely carried out on the Chevy Chase DC listserv, although several articles also reflected it in the local press. (Klibanoff, 2015) (Turque, 2015) (Sherwood, 2015) Several dozen posts involving at least two dozen individual participants appeared between Gary Thompson’s post of 30 November 2014 and mid-February 2015. Then, the topic disappeared from the listserv until a new wave of posts were made in July 2015. Almost all participants in the summer wave had weighed in during the winter wave. At least three discussions of the initiative to change the name of Newlands Chevy Chase Fountain were organized in Chevy Chase-DC: at the ANC meeting; at the December meeting of the Chevy Chase Citizens Association, and at the regular board meeting of Historic Chevy Chase DC in December. On December 8, the HCCDC board voted to support a name change to “the Chevy Chase Fountain,” while the CCCA and ANC did not take action. CCCA’s board members were divided on the renaming issue and decided not to take a CCCA position. The ANC deferred discussion indefinitely, giving as the reason the desirability of gathering information and community input. Another community organization, Friends of Chevy Chase Circle (FoCCC), decided to stay out of the debate altogether. (Kraut, 2015) An advocate advanced a proposal to revert to “Chevy Chase Fountain” in the HCCDC, CCCA, and the ANC. Opinion was divided in each. Why should this issue have attracted as much attention as it did at this moment? What accounts for its re-emergence six months after a first round of debate? Several factors come to mind: - Regarding the first wave, - The Obama presidency and reemergence of racial incidents - Changing demographics in DC (all-minority profile from first time since 1960s) - Regarding the second wave, - Racially charged policing incidents peak - Charleston SC AME Church massacre and subsequent Confederate Flag debate - Broadcast and print media covered the discussion that started about renaming schools tied to the Confederacy in at least one school district in northern Virginia The first wave: December 2014-February 2015 The Chevy Chase Listserv debate drew early responses from both Chevy Chase DC and Chevy Chase Maryland. The awareness-raising character of the fountain debate is reflected in listserv posts that expressed surprise that it had a name other than the one in common use—“Chevy Chase fountain.” “…there is no need for the fountain to have a "name" other than Chevy Chase Fountain. Never knew it had one.” Another respondent agreed and suggested archiving the Newlands plaque: “Let's just keep the name most--if not all--of us use: "Chevy Chase Circle Fountain." Just remove the plaque and all will be forgotten. Place it somewhere in the CC Library as a historic, teachable-moment relic. We really do not need another place in Washington named after a general. A nice generic name works perfectly.” One listserv contributor queried the motivation for the renaming initiative: “Why has renaming the fountain after a non-racist, or someone presumed to have been a non-racist, arisen? To appease the general conscience, especially in light of the police brutality we've been witnessing? To give the illusion of equality, inclusiveness, or progress? Or for some other reason(s)?” One answer to this question was given by a Chevy Chase DC neighbor living on Morrison Street and involves the challenge of new awareness about Newlands: “whatever the situation before the renaming was brought up, our community's new awareness demands that we make a determination of some kind. What kind of response do we want to give? There are longtime members of our Chevy Chase community who will feel less welcome, less a real part of the community, if, now that we know who we are honoring, we decide that we're okay with simply leaving the fountain and plaque as it is. There are people who are potential future members of our community, people who would add to the warmth and richness of our neighborhoods, who will see this opportunity, if we don't take it, as a signal that they will never be a real, accepted part of Chevy Chase. The name on that fountain is not simply a memorial of a time in Chevy Chase's history. As mentioned, the current make-up of our neighborhoods is a direct result of the very intentional and racist development of Chevy Chase, led by the man for whom the fountain is named. That racism still shapes us today. To undo these wrongs takes intentional and explicitly anti-racist actions. Our neighbors, not "them," not "others," not "overly sensitive people," are hurt when we choose not to address racism. It's not their responsibility to make an outcry, it's our responsibility, as people who are privileged to get to choose, to choose to do the right thing.” Some listserv respondents reflected decades of living in Chevy Chase DC and embraced the importance of fostering an awareness of community history: “I've appreciated reading the posts about renaming the fountain at Chevy Chase Circle. They made me reflect on the people who have made a real difference in in the lives of many in our city, some of whom we've been privileged to know over the almost 50 years we've lived here. I think we should consider Hilda and Charles Mason who lived long lives of service to Washington. An interracial couple who married in mid-life--Hilda was an activist, first a teacher, then elected to the school board, and then served several terms on the city council. Charles earned his law degree after a career in teaching and in government service. He and Hilda supported the UDC School of Law and Charles was instrumental in its accreditation. They were both involved in activities supporting children in need and donated substantial amounts of money for college scholarships. It's fascinating to read about their incredibly productive lives and I would recommend doing a search online for even more information. I hope this effort to rename the fountain is successful. We have much to be proud of in our community and we have an obligation to young people and those new to our neighborhoods to pass on our history.” In a similar vein, another respondent wrote: “Doing something about the Fountain name seems like a small, but necessary effort if we think of our community as one that welcomes people of all origins. Sure, most of us may never use the old (or new) name for the "Chevy Chase Circle Fountain", and, perhaps, some in the community are not bothered by the racist history of the person honored on the plaque, but that is not a reason to disregard the concerns of community members and visitors that find it offensive. It is also not a reason to let a repugnant symbol of a shameful part of our nation's history stand unanswered. Let's rename the fountain in celebration of one of the other CC historical figures that truly captures the open, accepting, and neighborly spirit of our community today, and find a place for the Francis G. Newlands plaque in the CC Library or CC Community Center where it can be shown as a historical piece alongside a sign recognizing the very different perspectives held by today's CC residents with respect to diversity and inclusion. Or keep the plaque where it is and add supplemental community statement next to it, so people can get the full historical perspective. This is not political correctness, nor is it an attempt to erase or rewrite history. It is civil decency.” Some posts emphasized an alleged relative absence of African Americans in Chevy Chase DC: “Since most African Americans and other persons of color can't afford to buy and maintain properties in Chevy Chase, they remain barred. "This land is your land" applies only to the rich. During my daily walks through the parts of Chevy Chase in which I live and shop, the only African Americans and Hispanics I see are servants.” But at least one African American neighbor weighed in to challenge the assumption that people of color were not present as residents in Chevy Chase DC. “I live on the DC side [of Chevy Chase] and there are many African American families who own homes and live here. I live on a corner and going down one block there are four African American families, including mine, and going down the other block, there are two (this time not including mine, don't want to double count). My neighbors and I are always out and about walking throughout our neighborhood, I believe that we are highly visible members of this community. When anyone sees one of us walking our dogs or pushing a baby stroller or shopping at Safeway or eating at Blue 44 or picking up dry cleaning or enjoying the trick-or-treating on Halloween or working on our lawns or shoveling our snow, please don't assume that we are the help.” A large minority of listserv posts took issue with renaming local landmarks, most of them objecting to the principle of renaming. Here is one such, which also offered insights about the racial and ethnic composition of Chevy Chase DC: “we can't change history because we don't like it. That smacks of Communism. Whether it's good or bad, it has hopefully made us better for it and should be there to prevent us from repeating it. I don't know what the original deed on my home said, but I do know that the deed on my uncle's house on 31st, both built in 1934, had some strange covenants. My uncle grew up on a farm in southern Maryland and worked in the tobacco fields, side by side, with black men. They also sat at the dinner table together in my great-grandmother's dining room, every workday. He was the kindest man you could ever meet. Contrary to what has been said, there are a lot of Asian, Black and foreign families in this neighborhood, who have lived here for more than 60 years. I have lived in the same house for 70 years and my parents moved here 80 years ago. I grew up next door to a Jewish family, who moved there in about 1949.” A much smaller minority defended Newlands: “This seems to be pushed through post haste without advance notification to all residents in Chevy Chase. I, for one, am not in favor of the renaming because this means we will have to consider renaming many of our statues, signage, and others across the city for their racist, bigoted, prejudicial stances. This also means we'll have to discredit President George Washington for his past as a slave owner. Mr. Thompson's proposal is noble per se, yet in fact sets a bad precedent. Senator Newlands should neither be shunned nor decried for his racist beliefs. He wasn't the only one in the previous generation who advocated segregation as that was the norm back then. It was not illegal, just the way of life. He should be respected for developing Chevy Chase and shouldn't be discredited posthumously and shouldn't be compared to the Nazis. Unfortunately, segregation was part of American history. There are behaviors of today that seem very discriminatory, which in turn, leads us to state boldly that we should allow our children and their children in the next generation to consider taking down plaques and statues of those people who perpetuate such beliefs today.” The listserv discussion evolved, eliciting ripostes such as this one made during the second week of lively contributions, focusing on impact of new knowledge: “Many seem to be missing the point of the renaming opportunity, including people I've talked to who are not privy to the listserv messages. Some are in the "does it matter what the fountain is named, as no one even knows its name" camp. That might have been true before we all learned the history, and the renaming attempt made the Post…As of now, if we fail to take advantage of an opportunity to repudiate the racist development history of Chevy Chase, we will be making a strong statement about our own apathy that will reflect badly on our community. Imagine a European town that votes on a ballot to rename their fountain named after a prominent Nazi and then the renaming ballot fails to pass. Would anyone feel good about visiting that town? …For African-Americans prevented from building wealth by real estate covenants from 1860 to 1950, the impact of a racist developer cordoning off parts of DC is hard to overstate…We need to seize this opportunity to actively repudiate the part of Chevy Chase history we do not want to own.” The charge of hypocrisy stalked some commentary. “If we want to make a difference about Chevy Chase’s future, ignoring the straw issue of the fountain name, we may have the ability among us to make that change. If Francis Newlands is really on our mind, then we should do something that changes the future rather than erasing the past.” Elements of irony, sarcasm and humor ran through the listserv commentary. Several contributions embellished these tones with an articulated program. “I agree with those who propose to call the fountain what it is, i.e. "The Chevy Chase Fountain". To me this is a no brainer. However, if the fountain must have a name, I propose a contest: The names of those who can successfully cross the circle on foot, during rush hour, touch the fountain and return safely, be etched onto a bronze bell. This bell is to be sounded every rush hour (morning and night) when new contestants may try their skill and bravery to have their name placed on the Chevy Chase Fountain Bell.” Some appealed for further enlightenment. “I would love to know how to search Census data about the demographics of the Chevy Chase DC and Chevy Chase Maryland neighborhoods. I have no idea how to do that, or if it is an easy task, but I am sure it would be an interesting exercise. I have lived in this little corner of DC for over 50 years. My family purchased the home in which I live as a newly built structure in 1950. Although I agree that this small, somewhat affluent neighborhood, on both sides of the 'line', is still predominately white, I have been encouraged, personally, by the increase in diversity of residents here in the past years. Not an overwhelming rate of change, I am sure, but there nonetheless. But this observation, too, is subjective. Is there a way to find some objective, fact-based statistics on the demographics of Chevy Chase DC and MD?” In fact, Historic Chevy Chase DC had a project underway since the summer of 2013 to produce a community profile, the first chapter of which deals with demographics. Second Wave July 2015 If Gary Thompson’s action-forcing draft resolution in December 2014 triggered the first round of listserv postings, then the June 2015 massacre of nine attendees of a Bible-study session at the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina by a young white supremacist and the immediate and successful mobilization to remove the Confederate battle flag from the grounds of the state house led to renewed postings in July 2015. Thompson himself reintroduced his renaming proposal with further substantiation on July 10, the day the Confederate flag was moved. “Are we still ok with the Francis Newlands monument at Chevy Chase Circle? Our own neighborhood issue drew quite a bit of press last fall, nationally on NPR & elsewhere. People wondered if changing a monument like this to a white supremacist might call into question the permanence of other historic monuments and symbols? Perhaps we were a bit ahead of the curve in asking the question. Now the Confederate Flag is fading fast (good riddance) and other monuments to the historic leaders of our country's racist past are up for reconsideration, from Rebel statues to the windows in the National Cathedral. It is a healthy re-examination. As for old Francis Newlands, recall that a major focus of his career was to advance the cause of white supremacy, with increasing fervor in the later years of his life. He sought to eliminate or restrict as much as possible the vote, education, and job opportunities for African-Americans. Here in DC, as a member of the Senate Committee on the District, he pushed for segregated and unequal education for African-Americans, restricted to vocational training for menial jobs. He wrote and spoke about African-Americans as an “inferior” race of “children” requiring “control.” His “white plank” in 1912 was part of a successful political movement that set back Civil Rights for many more decades. The “negro problem,” as he put it, “was the most important questioning confronting the nation.” Even his chief biographer, who was somewhat of an apologist for Newlands, laid it bare in an article called “Francis G. Newlands: A Westerner’s Search for a Progressive and White America” (available at http://nsla.nevadaculture.org/statepubs/epubs/210777-1974-2Summer.pdf). Thank goodness that post-Reconstruction chapter is behind us…So while we read about flags and monuments elsewhere, do we want this monument in our own backyard? On the one hand, it hardly matters in that the Circle is an abandoned place, with broken benches, glass and trash, and a now inoperable fountain (arguably the worst circle in DC). It is hard to care about a couple of old honorific plaques to a long-dead Senator whose once outspoken words are long forgotten. On the other hand, as originally proposed, it might give the old Circle a little re-start by re-dedicating the fountain to someone else that makes us inspired, and from that symbolic re-start, maybe someone might also actually improve the circle in tangible ways…For better or worse, Newlands is a part of the history of Chevy Chase, DC, and America. I have always distinguished that from the separate issue of whether we (or anyone else) would want to put up an honorific monument to the man. I can read a biography about Jefferson Davis but do I want a monument to him? Two different things. In 1935, I guess the answer for Chevy Chase was yes, we do want to salute Newlands. In 2015, maybe we have a different answer. Other examples – deciding it is time to have a woman on some of our currency (I think Susan B Anthony over Andrew Jackson); removing a saint-like depiction of Robert E Lee from a church window; renaming the Edmund Pettus Bridge for someone like John Lewis. These are all fair questions for re-examination, each perhaps with a different answer. The only question for our neighborhood is whether we still want to honor Newlands in our own circle. The most persuasive reason I have heard against taking any action is that who really cares because nobody goes out there anyway. It is not like seeing a flag fluttering in the breeze. But on the merits, what if it were the Frederick Douglas fountain? That would be better, and maybe attract some attention to fixing up the circle. (The funniest idea I heard is to name it after the comedian Chevy Chase, then we could call it the “Chevy Chase” fountain, which we already call it anyway; we could set up a screen in the circle and have a Chevy Chase movie festival)…In terms of process, last December the ANC voted 4-2 to table the motion to rename the fountain for someone other than Newlands. At the time, this procedural vote came with a promise from the ANC to consider this issue in early 2015 and bring it to a vote. The practical question remains whether our ANC can even get the monument re-named, but there is only one way to find out – tip the first domino and see what can be done (next steps: DC Council Resolution, name change on the national registry, request to NPS to physically remove the plaques).” One commentator thought that Chevy Chase Fountain was too small a matter to bother with: “If it really makes folks feel better to change the name of every public building/place named after someone whose views/actions are highly objectionable to our 21st-century sensibilities … why start with a fountain named after someone few people in our neighborhood have ever heard of -- a fountain, in fact, that only a tiny percentage of people in our neighborhood even knew *had* a name?…Go big, folks…our city itself is named after a slaveholder. Let's change that too...But in any case: is any name change really the best use of our energies if we want to demonstrate to the world (or to the city, at least) that we as a community are welcoming to all?” The defining exchange was made immediately after the Confederate flag denouement in Charleston. “Newlands was not simply a product of his time. He and a few others (J.C. Nichols springs to mind) designed segregationist policy that spread across the country and created untold harm to generations of African-Americans, and also undermined the social fabric of the entire country...Upward mobility for both white and black populations is substantially impaired in places that are more segregated…A proposal to tear down monuments to MLK, rename our city, or dynamite Mt Rushmore is not a valid method of debate in this setting. The method works equally well against the idea that appeals to "history" should preserve any already named monument: I'm sure we can all think of monuments erected before 1945 that we would want to remove or rename if we noticed them in our neighborhood, so that we do not memorialize past actions (by e.g. Hitler or Stalin) that we now find despicable. If a form of argument works equally for and against, it is not a valid form of argument…Perhaps the politically expedient first step is to have the fountain be dedicated simply as Chevy Chase Fountain, but I agree with others who think a more intentional re-dedication should repudiate the neighborhood's racist beginnings…To call the very reasonable requests to engage in dialog (about whether we should memorialize this kind of damaging accomplishment) a form of political correctness, and to further characterize a request for dialog as "tyranny" is morally objectionable. Engaging in debate is not tyranny; telling other people not to dispassionately discuss an issue (because you might find yourself on the losing side of the debate) on the other hand *is* a form of tyranny…A telling account from Georgia: there is an equally emotional reaction from others, particularly far right groups, who complain that the removal of such statues and renaming of various public buildings represents nothing more than political correctness gone overboard. Efforts to remove such monuments are typically met with strong resistance. And their campaigns often take years before there is any movement. In fact, Michael Hill, the head of the League of the South, a secessionist organization based in Kilen, Alabama, said it was a move by the state of Georgia showing that it was "caving in to political correctness."” The response: “This is very well written and well-reasoned, but I think it fails to make the distinction between something that would regularly offend those who were harmed (Hitler, the Confederate flag) and someone who's barely known and, at least prior to this debate. I doubt the statue offends any large number of people who see it and who are therefore brought to a recollection of some action against them or their ancestors.” The riposte: “I agree that a fountain named for a relatively unknown senator and a Confederate flag flying in the circle are 2 different orders of magnitude, but the fact that virtually no one knows the backstory of the circle does not change the moral imperative to change its name, it only lowers the cost of taking action: if few know the current name, all the easier to change it…In the last round of this debate you said that proponents of change are guilty of "presentism" (judging past people and actions by today's standards)--and I am wondering if you would make the same argument about a Confederate flag flying in the circle, or a statue of a Nazi. I think we have no choice but to judge past people and actions by today's standards, at least in part, and especially so when we decide who to memorialize, since that choice is how we convey to future generations what we think worthy in our own past. I think political correctness is far less in play than implicit racism.” Returning to the issue of what, if anything, the community should do, this practical suggestion for change with remembrance – in effect, the chronicling of a Rousseauesque “politics is education” moment—was advanced. It is a fitting place to bring this account to a close. “Concerns that removal of the plaque would erase history could be assuaged by renaming the circle, and hanging an explanatory plaque, such as one sees along old roadways, reminding readers whom the circle previously commemorated, what his deeds were, and why the community ultimately decided that a new name would be more fitting to our aspirations as a community. At present, most people confronting the name on the circle are at a loss to know the history, commendable or reprehensible, that Mr. Newlands represents.“ *The HCCDC board adopted a resolution on 8 December 2014 to support ANC Commissioner Gary Thompson’s motion to change the name of Newlands Fountain to Chevy Chase Fountain, but this article, authored by a board member, is neutral on that issue. Angela Lancaster, M. S. (2014, December 4). Retrieved from Chevy Chase Maryland Historical Society: http://chevychasehistory.org/sites/default/files/Letter_to_Thompson_rename_fountain_12-5-2014_.pdf Chevy Chase Historical Society Newsletter--Newlands Fountain Receives Historic Designation.(2007, spring). Retrieved from http://www.chevychasehistory.org/sites/default/files/2007_gala_spread.pdf Klibanoff, E. (2015, January 2). A battle to wash away a fountain's controversial namesake.Retrieved from NPR: http://www.npr.org/2015/01/02/374621746/a-battle-to-wash-away-a-fountains-controversial-namesake Kraut, A. (2015, July 24). Chevy Chase Circle Fountain Up and Running but Supporters want more Improvements. Retrieved from Bethesda Magazine: http://www.bethesdamagazine.com/Bethesda-Beat/2015/Chevy-Chase-Circle-Fountain-Up-and-Running-But-Supporters-Want-More-Improvements/ National Park Service. (2015, July 26). Chevy Chase Circle-Rock Creek Park. Retrieved from National Park Service: http://www.nps.gov/cultural_landscapes/snp/600261.html Sandia Johnston, e. a. (2015, January 23). Letter from family of Newlands. Retrieved from Washington Post: http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/local/letter-from-family-of-newlands/1416/ Sherwood, T. (2015, March 18). What's in a name...? The Northwest Current, p. 8. Sisson, E. H. (2009, March 20). The Chevy Chase Club: Real Estate and Racism. Retrieved from NewGeography: http://www.newgeography.com/content/00660-the-chevy-chase-club-real-estate-and-racism Turque, B. (2015, February 17). Senator's Descendants urge no Change in name of Chevy Chase fountain. Retrieved from The Washington Post: http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/md-politics/senators-descendants-urge-no-change-in-name-of-chevy-chase-fountain/2015/02/17/f5da4a46-b6c0-11e4-a200-c008a01a6692_story.html

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An early attempt to delineate new subspecies of the North American gray wolf and red wolf, based on museum specimens. Though gray wolf classification has since changed substantially, this work is still of some historical interest. The wolves of North America have remained very imperfectly known until the present time, owing no doubt to the limited material for study contained in museum collections. Wolves have become extinct over vast areas, including the eastern United States, but have persisted in some of the wilder, more remote regions, especially along the backbone of the continent.The specimens that have accumulated, largely in connection with predatory animal control, now afford a fairly satisfactory basis for determining specific and subspecific relationships.... In considering the names of North American wolves, Miller showed that Canis lycaon Schreber must stand for the animal occurring in eastern Canada. The name was based by Schreber on Buffon's description and figure of a "loup noir," a female, captured in Canada when very young, kept chained, and taken alive to Paris by a French naval officer.... Canis rufus Audubon and Bachman, usually regarded as a wolf and included here, exhibits a departure from the true wolves, and in cranial and dental characters approaches the coyotes....In describing the animal, Audubon and Bachman quoted an account of its occurrence 15 miles west of Austin, Texas, and for greater precision that place is hereby fixed upon as the type locality.... Canis lupus labradorius subsp. nov. Type--From vicinity of Fort Chimo, Quebec, Canada, probably female, adult, skull only, collected by Lucien M. Turner in 1882 or 1883. Distribution--Northern Quebec; limits of range undetermined. General characters--Size medium; color varying from "dark somewhat grizzly gray to almost white." Similar in general to Canis lupus lycaon of eastern Canada, but larger; color apparently lighter; cranial details distinctive. Differing from Canis lupus tundrarum, of northern Alaska, in decidedly smaller size.... Remarks--Canis l. labradorius is based on only 5 skulls from the region of the type locality. The new form appears to require close comparison only with lycaon of the forested region of eastern Canada and the northeastern United States. No specimens of the wolves recently described by Pocock as Canis lupus arctos from Melville Island, Arctic America, and Canis lupus orion from Cape York, northwest Greenland, are available for comparison, but identity with either is very unlikely, owing to geographic remoteness. Canis lupus ligoni subsp. nov. Alexander Archipelago Wolf Type--From head of Duncan Canal, Kupreanof Island, Alexander Archipelago, Alaska. Male adult, skin and skull, collected by J. Stokley Ligon, November 7, 1922. Distribution--Alexander Archipelago and doubtless adjacent mainland of southeastern Alaska. General characters--A dark-colored subspecies of medium size. Similar in general to Canis lupus gigas of southwestern Washington, but somewhat larger; ratio of blackish to normally colored individuals higher; upper parts in normally colored examples similarly overlaid with black, but usually less suffused with buff; skull more elongated and differing in detail. Much smaller than Canis lupus pambasileus of the Mount McKinley region, Alaska, or Canis lupus occidentalis of the Fort Simpson region (Simpson near mouth of Liard River on current maps), Mackenzie. Similar to Canis lupus crassodon of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, but differs in cranial details, notably the smaller auditory bullae. Color--Type (winter pelage, November): Short pelage on top of head a mixture of black and white, producing a grizzled effect; upper parts from nape to rump pale buff heavily overlaid with cinnamon buff, paling gradually to near pinkish buff on feet; upper surface of muzzle cinnamon buffy; ears rich tawny, mixed with black; under parts in general buffy white; tail above about like back, becoming buffy below and deep black all around at tip. Specimens from Zarembo and Kuiu islands, closely adjoining the type locality, present two distinct color phases -- one which may be regarded as normal, and the other predominantly black. Four of the five skins available from Zarembo Island are in the blackish phase. In the latter the muzzle and feet usually are nearly pure black, but in one a mixture of black and white or gray includes the entire body in a combination suggesting the peculiar color of the glacier bear.... Remarks--The wolf of the Alexander Archipelago...appears to be more closely allied to gigas than to its huge northern neighbors, pambasileus or occidentalis, or to the other insular form, crassodon, of Vancouver Island. Specimens examined--Total number, 27, all from Alaska as follows: Baker Island, 2; Kuiu Island, 2; Kupreanof Island (type locality), 7 (1 skin only); Prince of Wales Island, 8 (6 skulls only); Wrangell 3 (1 skin only); Zarembo Island, 5. Canis lupus youngi subsp. nov. Type--From Harts Draw, north slope of Blue Mountains, 20 miles northwest of Monticello, San Juan County,. Utah. Male adult, skin and skull, collected by Bert B. Turner, December 11, 1916. Distribution--Formerly southeastern Idaho, southwestern Wyoming, northeastern Nevada, Utah, western and central Colorado, northwestern Arizona (north of Grand Canyon), and northwestern New Mexico. Now restricted mainly to northwestern Colorado. General characters--A rather light-colored subspecies of medium size. Resembling Canis lupus nubilis of Nebraska, but larger; upper parts more heavily overlaid with black and usually more suffused with buff; skull larger.Similar to Canis lupus gigas of southwestern Washington, but upper parts usually less heavily overlaid with black and suffused with lighter buff; frontal profile rising less steeply from rostrum. Differs from Canis lupus baileyi of the Sierra Madre of Chihuahua in decidedly larger size, lighter coloration, and cranial details, especially the broader, less depressed rostrum. Color--Type (winter pelage, December): Short pelage on top of head a mixture of black and light buff; upper parts from nape to rump near warm buff moderately overlaid with black, becoming purer buff along sides; outer surfaces of legs warm buff, paling gradually to light buff on feet; upper surface of muzzle light cinnamon buffy, finely mixed with black; ears ochraceous buff, with a blackish admixture near tips; black-tipped hairs, becoming light buffy below, and a mixture of black and white all around at extreme tip. Specimens from West Creek and Piceance, Rio Blanco County, and Glade Park, Mesa County, western Colorado, vary in coloration but are regarded as nearly typical. In some the upper parts are more profusely overlaid with black than in the type, and in others the undertone is lighter and lacks the buffy suffusion.... Remarks--Canis l. youngi is the wolf of the southern part of the Rocky Mountains and the high adjacent plains, displacing nubilis west of the prairie region of Nebraska and Kansas. This new form is based on more than 150 skins and skulls from within its general range as outlined. It is named for Stanley P. Young, under whose direction of predatory animal control many of the specimens were taken. Canis lupus irremotus subsp. nov. Type--From Red Lodge, Carbon County, southwestern Montana. Male adult, skin and skull, collected by M.E. Martin, April 19, 1916. Distribution--Northern Rocky Mountain region, and high adjoining plains, from southwestern Wyoming north through western Montana and eastern Idaho at least to Lethbridge, Alberta. General characters--A light-colored subspecies of medium to rather large size, with narrow but flattened frontal region. Similar in size to Canis lupus youngi of the more southern Rocky Mountain region, but whiter, the upper parts less heavily overlaid with black; skull differs in detail, especially in the narrowness of the frontal region. Size larger and color whiter than in Canis lupus nubilis of Nebraska, or in Canis lupus gigas of southwestern Washington, and differs from both in cranial features, including the relative narrowness of the frontal region. Differs from Canis lupus occidentalis of Mackenzie in decidedly smaller size. Color--Type (winter pelage, April): Short pelage on top of head light buffy white, the hairs faintly tipped with black; upper parts from nape to rump near light buff sparingly overlaid with black, becoming nearly white on sides and limbs; ears and upper surface of muzzle light buffy; under parts in general more or less soiled white; tail above light buffy, thinly and inconspicuously overlaid with black, light buffy below tip, which is a mixture of buff and black all around.... Remarks--Canis l. irremotus is based on more than 30 specimens, chiefly skins with skulls from Montana and Idaho, but the range of the subspecies extends northward along the backbone of the continent to undetermined limits, probably meeting that of C.l. occidentalis. Specimens from northwestern Wyoming are somewhat intermediate between irremotus and youngi. On the east irremotus passed into nubilis, the somewhat smaller prairie wolf now probably extinct. Canis lupus monstrabilis subsp. nov. Texas Gray Wolf Type--From 10 miles south of Rankin, Upton County, Texas. Male adult, skin and skull, collected by W.F. De Long, September 3, 1915. Distribution--Southern and western Texas and northeastern Mexico. General characters--A rather dark-colored animal of medium size. Resembles Canis lupus baileyi of the Sierra Madre of Chihuahua but much larger and usually grayer, less strongly inclining toward buffy or tawny along flanks and on outer surfaces of the limbs. Similar in size to Canis lupus nubilis of Nebraska, and Canis [lupus] youngi of the southern Rocky Mountains, but usually darker than either; pelage thinner and coarser; cranial characters, especially the more highly arched frontal region, distinctive. Color--Type (summer pelage, September): Middle and sides of face a mixture of black and gray, becoming nearly clear cinnamon buff rather abruptly on top of head; changing to light ochraceous buff where the black hairs thin out along sides; outer surfaces of legs light ochraceous buff, paling gradually to light buff on feet; a few dark hairs in a line along external surface of forearm; upper surface of muzzle cinnamon buffy; ears near ochraceous tawny, varied by a few admized black hairs; chin and edges of lip blackish; throat white, the chest and inguinal region nearly naked; tail above black, mixed with gray, the black predominating, white below to near tip, which is black all around. Other specimens from the type locality vary to nearly white, there being only a trace of the buffy element and the black being reduced to a few inconspicuous hairs along the back and upper surface of the tail.... Remarks--Canis l. monstrabilis formerly intergraded toward the north with nubilis. Two skulls from the Wichita Mountains, Oklahoma, appear to be intermediate, but are more properly referable to nubilis. On the west, in New Mexico, monstrabilis intergraded with youngi, and farther to the southwest with baileyi. It's range meets that of the Texas red wolf (Canis rufus rufus) in the central part of the state, but the two are not closely allied. It is distinguished externally from the red wolf by decidedly larger size and more robust form. Compared with that of the red wolf, the skull is much more massive and more highly arched. The dentition is simpler, the upper carnassial has a smaller (often obsolete) antero-internal cusp, and the large upper molar shows less prominent cusp development on the internal lobe. The posterior upper molars are relatively smaller than in rufus. Specimens examined--Total number, 25, as follows: Texas: Big Lake, Reagan County, 1; Kimble County, 1 (skull only); Llano, 1; Monahans, 1 (skull only); Nueces River, Edwards County, 1 (skull only); Rankin (type locality, 10 miles south), 3; Rankin (Harris Ranch, 18 miles southeast, 6 ; Ozona (N.H. Ranch, 25 miles west), 10; Tamaulipas: Matamoros, 1 (skull only). Canis lupus mogollonensis subsp. nov. Mogollon Mountain Wolf Type--From S.A. Creek, 10 miles northwest of Luna, Catron County, New Mexico. Male adult, skin and skull, collected by Bart Burnam, July 1, 1916. Distribution--Mogollon Plateau region of central of central Arizona, and east through the Mogollon Mountains to the Sacramento Mountains, New Mexico. General characters--A rather small, usually dark-colored subspecies. Similar in general to Canis lupus youngi of the Rocky Mountain region to the northward, but smaller and usually darker in color. Decidedly larger and usually lighter in color than Canis lupus baileyi of the Sierra Madre of Mexico. Closely allied to Canis lupus monstrabilis of Texas, but smaller and with distinctive cranial details. Color--Type (worn summer pelage, July): Short pelage on middle of face a mixture of light ochraceous buff and black, becoming ochraceous tawny on top of head; upper parts from nape to rump cinnamon buff, rather heavily overlaid with black, becoming purer cinnamon buff on shoulders and along sides owing to thinning of black hairs; outer sides of legs near cinnamon buff, paling to near light ochraceous buff on feet; upper surface of muzzle nearly uniform cinnamon buff, paling to near light ochraceous buff on feet; upper surface of muzzle nearly uniform cinnamon buff; ears ochraceous tawny, mixed with black; throat white; under side of neck white, thinly mixed with black; chest and abdominal region soiled white; tail above about like back, soiled white below on basal two-thirds, becoming cinnamon buff subterminally, and black mixed with white all around at extreme tip. A September specimen from the same locality is similar but somewhat lighter in general tone. A winter example from 20 miles northwest of Chloride, New Mexico, is grayer and approaches the more northern wolves in color.... Remarks--About 120 specimens from the Mogollon Mountain region of New Mexico and westward along the Mogollon Plateau in Arziona are referred to the new subspecies, C.l. mogollonensis. This form, now nearly if not quite extinct, is somewhat intermediate in characters as well as in geographic position between youngi and the much smaller animal, baileyi, which extends north from the Sierra Madre of Mexico into southeastern Arizona and southwestern New Mexico. It combines characters that seem to warrant the segregation of a regional subspecies. Canis rufus gregoryi subsp. nov. Mississippi Valley Wolf Type--From Macks Bayou, 3 miles east of Tensas River, 18 miles southwest of Tallulah, Madison County, Louisiana. Male adult, skin and skull, collected by B.V. Liddy, April 25, 1905. Distribution--Lower Mississippi River basin, mainly the western side, in southeastern Missouri, Arkansas, southeastern Oklahoma, eastern Texas, and Louisiana. General characters--A large but slender form of a small species. Closely allied to Canis rufus rufus of Texas, but decidedly larger and grayer, less tawny. Similar in size and color to Canis rufus floridanus of Florida, but skull more slender; dentition much lighter. Color--Type (worn pelage, April): Middle and sides of face mixed black and gray, the combination changing to black and cinnamon buff on top of head; upper parts from nape to rump light buff, heavily mixed or overlaid with black; outer surfaces of legs between cinnamon and cinnamon buff, becoming paler on feet; a conspicuous black line along external surface of forearm; muzzle cinnamon buffy above; ears near cinnamon brown, mixed with black; lips, chin, and throat, white; under side of neck buffy grayish; rest of under parts dull white; tail above similar to back, most of the black-tipped hairs evidently worn off, light buffy below. An adult female from near the type locality is somewhat richer, inclining more toward tawny on muzzle, top of head, and outer sides of limbs.... Remarks--More than 150 skins and skulls from the lower part of the Mississippi River Valley, referred to C.r. gregoryi, represent a still living form connecting typical rufus and floridanus, both of which now may be extinct. A specimen from Cherokee, Colbert County, northwestern Alabama, is somewhat intermediate, but in heavy dentition it is nearer floridanus. I take pleasure in naming this subspecies for Tappan Gregory, the author of "The Black Wolf of the Tensas," in recognition of his contribution to our knowledge of the life history of this animal.... LIST OF SPECIES AND SUBSPECIES OF WOLVES Canis lupus lycaon Schreber. Vicinity of Quebec, Quebec. Canis lupus labradorius Goldman. Vicinity of Fort Chimo, Quebec, Canada. Canis lupus tundrarum Miller. Point Barrow, Alaska. (Syn.--Canis lupus-albus Sabine. Fort Enterprise, Mackenzie, Canada.) Canis lupus pambasileus Elliot. Susitna River, region of Mount McKinley, Alaska. Canis lupus occidentalis Richardson. Simpson, near mouth of Liard River, Mackenzie. (Syn.--Canis lupus grissus Sabine. Cumberland House, Saskatchewan.) Canis lupus ligoni Goldman. Head of Duncan Canal, Kupreanof Island, Alaska. Canis lupus crassodon Hall. Tahsis Canal, Nootka Sound, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. Canis lupus gigas Townsend. Vancouver, Clark County, Washington. Canis lupus irremotus Goldman. Red Lodge, Carbon County, Montana. Canis lupus nubilis Say. Engineer Cantonment, near Blair, Washington County, Nebraska. (Syn.--Canis variabilis Wied. Fort Clark, near Stanton, Mercer County, North Dakota. Canis lupus youngi Goldman. Harts Draw, 20 miles northwest of Monticello, San Juan County, Utah. Canis lupus mogollonensis Goldman. S.A. Creek, 10 miles northwest of Luna, Catron County, New Mexico. Canis lupus monstrabilis Goldman. Ten miles south of Rankin, Upton County, Texas. Canis lupus baileyi Nelson and Goldman. Colonia Garcia, 60 miles southwest of Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, Mexico. Canis lupus arctos Pocock. Melville Island, Arctic America. Canis lupus orion Pocock. Cape York, Greenland. Canis rufus rufus Audubon and Bachman. Fifteen miles west of Austin, Texas. (Syn.--Canis frustror Woodhouse. About 100 miles west of Fort Gibson, Oklahoma.) Canis rufus gregoryi Goldman. Macks Bayou, 3 miles east of Tensas River, 18 miles southwest of Tallulah, Madison County, Louisiana. Canis rufus floridanus Miller. Horse Landing, about 12 miles south of Palatka, Putnam County, Florida.

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An introduction to Bharatheeya Kavyasastra: Part I - V S Bhaskara Panicker C/o e-mail: [email protected] April 23, 2006 (This long research paper that Mr. V S Bhaskara Panicker would like to share with narthaki readers will appear every month in parts) The history of Indian poetics is the story of a long and continuous flow of a wonderfully exalted original thinking of sagacity, as well a scientific, philosophical and subtle unfoldment of the spiritual substratum of human mind. When and how it was started? We can only speculate with no scope for any definite conclusion. Bharatha has, therefore, given its authorship to Brahma, the creator of the world. However, this thinking process carrying with it the diverse aspects of Kavya Sasthra appears to have come to an abrupt end with Jagannatha (1610-1670) after attaining perfection. This branch of study of poetics was formerly known as KAVYALANKARA. It was Bhoja who lived in the 11th century who termed it as Kavyasasthra. At that time, it was also known as KRIYAKALPA. Acharyas of yore, say, from Bharatha to Jagannatha had endeavoured to define and describe the term KAVYA from their own perspectives, but they had been following a particular mode of approach, as in other branches of Indian thinking process. The first and foremost aspect was SWAROOPA - a concise definition. The second is PRAYOJANA - what for Kavya is made, and lastly GUNA and DHARMA. There is general agreement among the Acharyas on the first two aspects. The third aspect is the real aesthetic science and as the outcome of subtle studies, intellectual qualities and imaginative thinking, the Acharyas have propounded various theories and propositions, sometimes complimentary and often contradictory to another. These are classified as SAMPRADAYAS (Rasa, Alankara, Ouchithya, Dhwany, Vakrokthi etc.). The study of Kavyasasthra is the comprehensive evaluation of these Sampradayas and comprehension of the basic underlying unity. As explained before, in the process of evaluation of Kavya, the scholars used to look into three aspects: Firstly, its Swaroopa¸ that is the linguistic aspect in general, secondly its purpose and thirdly the qualitative ingredients which add to the beauty. The poet expresses his Bhava through the medium of language. Language is sabdha and artha combined. Thus, in general, the outward form of Kavya constitutes the Bhava, Shabda and Artha. The Acharyas hold different views in this matter, say: 1) Shabda and Artha combined is Kavya and 2) Kavya is Sabdaroopa. It was Bhamaha who stressed the first point of view. Kunthaka opines that Kavya is that poetical treatise, beautiful and that which makes the listener happy. According to Mammata, the Sabdartha without dosha and in agreement with the prescribed Gunas is Kavya. Dandhi, Viswanatha, and Jagannatha are also of the opinion that Sabdha with profound Artha is Kavya. Viswanatha says that Rasa based Vakya is Kavya. Jagannatha holds the latest view that Kavya is Ramaneeyartha. However, Sabda and Artha are inseparable, "like the inner and outer sides of the same hand." Kalidasa says that the two are SAMPRIKTHA. WHY KAVYA: Acharyas are in general agreement with the proposition that the purpose of Kavya is the attunement of the inner faculties, especially that of the mind to make it contemplative, effective and efficient in the pursuit of the four Purusharthas. Bhamaha holds the view that mere enjoyment of Rasa is the purpose, but through that enjoyment, affinity for virtue and abhorrence from vices is developed, leading to inner purification. HOW DOES IT BECOME BEAUTIFUL? Unlike Sabdartha in the ordinary sense, how does the blending of the two (Sabda and Artha) in Kavya make the listener enlightened and cultured? Acharyas have suggested several means to endow Kavyas with this potential. The history of Kavyasasthra is the story of this experiment extending for the last two millennium. Several principles were evolved in this long pursuit - Rasa, Alankara, Guna, Rithi, Vakrokthi, Dhwany, Ouchithya, Chamatkara, Sayya, Vrithi, Paka, etc. It has been established that these aspects (Sampradayas) either singularly or in combination with others generate beauty. These are termed as KAVYATHATWAS. Thus different schools of thought (Prasthanas) came into being. SAMPRADAYA ITHI SMRITHA This does not mean that one contradicts the other. These are mutually complimentary. According to legend, Nandikeswara was the first perceiver of Rasa. Bharathmuni is looked upon with respect as the originator of Rasasidhantha. His Natyasasthra is the first and last word of this Sidhantha. Natyasasthra is primarily intended for the whole concept of Natya and Kavya is only a component aspect of Natya. The principles evolved for the whole are also applicable to the parts, and Rasasidhantha covers Kavya also. Natyasasthra remained the unchallenged, approved, authoritative text (Grandha-Pramana) in Kavya pursuits till the time of Anandavardhana/Dandhi. The great poets like Kalidasa, Aswaghosha and the "gems" of Bhoja Durbar would have taken inspiration and guidance from Natyasasthra. Dandi's Kavyasasthra was the second Grandha enunciating exclusively the guide lines for Kavya making. During this long period, Rasa was considered as an Alankara. The word Rasavath had been used by certain Acharyas in a sense to indicate Mathurya and Guna and not Rasa to convey the correct import of the word according to Natyasasthra. In short, in Srotha Kavya, Rasa was considered as an Alankara and not the aesthetic pleasure as derived from Natya. But while elaborating the word ‘Rasavath,' Dandi had made mention of the eight Rasas described by Bharatha. But in a different context, he has also used the word. In Kavya sense as an Alankara, Dandi was not opposed to the Rasasidhantha by Bharatha. Bhamaha, Udbhada, Vamana, Rudraka, and most of the Acharyas who lived during the period, though aware of Rasa, had given only secondary importance to Rasa in Kavya. The general trend was to classify it as an Alankara. With the establishment of Dhwanysidhantha by Anandavardhana, Rasa assumed its full importance in Kavya. Though he had stressed KAVYASYATHMANI DHWANY (Dhwany is the soul of Kavya) he was unequivocal in establishing that VASTHUDHWANY and ALANKARA DHWANY were auxiliary to RASADHWANY. Abhinava Guptha has also explained this elaborately in Lochana. This approach had been pursued by Mammata, Ruyyaka, Viswanatha and finally by Jagannatha. The Vedic term for Alankara is Alankrithi. In Upanishads, the word Alamkarishnu is used for a person who decorates himself. In Vedas, Alankaras such as Upama are seen used. In Niruktha, the synonym Karmopama, Bhoothopama, Roopopama, Sidhopama etc. are also seen used by Yaska. Even before his time, Gargwan had written about Upama. By Panini's time, Upama had attained poetical acceptability. Panini had also used the words Upamana, Upamitha, Samanya, Upama etc. as Oupamya, Upamitha, Sadrisya etc. In Aswaghosha, there are instances of graceful use of Alankaaras like Yamaka, Upama, Utpreksha, Apprasthuthaprasamsa etc. It cannot be gainsaid that Alankaras were subjected to scientific treatise for the first time by Bharatha. He has defined four Alankaras, viz. Upama, Roopaka, Deepaka and Yamaka. He has also given a list of thirty six Alankaras. The prominent Acharyas in Alankara Sampradaya are Dandi, Bhamaha and Udbhada. They have merged Rasa in Alankara. It was Rudrata who classified Alankara as Sabdalankara and Arthalankara. He was also a Rasavadin. When Rasa and Dhwany Sidhantha became prominent, Alankara was relegated to the background. Dhwanivadins included Alankara in their treatise giving them only secondary importance (Gouna). Mammata holds the view that Alankara is not an inevitable factor for Kavya. Alankaravadins also were not inclined to remain quiet.. They repeated the argument that Alankaras add to the beauty of Kavya. Jayadeva was prominent among them. Along with him Ayappa Deekshithar (16th century) was another Acharya who strived to promote the importance of Alankaras. Vamana was the main protagonist of Rithi. According to him, the life force of Kavya is Rithi. Dandi and Bhamaha were also aware of the importance of Rithi. They used the term Marga for Rithi. Originally Rithi had a regional base as the name indicated. But it denoted a particular style in the general sense. Kunthaka was the prominent Acharya of Rithi. He held the view that Rithi was a style personal to the poet. Dandi had made a critical study of Rithi in his Kavyadarsa. After Dandi a detailed study on Rithi is found in Bana. According to him, northerners laid stress on Slesha, west on Artha and south on Utpreksha. Gouda found pleasure in verbal pomposity. Further, new meanings, beautiful swabhavokthi, easy Slesha, combination of unusual Varnas (letters) were the diverse aspects. Graceful combination of words (Padvinyasabhangi) is Rithi, according to certain poets. The words Komala (graceful), Kadtina (hard) and mixed (misra) became prevalent in the place of Vidarbha, Goudi, and Panchali. Kunthaka says that Rithi is something personal to the poet. It is a sort of inherent force in him. If the poet is of graceful and gentle nature the poetic force in him would assume the same characteristics, and his composition would also be of the same nature. Kunthaka accepts only two types of Rithi i.e. Sukumara and Vichithra. There is no objection for a third one, a combination of these two. It is called Ramaneeya. In short, apart from Vamana, no other Acharya had given paramount importance to Rithi. Rithi is after all the superstructure only and not the life force of Kavya. This is the inherent drawback of this Sampradaya. It was Rajanak Kunthaka who propounded the Vakrokthi Sidhantha. Alankarikas are familiar with Vakrokthi. Dandi had classified the entire Kavya structure as Vakrokthi and Swabhavokthi. Bhamaha is of the view that it is Vakrokthi that makes Kavya graceful as Alankaras are constructed with Vakrokthi. But he prefers the term Athisayokthi instead of Vakrokthi. Perhaps he would have developed his Sidhantha from what had been alluded by these Acharyas. The limits of Swabhavokthi as prescribed by Dandi do not involve Vakrokthi. Further, Dandi and Bhamaha were not in full agreement in their conception of Vakrokthi. The use of similar words in Lakshana is Vakrokthi (Bhamaha). There was a time when Dhwany and Vyanjana had overshadowed Alankaras. Kunthaka entered the scene with his Vakrokthi Sidhantha. Primarily he was an Abhidhavadin. His Vakrokthi is Abhidha principle in a different sense. During that period Dhwany Sidhantha was also facing severe repudiation by Anumithi Vadins. Kunthaka argued that the inferred meaning (Pratheeyamana) of Dhwany-concept was Vakrokthi. He had also made efforts to include the whole Dhwany Sidhantha in appropriate segments of Vakrokthi Sidhantha. Vakrokthi Sidhantha had received high acclaim though not as equal as Dhwany. The subtle difference between the two is that Dhwany rebounds from inspiration (Anubhoothi) whereas Vakrokthi gives prominence to imagination which would be more intellectual (Prathibha) in content. In Drisyakavya, Rasa continued to be considered as a prominent factor, but in Sravyakavya its relevance remained undeclared. It was through Dhwany Sidhantha that the importance of Rasa was established as far as Sravyakavya was concerned and received acceptance as the life force of Kavya. Though Anandavardhana is considered as its originator (Dhwanyaloka), he himself had no reservation to mention that the concept existed in the embryo stage even earlier. Dhwany is the inferred or alluded meaning hidden behind the generally accepted meaning of the word or word combination used. This adds Chamatkara to the Vakya. This mode of expression existed as an accepted fact already in literature. Dandi, Bhamaha, Udbhada were fully aware of this suggestive mode of expression, nonetheless they had not explicitly dilated upon it in their treatises. They had given indication of this suggestive meaning while explaining Alankaras like Paryokthi, Vyajasthuthi etc. They had explained it away as Guneebhootha Vyangya, but the word Dhwany had never been used as such in that sense. As explained early, Dhwany is the suggestive or evocative meaning that pre-shadows the Vachyartha. In Kavya, Vachya comprises of three constituent factors, viz. Vasthu, Alankara and Rasa. Dhwany pervades all these three elements. The divisions thus formed are termed as Vasthudhwany, Alankara-Dhwany and Rasadhwany, the last one being of primary importance. It is, therefore, clear that the ultimate consummation of Dhwanysidhantha is Rasa. The basis of Rasasidhantha is a new word-force known as Vyanjana. The suggestive meaning that the listener comprehends is not akin to Abhidha, Lakshana or Thathparya. Abhidhavrithi gives only the technical meaning of the word. Lakshanavrithi offers a meaning connected to the main meaning (Mukhyartha) as affected by it, connected to it, combined with it or benefited by it as Roodhi. Thatparya (hidden intention) also would not throw light on Vyanjana. In these circumstances, it has to be assumed that there is a fourth factor, or process of comprehension unfolding a suggestive meaning in the imaginative mind of the Sahridaya. This is the Thuriya process which the Dhwanyvadins define as Dhwana, Vyanjana, or Avagamana. Some of the later critics like Mahima Bhatta had tried to repudiate Dhwanysidhantha. They had argued that the entire Dhwanyvada was merely an inference based on imagination, but Abhinava Gupta, the renowned scholar had given mature interpretative shape to Dhwanysidhantha. Mammata, a still later Acharya, gave a proper positive explanation refuting the counter arguments of earlier critics. Hemachandra (12th century), Viswanatha (14th century) and lastly Jagannatha Panditharaja (16th century) were strong protagonists of Dhwany. The Acharya of Ouchithya Sampradaya was Kshemendra. Ouchithya was an Alankara according to Bharatha. Anandavardhana and Abhinava Gupta had given secondary importance (Gouna) or qualitative standard to Ouchithya. Kshemendra admitting that Rasa is the soul of Kavya, confirmed Ouchithya as Rasa living. Dhwany included Ouchithya. The fructification of Sidhanthas (Alankara, Guna, Rithi, Vakrokthi, Dhwany, Kavyanumithi) depends on Ouchithya (propriety). Ouchithya produces Chamathkara. Those who have experienced it introduced Chamathkara Sampradaya. According to them, Chamathkara is the soul of Kavya. There is Chamatkara in Dhwany. Visveswara was its main protagonist. The chief organs of Kavya are Guna, Rithi, Rasa, Paka, Vrithi, Sayya and Alankara. When these are assimilated, there is Chamatkara. Essence of Kavya This is the summary of Sanskrit linguistics and aesthetics extending over a period of about 2000 years. It is Rasasidhantha that has received universal acceptance and approval direct or indirect by all Acharyas. They differed only in its origin (nishpathi), mode of expression, and the means to be adopted for its attainment. The primary principle being Rasa, the second proposition which attained acceptance in Sanskrit Literary studies is Dhwany. Aanandavardhana has affirmed that Dhwanysidhantha aims at creating Rasa which is the soul of Kavya. What exactly is Rasa? It is a stage of consciousness free from all inhibitions and impediments, a state of pure naught - Ananda. Other attributes like Alankaras etc, give shape to this state of awareness - that is Rasa. In this contemplation of beauty, it is found possible to attain that pleasure-full elevation or excitement of the inner being which we experience as poetic sentiment (Kavyanubhoothi). This is the province of POEM. V S Bhaskara Panicker has been an ardent writer since childhood, writing mainly in Malayalam language. Some of his literary expulsions have seen light and many are still left unpublished. He is 77 years old and still continuing his passion. In June/July 2004, when he visited his son in Gujarat, he typed out his research paper on Bharatheeya Kavyasastra that was originally written in the year 2003. He would like to share it with narthaki readers.

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Tags: biology, bodies, health/medicine, inequality, prejudice/discrimination, race/ethnicity, science/technology, violence, informed consent, institutionalized discrimination, eugenics, medical ethics, scientific racism, slavery, tuskegee syphilis experiment, 21 to 60 mins Summary: This short interview on Democracy Now with author and scholar Harriet A. Washington provides useful entrée into a discussion about racial discrimination within the medical establishment. Drawing on work from her book Medical Apartheid: the Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial times to the Present, Washington shines a light on many of the systematic abuses African Americans and other People of Color have endured at the hands of scientists and medical professionals. • As Washington explains, the story of medical apartheid begins with scientific racism, the origins of which are often traced to 1779, when German scientist Johan Friedrich Blumenbach is credited with attempting to establish a race-based system of classification among humans (find more on Blumenbach's efforts here, and click on this link for information about how the scientific effort to find a biological basis for race continues into the present). Much has been written about how the legitimacy and authority of science allowed white slaveholders to justify the torture and confinement of their Black slaves; however, as Washington notes, there is a lesser known history of white medical professionals using Blacks as subjects in medical experiments. • In the above clip, Washington discusses The Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Negro Male, as one of the most notorious examples of Blacks being used as subjects in medical experiments. The study was conducted between 1932 and 1972 in Macon County, Alabama, and it tracked 399 poor and mostly illiterate Black sharecroppers who were diagnosed with syphilis. The study subjects were deceived by medical professionals into believing that they were being treated for “bad blood," when in fact the documented intentions of those leading the study was to allow the disease to run its course, which often meant a very painful death. By 1947 penicilin was recognized as a cure for syphilis, but study clinicians denied the antibiotic to subjects and instead gave them a placebo. • As Washington notes, the racism that made something like the Tuskegee Syphilis Study possible was systemic and could be located at all levels of the medical establishment. Seated at the top of the medical hierarchy was the U.S. Surgeon General, Thomas Parran, Jr. Even when presented with the penicillian cure, Parran opted to continue experimentation with the Black men of Macon County. By his assessment, their lives were less valuable than knowledge about syphilis. • For images related to the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, check out our Pinterest board titled "Race: Health/Health Care." Submitted By: Lester Andrist Tags: art/music, consumption/consumerism, gender, marketing/brands, media, science/technology, social mvmts/social change/resistance, activism, culture jamming, new media art, gender socialization, 21 to 60 mins Summary: How does social change happen? For more than a century, this question has inspired much sociological research. Within the study of social change, sociologists have often focused their attention on social movement activism and various forms of contentious politics. More recently, some sociologists have sought to move beyond these parameters to ask what other things might “count” as activism. For example, Notre Dame’s Center for the Study of Social Movements Mobilizing Ideas blog recently featured a two-part series entitled “New Ways to Define Activism” (Part I and Part II). Often, sociologists cite new digital media environments and technologies as timely reasons for why we must revisit “old” definitions of activism. While this question might be relevant in the contemporary context, this video illustrates how activists began to strategically draw upon digital media technologies more than twenty years ago. In 1993, a group of artist-activists launched a multi-faceted media campaign call the Barbie Liberation Organization (BLO) in reaction to Mattel’s new talking Barbie, which contained an electronic voice box that played stereotypical phrases such as “Math class is tough” (listen to talking Barbie). The campaign mixed traditional and electronic media, hardware hacking, and “boots on the ground” activism, resulting in this video, which sought to raise awareness of gender stereotypes in a normally difficult-to-reach population of Americans. This video would become one of the earliest and most influential demonstrations of electronic media culture jamming. Instructors can use this video to elicit discussion of successful culture jamming in several ways. First, the video is presented as a legitimate news report, which begs larger questions about the trust we place in news media or the authority of corporations in general. Second, the purported newscast is peppered with clips from actual investigative news reports, such as A Current Affair, to further enhance the legitimacy of BLO’s report. However, many of the clips are taken out of context and edited to subvert the original message, such as when one toy expert’s words are used to accuse Mattel of "terrorism against children” when she was instead accusing BLO of such tactics. Here, we see the artist-activists employing the very medium they challenge to contradict the intended message, which is the crux of culture jamming practice. Finally, the video serves as a DIY tutorial—no different than the myriad of how-to videos populating the web today—which instructs viewers how to perform the voice box swap at home, thus giving consumers and activists alike agency to subvert the toy’s intended message. For a culture jamming video assignment, also posted on The Sociological Cinema, click here. Submitted By: Josh Gumiela and Valerie Chepp Tags: children/youth, consumption/consumerism, corporations, marketing/brands, media, science/technology, identity, internet, social media, teenagers, youth culture, subtitles/CC, 21 to 60 mins Summary: This 2014 PBS Frontline documentary, Generation Like, serves as a nice updated follow-up to the popular 2001 documentary, The Merchants of Cool. As in the 2001 episode, Generation Like explores how large corporations and marketing firms seek to tap into young consumer markets. However, unlike the teens that came of age during the making of The Merchants of Cool, today’s young adults are navigating a radically different media and advertising environment, namely, one dominated by social media. As explained in this plot summary, “Thanks to social media, today's teens are able to directly interact with their culture - artists, celebrities, movies, brands, and even one another - in ways never before possible. But is that real empowerment? Or do marketers still hold the upper hand? In Generation Like, author and FRONTLINE correspondent Douglas Rushkoff (The Merchants of Cool, The Persuaders) explores how the perennial teen quest for identity and connection has migrated to social media - and exposes the game of cat-and-mouse that corporations are playing with these young consumers. Do kids think they're being used? Do they care? Or does the perceived chance to be the next big star make it all worth it? The film is a powerful examination of the evolving and complicated relationship between teens and the companies that are increasingly working to target them.” While this documentary would be useful for teaching ideas related to teen consumption and corporate advertising, it could also serve as a useful way to examine characteristics of the generational cohort following the Millennials, who have been dubbed "Generation Z." Submitted By: Valerie Chepp Tags: discourse/language, inequality, media, prejudice/discrimination, race/ethnicity, science/technology, representation, subtitles/CC, 00 to 05 mins Summary: Given the current media spotlight on racist patterns of violence, it's easy to lose sight of more subtle forms of racism. For instance, a daily barrage of media featuring white protagonists simply becomes an unremarked upon backdrop of everyday life, like the piped elevator music that cajoles one into humming along despite being ambivalent about the tune. One racist backdrop might be the book covers one encounters at a typical bookstore. For instance, one analyst found that in 2011 a white person was featured on roughly 90% of all young adult book covers, whereas a Person of Color could only be found on somewhere between 10% and 15% of covers. The quiet tendency to whitewash media is but one reason why representations of whiteness have come to dominate the media landscape. Black and brown characters in popular books are routinely rewritten as white characters in Hollywood film adaptations. And speaking of film and television, one 2013 study found that while whites comprised 63% of the population, they were featured on the evening cable news shows 79% of the time. • The point is not to simply draw attention to the disproportionate number of roles being written for white men and women, or the fact that whites are being given more of a voice in popular media. Instead, my aim is to simply point out that visual media, such as advertising, television, and film, play a key role in promoting the idea of whiteness as the default or universal human. More pointedly, such visual media reinforce the idea that People of Color are deviations, somehow not fully compatible with the human ideal. • Consider the phrasing, "normal to dark skin," recently spotted on a bottle of Dove body lotion. It escapes most people's attention that "normal" is being used as a synonym for "white." Whiteness is the default. In the above comedy sketch from Saturday Night Live, Sasheer Zamata points out a second example of how whiteness becomes normalized in the selection of emojis used in texting. Not one of the more than 800 emojis depicts a Black person, and as Zamata notes, "Unicode, the company that creates emojis, thought that instead of one black person we needed two different kinds of dragons, nine different cat faces, three generations of a white family. And all the hands are white, too. Even the Black power fist is white!" Submitted by: Lester Andrist Tags: biology, immigration/citizenship, inequality, knowledge, prejudice/discrimination, race/ethnicity, science/technology, social construction, caucasian, mexican, racial formations, scientific racism, subtitles/CC, 00 to 05 mins Access: YouTube; Vox Summary: It often surprises students to learn that sociologists and other social scientists regard race as little more than a creation of the collective imagination, or as the above video from Vox argues, race isn't real. Contrary to popular belief, racial categories do not consistently correspond to biological observations; nor are the racial categories used today a particularly ancient means of categorizing human societies. They are, in fact, both flimsy and recent. • The social theorist David Theo Goldberg argues that starting in the sixteenth century racial thinking and racist articulation became increasingly common in European societites. As Vox explains in the above video, one crucial moment of racist articulation appears to have occurred nearly two centuries later when in 1779 German scientist Johan Friedrich Blumenbach is credited with attempting to establish a scientific, race-based system of classification. Although his work has long been discredited, it is worth noting that he arrived at five hierarchically organized racial categories: "Caucasian, the white race; Mongolian, the yellow race; Malayan, the brown race, Ethiopian, the black race, and American, the red race." Not surprisingly, he ranked Caucasians highest on his racial hierarchy. • For those who remain unimpressed by the fact that racial thinking is a relatively recent phenomenon in human history, consider the fact that racial categories and their hierarchical arrangement have been shown to change with political priorities. In academic parlance, racial formations have continued to be created, transformed, and destroyed. For instance, the video explains that the U.S. Census categorized people with Mexican ancestry as white until 1930, at which point the Census began categorizing these whites as an emergent racial category known simply as "Mexican." The change in Census categories reflected a developing racial discourse in the American Southwest but it also played a role in temporarily limiting immigration from Mexico, and fewer immigrants from Mexico meant higher wages for whites. • Properly contextualized, the reason for the emergence of racial thinking in Western Europe seems fairly clear. Although it is assumed race is based on natural, biological differences, the truth is that racial thinking has had very little to do with accurately describing natural variation in human populations and far more to do with whites maintaining power, privilege, and resources at the expense of nonwhites. Although race isn't real in a biological sense, as the video explains, it has become hugely important in a social sense. The racial categories to which we're assigned can determine real life experiences. Submitted By: Lester Andrist Tags: durkheim, emotion/desire, methodology/statistics, organizations/occupations/work, science/technology, theory, adam smith, agency, artificial social network, centrality, collective identity theory, emergence, georg simmel, human capital, methodological holism, methodological individualism, natural social network, nicholas christakis, obesity, social capital, social network analysis, structure, suicide, transitivity, subtitles/CC, 21 to 60 mins Summary: In this nice introductory lecture to the discipline of sociology, physician and sociologist Nicholas Christakis explodes the popular myth that people are masters of their own destiny. As the YouTube blurb states, "If you think you're in complete control of your destiny or even your own actions, you're wrong. Every choice you make, every behavior you exhibit, and even every desire you have finds its roots in the social universe." 1. This insight is an expression of a fundamental tension explored in the discipline—that between the power of individual agents (i.e., agency) and the power of supra-individual forces (i.e., structure), such as the neighborhood in which one lives or one's location within a social network. 2. The second big idea Christakis explores in his lecture is emergence, or that society is something more than simply the sum of its individuals and that collective phenomena are not mere aggregations of individual phenomenon. To illustrate the concept of emergence, Christakis embarks on a discussion of social networks and other central concepts to the discipline, such as social capital. He then concludes his lecture by pointing out that while many scientific disciplines have broken up phenomenon into smaller and smaller bits, and are now engaged in an effort to put the pieces back together in order to discern how their assembly gives rise to new, emergent properties, this pattern of disassembly and reassembly has always been a central feature of sociological work. Submitted By: Lester Andrist If You Have Nothing to Hide, You Have Everything to Worry about: A Sociologically-Informed Account of Why N.S.A. Spying Matters Tags: corporations, crime/law/deviance, foucault, goffman, government/the state, science/technology, theory, back stage, edward snowden, glenn greenwald, mass surveillance, n.s.a., panopticon, surveillance state, 00 to 05 mins, 11 to 20 mins, 21 to 60 mins Year: clip 1: 2013 | clip 2: 2014 Length: clip 1: 20:41 | clip 2: 5:38 Access: YouTube: clip 1: TED Talks clip 2: New York Times Summary: Taken together, the above two clips make three distinct points about why we should all take the unfolding revelations about N.S.A. surveillance very seriously, and the clips can be used to kick off a sociologically-informed discussion about the surveillance state and it's practice of mass surveillance. 1) In the first clip, journalist Glenn Greenwald delivers a TED Talk where he argues against the claim that only criminals have something to hide. People should take the N.S.A. revelations seriously because everyone has something to hide, even those of us who believe ourselves to be innocent of all crimes. After all, people routinely lock their bathroom doors and use passwords to access their email. To borrow a page from sociologist Erving Goffman, people all have a back stage. 2) In the second clip, journalist David Sirota argues we should take state surveillance seriously because the fact is, we are all criminals. That is, there are so many statutes on the books that virtually anyone could be found guilty of a crime. Chances are that even those who loudly profess they have nothing to hide have unknowingly committed crimes, and as the amount of data being collected and saved increases, the state stores aways more and more opportunities to charge any given citizen of a crime should it prove politically expedient to do so. 3) Finally, Greenwald alludes to a long standing observation in sociology that surveillance changes people; it controls them, even if charges of a crime never materialize and no formal interaction with the criminal justice system occurs. People drastically, if unknowingly, alter their behavior when they suspect they are being watched. No where is this reality more vividly illustrated than in what philosopher Jeremy Bentham described as a panopticon, a prison tower that offers a vantage point from which a guard can see all prisoners in their cells, but does not offer any single prisoner the ability to know whether he or she is being observed. Bentham imagined it as a means of controlling prisoners, but subsequent thinkers—namely Michel Foucault—have used the idea of a panopticon as a metaphor to describe the distinct way in which modern states exercise power and control. The prison tower is now the speed camera inconspicuously perched atop a traffic light; it's also the tablet that tracks it's user's browsing history. This architecture, which claims to exist for the purpose of reducing criminal behavior, is already also changing non-criminal behavior as well. Consider the journalistic practice of offering sources anonymity. As the surveillance state becomes ever more bold, the ability to promise such anonymity slips away, and some would argue, so too does an important check on government power (Note: The Sociological Cinema has explored the topic of the surveillance state here, here, and here, and we maintain a Pinterest board on the topic). Submitted By: Lester Andrist Tags: corporations, environment, government/the state, politics/election/voting, science/technology, campaign financing, climate change, global warming, house of representatives, political bias, 06 to 10 mins Access: The Daily Show Summary: This segment from The Daily Show spotlights a recent hearing of the U.S. House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology, in which President Obama's plan to decrease carbon emissions by 30% by 2030 was discussed. The video would be useful for explaining political bias, the relationship between wealth and power, and the power of corporations in elections. The clip includes footage from the hearing, in which several politicians interrogate Presidential Science Advisor John Holdren about whether climate change is a reality, despite the fact that, by now, the scientific literature has overwhelmingly shown that climate change is a massive global threat for humanity. In this video, U.S. Representatives Steve Stockman (R-Texas) and Larry Bucshon (Indiana-R) refute global warming, despite their inability to provide viable evidence. Indeed, Congressman Bucshon argues that people should trust public comments rather than scientific literature because, in his opinion, “The climatologists...depend on the climate changing to keep themselves publishing articles." He concludes that, "I could read that, but I don’t believe it.” At the end of the clip, Jon Stewart points to Stockman's interest in denying climate change, revealing that his three major campaign donors are big energy companies. This video would work well in combination with another clip on The Sociological Cinema, which illustrates how, despite overwhelming scientific evidence, powerful interests are able to suppress knowledge by introducing doubt into public discourse. Submitted By: Nihal Çelik Tags: biology, bodies, gender, lgbtq, science/technology, sex/sexuality, bisexuality, intersex, sexual expression, sexual identity, sexual orientation, 61+ mins Summary: [Trigger warning for those who might be traumatized by depictions of the sex reassignment surgery many intersex people experience as children] People often want to know how many people are born intersex? Unless one is specific about the many physical features that often get named "intersex," the question is difficult to answer. For instance, based on research from Blackless et. al. (and reported here), in the medicalizing language of late onset adrenal hyperplasia, 1 in 66 people are intersex; however, only 1 in about 150,000 are intersex if you restrict the label to include only those who have what medical doctors refer to as complete gonadal dysgenesis. The frequency of people receiving surgery to "normalize" the appearance of their genitals is about 1 or 2 people in 1,000. Frequencies are perhaps an interesting place to start a discussion on intersex, but in themselves, numbers do little to give voice to those who are born intersex within a culture and society that upholds a strictly dimorphic understanding of sex. The above film, Both, is a compelling drama, based on the experiences of many intersex adults, and the film tells a story of an issue that has been widely silenced through shame and secrecy. In the film, Rebeca Duarte, played by Jackie Parker, works as a stunt double for indie action films in San Francisco. From rolling out of cars to setting herself on fire, she puts her life at risk on a daily basis. Work, lovers and friends take up most of her time, but deep inside, she feels something is missing. Rebeca feels strangely disconnected from her own body and can’t figure out why. One day she mysteriously receives a photo album from someone in Peru, where she had spent her childhood. The album contains pictures of her parents and her brother who had supposedly died, but no images of herself. Feeling unsettled, Rebeca sets out to discover the mystery and unravel the web of lies that both the doctors and her parents have spun her whole life. Through her fight to uncover the truth, Rebeca discovers her own identity and a renewed passion for life. Both works by posing compelling questions about gender and sexuality through the experiences of its intersex protagonist. For those considering showing the film in class, note that nudity, masturbation, and sexual intercourse are depicted at 17:50 mins, 21:30 mins, and 53:20 mins. Submitted By: Leslie Jaye Tags: culture, discourse/language, knowledge, media, prejudice/discrimination, race/ethnicity, science/technology, politics of representation, symbolic representation, stereotypes, 11 to 20 mins Summary: In this insightful gem of a clip, Thomas Cech, president of the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, interviews world-renowned astrophysicist Neil deGrasse Tyson and asks him to recount the greatest obstacle he has faced while pursuing his career. Tyson begins by mentioning that while his parents were generally supportive of his ambitions, he couldn't necessarily count on the same enthusiasm and support from his peers, who were concerned that he apply his impressive intellect toward a profession that would allow him to advance the cause of the African American community. Specifically, Tyson recounts the story of a black Rhodes scholar in economics, who upon hearing that Tyson's chosen major was physics, replied, "The black community cannot afford the luxury of someone with your intellect to spend it on that subject." Tyson carried this nagging judgement around with him, and then while a graduate student at Columbia University, he was interviewed on air by the local news station regarding a recent explosion on the surface of the sun. Tyson explains in this clip that as he watched himself on television that evening, he realized it was the first time he had ever seen an interview with a black person that had nothing to do with being black. The clip works well as a foray into a broader discussion about what Stuart Hall calls the politics of representation, which draws attention to fact that how one imagines a people to exist in the world—how they are represented in discourse—holds consequences for the power and resources those people are able to control and wield. Neil deGrasse Tyson's story underscores Hall's thinking on the issue. Namely, "events, relations, structures do have conditions of existence and real effects, outside the sphere of the discursive; but that it is only within the discursive...[that] they can be constructed with meaning...how things are represented and the 'machineries' and regimes of representation in a culture do play a constitutive, and not merely a reflexive, after-the-event, role" (444). Thus, Tyson's answer to the Rhode's scholar is that his visible position as a black astrophysicist constitutes an important intervention in the discourse that attempts to construct black men as unqualified for the role of scientific expert. Submitted By: Lester Andrist Got any videos? Are you finding useful videos for your classes? Do you have good videos you use in your own classes? Please consider submitting your videos here and helping us build our database!

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New Discoveries and Articles of Interest Meridians of the human body Acupuncture and Chinese Medicine: latest acupuncture research, news, thoughts. Tuesday, June 12, 20meridian. Korean scientists discovered a way to make pictures of acupuncture meridians to help visualise them. What is Acupuncture If you have read anything about acupuncture you would have heard about acupuncture meridians. Acupuncture meridians are the lines which connect the acupuncture points with each other as well as with internal organs. Physiologically these are the lines that the acupuncture sensation travels when acupuncture points are stimulated. How did scientists make a photo of an acupuncture meridian? Korean researchers found a way to reveal the anatomy of these meridians and to visualise them in this breakthrough study. They used fluorescent magnetic nanoparticles to detect a tissue which was not detectable using stereomicroscopes. Reference: Evid Based Complement Alternat Med. 2007 March; 4(1): 77–82 "The Himalayan Skulls" by Lee Skull #12: The spectral alignment as the Ultra Violet Light. It is the containment vessel for the weights and measures of the arcs covenanted in the Great Pyramid on the Giza Plateau. It is the relaying broadcaster to the acupuncture meridian identified as Heart-Sex Circulation Constricter. It resonates its vibrations within the note of B on the 3rd dimensional octave, and is aligned to the bio- genesis of the tribe of Joseph, and even so, his It is the Crystal Skull that now speaks with authority for the directives aligned to it, on the polarity shift of a uni-versal consciousness that is beginning to be experienced now. Furthermore, all of those now involved with getting our remembrance of origin restored by the family of these precious Himalayan Skulls are the Bio-Genesis of the Ultra-Violet Light! It is the harmonic resonator aligned for the UV grid I serve for the body of Mother Earth, here in the Greater Puget Sound Arena of the state of Washington, USA. The geometries for the arcs of its atomic weights and measures are also aligned by their size, into the containment vessel of the Great Pyramid on the Giza Plateau. A friend by the name of Buzz has taken a look inside the eyes of this skull and has come up with some amazing images. What does this mean? The Nephrite Skull LEE'S INSIGHTS ON THE HIMALAYAN CRYSTAL SKULLS This page is created for ongoing insights regarding the Himalayan crystal skulls and their purpose and placement upon Earth. Also to discuss new insights regarding the Universal radio waves and their receiving Sun discs, electromagnetic energies, lightening and the inner light body (acupuncture) and other interesting The 13 large clear quartz crystal skulls are intended as radio-wave amplifiers to re-broadcast the co-creative directives into the 12 pair of acupuncture meridians within the body of Mother Earth and even so, her co-creations. The eight smaller quartz crystal skulls combined as #13, are the chakra energy wheels. This is the total of 21 crystal skulls aligned as channels for the earth programmings. The anomalous elongated crystal skull is being separated from this group. I intuit it to be the broadcast channel to and from the Sirian ground party. The Nephrite jade skull is their blueprint offering of the expanding DNA of Earth's dimensional creationism. The meteorite ball incised with a face is pertinent for a continued research of these past astrological events that did create their own disasters, such as the meteorite stone that hit and killed the Yellow Emperor Huang Ti, in 2697. bc. Regarding the stone discs, if they were all strung together on a vertical rod (a large tsung) might they become the tower for an antennae to receive and relay the higher incoming messages from the Uni-Versal consciousness. Lightning is the written word of God, and Thunder, the Resonator of the vibrational edicts to and with co-creative alignments for the Spectral Harmonizers, I am intuiting: The T'sung is a square tube intended to respond as a directional finder of the 4 corners pole stars and their gravitational alignments to Earth's 12 paired gardens of Eden. Within the tsung, its center has a round shaft-like tunnel, aligned as recipient of the G-force CHI energies being transmitted by a singular strike of lightning. The acupuncture meridians are aligned as tunnels for the flow of the Greater Light's energies between the sympathetic and para-sympathetic nervous system. This being the neural network's blueprint for the ongoing continuum of the hiways of the Light-Life travels within the creations. Will our discoverer continue his journeys on these Himalayan 'Islands in the Sky", that will take him to the final resting port of Noah's Ark. I expect he will soon be putting that old biological lab barge in my swimming pool. Will it fit? Of course? It was built to the size requirements of the storage of many petri dishes for the re-combining of the pairs of seed and sperm of all earth's biological creations to be re-fertilized once again! Loving Us All Lee Guilmette Chin Himalayan Sun Stone Disks THE GREAT UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD __.. There is on earth a lodge of learned men who meet once a year to discuss various scientific questions. These initiates know about the earth - its past and its present - much more than contemporary scientists, who represent the official sciences. But concerning the future of the earth even these men of the lodge know nothing positive and they make assumptions about it. this lodge of initiates on earth, there is on the sun another lodge of great Initiates who know positively not only the past and present of our planet but also its future. Both lodges are only organs of that great universal organism of perfected, highly advanced beings who form the Great Universal Brotherhood. These perfected beings are much more advanced than even the greatest men of genius on earth, because they emerged much earlier from the Primal Source. They all have followed a particular path of development, under the guidance of the Divine Spirit, to that degree of advancement which they have attained at present. When we speak of the Great Universal Brotherhood, we mean that hierarchy of intelligent beings who have completed their evolution millions and billions of years ago and who now direct the entire cosmos. They direct it because they themselves have participated in its creation under the guidance of the Divine Spirit. consider how wisely the entire universe is constructed, with all its galaxies, and with all its innumerable suns and planets, or if we look only at the mechanical and technical perfection with which the earth is constructed, we might comprehend the power of mind and spirit those creative geniuses had who realized the Divine plan of the universe. range in a hierarchical order according to the extent of their knowledge and development and according to the service they perform. They are known by the following names: seraphim - brothers of love; cherubim - brothers of harmony; thrones - brothers of will; dominions - brothers of wisdom and joy; mights - brothers of movement and growth; powers - brothers of external form and art; principalities - brothers of time, condition and measure; archangels - brothers of fire and warmth; angels - bearers of life and vegetation. The last, the tenth rank, will be occupied by the advanced human souls. All of these together represent the great Cosmic Man. The activity of all those beings is so harmoniously distributed that each one knows when, how and what to do. They direct the functions of the great universal organism which includes within itself all Our understanding is that there are three types of solar systems. The first - the organs of the starry universes - forms the material, the physical world, made from the densest matter, though it has various degrees of density. The second is made from finer substance, the substance of the spiritual world, and is part of the angelic world. The third type of solar systems, in its totality, forms the divine world and is made out of the finest and most superior substance. Heaven, spoken of in the Sacred Scriptures, is not that blue vault over our heads behind which universal space disappears and in which, during the night, stars shine brightly. Heaven is organized by higher beings, by great souls, and therefore it is great in its activity. The angels who inhabit heaven are great souls who constantly send their light to the whole world. The energy of their mighty thought is distributed throughout the entire cosmos and as a collective power moves everything in the world. Do not think that the angels are immaterial beings, something like spectral phantoms. They are beings whose bodies are highly organized, formed from pure radiant substance. An angel can control his body in such a way that it can become visible and invisible. He can freely travel through boundless space with a speed greater than that of light; he can roam through solar systems and starry universes. The angels also are at different stages of development but generally they are divided into two great Kingdoms. Those of the higher kingdom rarely descend to the earth, but those of the lower one come often to help in the spiritual upliftment of mankind. These great brothers of man came forth from the human race, but followed their path of evolution billions of years before man, under more favorable conditions which they used wisely. And if the life of humanity advances according to plan, if cultures flourish on earth with their sciences, religions, and arts, if men have an eternal aspiration toward development and perfection, it is because these intelligent beings, who are closely connected with mankind, constantly work and care for them. Love, joy and life flow from the angels' hearts. And thanks to their inspiration, men live and strive. The angels wish for humanity to attain the light which they have, the freedom which they enjoy. They desire to teach men to live according to the great laws by which they live. They apply the most intelligent laws in the world. They live the purest and the most sublime life, a life of absolute unselfishness. In their great self-abnegation, these loving servants of God come down to earth in human form to help people. In one form or another they constantly send their ambassadors to the earth. All men of genius, all great people, saints, adepts, all men of science, writers, statesmen who promote the advancement of humanity in one or another direction - all of these are servants of the Great Universal Brotherhood. It chooses the most advanced souls from among humanity and prepares them for spiritual work among their brothers. Among contemporary humanity there are persons who have finer spiritual powers, who have finer constitution. They are distinguished by their highly organized and pliant bodies because they live an absolutely pure and saintly life. It is their extraordinary development which makes them suitable to be spiritual helpers of humanity. The most highly advanced among them completed their evolution on the earth and possess immense knowledge. They have extensive knowledge of the positive, absolute, Divine science which has existed since the creation of the universe. Many of them live on earth for thousands of years. Having passed through the process of resurrection, neither death nor rebirth exists for them. These men, called "Sons of God", within whose spirits and souls God lives, and who are connected with the entire rational world, with all advanced beings in all solar systems, are those great souls, Masters of humanity, who have attained the highest manifestation of thought and deed, in every field. They are those mighty spirits who, openly or secretly, inspire humanity to advance. You will discover these brothers behind every spiritual activity on earth, behind every spiritual manifestation; they are behind every great man, every great poet, musician or painter. In order that a man of genius may appear on the earth, it is necessary that thousands of souls of genius be united to express themselves through him. order that a Master may appear, it is necessary that all intelligent souls be united in him. What is Christ? Christ is a collective spirit. He is the totality of all Sons of God from whose souls and hearts flow love and life. All Sons of God united into one, all intelligent souls who live in divine oneness - that is Christ. In this sense He is the head of the Great Universal Brotherhood. And the star, mentioned in the Gospel and which appeared at Christ's birth, was something living: it was a unity of living beings descending from the heights to proclaim the coming of Christ. But only the three wise men from the East, great initiates, saw and knew the star. And these three wise men were also servants of the Great Universal Therefore, remember: the only great Community which exists at present in the world, is the Great Those members of the Great Universal Brotherhood, who guide the development of humanity and lead it toward a bright future, do not form any society or organization visible to men. They constitute a living unity, a rational community, which exists beyond the corrupted conditions among which men live.And therefore it is ridiculous to say that the headquarters of that brotherhood is here or there, in this or that country. All those great Brothers who work in the spiritual spheres of earth belong to seven hierarchies, seven categories. Some of them belong to Love and are called the "Brothers of Love". Others belong to Wisdom and are called "Brothers of Wisdom". They inspire the sciences and arts and bring knowledge to humanity. Others are called "Brothers of Truth". They bring freedom to men's minds and hearts. They introduce that freedom which makes the human spirit, the human soul, the human mind and heart, free - free in the full sense of the word. Still others are called "Brothers of Justice" and they bring righteousness to humanity and have at their disposal those invisible blessings, which contemporary men need. Some are called "Brothers of Virtue", and others, "Brothers of Beauty", and at last come those who have the name of "Jehovists". However, those are not the real names of these brothers. I dare not pronounce the real ones for they are sacred. These Brothers are not ordinary, as people might assume. Every one of them can take the earth in his hand and throw it like a ball in space! And they can do this because behind them is something that is still mightier, more sublime, which they serve. And if some men think that they can defy these Brothers, this reveals that they do not understand the profound meaning which inheres in the expression, "White Brother". If it is a question of force, these Brothers have at their disposal the mightiest force. They know the functions of the human brain so well that in one day they could cause all of humanity to fall asleep. What are the most powerful contemporary weapons before the power of these great Brothers? But they do not want to use force - they allow men to experience things for themselves, even at the price of thousands of sufferings because only suffering can ennoble and correct humanity. And one day men will come to know that in the world there is a great, just government, the citizens of which - the sons of God - are the wisest beings, who live according to God's laws and do His will. Not a nation will remain which has not experienced the power and the might of this just government. But if today men do not follow the right path, the reason is that, counterbalancing the Great White Brotherhood, another lodge of intelligent beings works, beings who do not understand the deep meaning of life and have a diametrically opposite comprehension of it. They constitute the so-called Black Brotherhood. The Black Brotherhood is a hierarchy of beings who have various ranks according to the degree of their intelligence. In order to give you a clearer concept of their functioning, I shall say that while the White Brotherhood works in the branches and the blossoms of life, with methods pertaining to them, the Black Brotherhood works in the roots of life. While the White Brotherhood works in the head and breast of the cosmic man, the Black Brotherhood works in the stomach, the liver and the intestines. Therefore, the White Brotherhood is connected with the positive forces, with the good, and the Black Brotherhood with the negative forces, with evil in the broadest sense of the word. But at present both forces are necessary for the manifestation of life. Their services are strictly defined. Besides these two schools, there is a third one - the school of the Great Masters who are from a higher hierarchy and direct the activities of the first two. They use the methods of both for their great aims but belong neither to the one nor to the other of the schools. They are those Great Masters of the Universal Brotherhood who guide the entire cosmos and who, after the completion of each evolution, create new waves of evolution according to another plan and another rhythm. Under the guidance of their mighty spirit, those advanced spirits who created the solar systems, including our own, at one time descended from the highest peaks of creation They also created and organized the primal "cosmic" earth - what was once "paradise". On that "cosmic earth" still live those perfected forefathers of men who completed their evolution. They are the great ancestors of humanity. Those creators of the past, those great ancestors still descend to our earth. And they will transform it into a paradise. Together with them will come those 144,000 souls spoken of in Revelation and among them there will be representatives of all past and present nations. All saints, adepts and Masters from time immemorial will come. Their mighty spirit will direct all awakened souls throughout the earth and all of these together will establish perfect order and harmony in the world. After they finish their task, they will withdraw and will leave humanity to live and work under the new conditions. Thus, the communication between the visible and the invisible worlds will be restored. This is the way in which the Great Universal Brotherhood has worked, works now, and will work in the world. And it will work until the one Love, the one Wisdom and the one Truth envelop all of creation. living thing will praise God in sacred peace and harmony. Peter Deunov (Beinsa Douno) was the Master of Omraam Mikhael Aivanhov in Bulgaria Just want to share this with you. On Feb. 26th this I took this photo of Orbs that appeared in my bedroom as I awoke. The room was so densely filled with them I was truly shocked. Some of them (as the one to the right of the photo were flying around at such a high speed it left a trail behind it. Marjorie Talk To Each Other" Crystal skulls are enhanced and empowered by the presence of other crystal skulls, no matter what size or age they are. Crystal skulls seem to connect with one another and absorb each other's energies, making them more powerful each time they connect with other skulls. This is why many people who begin collecting crystal skulls feel drawn to continue collecting crystal skulls. The Seraphim Institute in Germany has actually visually documented this exchange of energy between crystal skulls using a photon camera. Although scientists do not yet have a full explanation for this phenomenon, there is no doubt that energy fields become active between two or more crystal skulls. At Crystal Skulls .com, we are fortunate to have exclusive access to the rare Tibetan Crystal Skull "Amar" (which means "To Love"). This treasured crystal skull was rescued out of Tibet by a High Lama who hand-carried it across the Himalayas at great personal risk.

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WHY ACHEH WANTS INDEPENDENCE FROM THE COLONIALISM OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA? (This document is prepared by The Executive Council of the Free Acheh Movement - MP GAM -, August 1999) Who would believe that one of history’s oldest independent states in the world that had successfully resisted all attempts to colonise it by foreign colonialism, eventually lost its independence to Asian colonialism. That is at the time when colonialism was declared ‘an international crime’ by the UN, and when acquisition of territory by force is considered illegal under International Law? That state is Acheh. Acheh lies in the northern part of the island of Sumatra. It is ordered on the north by the Malacca Straits, on the South by the Indian Ocean, and has an estimated population 6 million. Aceh was the centre of a powerful empire for several centuries and has a long tradition of resistance to outside domination. Acheh is also abundantly rich in natural resources: oil, 1.5 million barrels per day; gas, 38% of world production - number one in the world; other products of Acheh include: gold, platinum, molybdenum, iron ore, tin, rubber, coffee, tea, and timber. All of the resources of Acheh are taken away to Jakarta and the people of Acheh are left with nothing. A Glance at Achehnese History For hundreds of years before the arrival of the European powers to Southeast Asia and for many centuries thereafter, Acheh remained an internationally recognised independent sovereign state. Larouse Grand Dictionnaire Universelle described the Kingdom of Acheh as "the most dominant nation in the East Indies towards the end of the sixteenth and until the first half of the seventeenth century." (Volume 1, p.70, Paris 1886.) Another great historical source of information of the period, La Grand Encyclopédie, wrote: "In 1582, the Achehnese had already extended their preponderance over the islands of Sunda (Sumatra, Java, Borneo, etc.) over part of the Malay Peninsula, and having relations with all the nations trafficking the Indian Ocean from Japan to Arabia. The history of the long struggle with the Achehnese sustained against the Portuguese who were established in Malacca since the beginning of the sixteenth century was no less glorious pages in the history of the Achehnese people. In 1586, one of their Sultans attacked the Portuguese in Malacca with an armada of 500 warships and 60, 000 marines." (Vol. IV, p. 402, Paris 1874.) Three hundred years after the Dutch had established themselves as the colonial master in the island of Java over the rest of the East Indies - now called ‘Indonesia’ - Acheh was still an internationally recognized independent state having diplomatic relations with the rest of the world. Professor M.C. Ricklefs, wrote in his book, "A History of Modern Indonesia"; "Acheh was emerging as a major power, the most powerful, wealthy, and cultivated state of the area." (Bloomington, 1981). The Dutch Declaration of War On March 26, 1873, after colonising Java and other islands such as the Moluccas, the Celebes, etc., the Dutch issued a formal Declaration of War against the Kingdom of Acheh, thus acknowledging Acheh’s status as an independent sovereign state. By April 23, 1873, however, the Dutch invading army was defeated by the Achehnese defenders at the Battle of Bandar Acheh. The Dutch Supreme Commander, General Kohler, was among the slain. His army was decimated and the remnants withdrew to Java in disgrace. For full reports about this battle, see the London Times, April 22 and the New York Times May 6, 1873. Unable to accept the humiliating defeat at the hands of the Achehnese, the Dutch invaded Acheh for the second, third, forth, fifth and sixth times over the years, until the war dragged on and on for nearly 80 years. One Dutch historian who wrote a book about this war, Paul van ‘t Veer, wrote: "Holland had never fought a war greater than the one with Acheh. In terms of time, the war can be said to be the eighty years war. In terms of casualties - more than one-hundred thousand dead - it was a military event that has no equal in the history of our land. The war against Acheh was for Holland very much more than a mere armed conflict: it was for a century, the burning point of our national, colonial, and international politics." Paul van ‘t Veer, De Atjeh-oorlog (the Acheh War), p.10, Amsterdam, 1969. After the Dutch withdrawal in 1942 and Acheh reverted back to its independent status without foreign army on its soil, the Japanese army landed in Acheh and occupied it for 3,5 years. The Achehnese bravely resisted Japanese imperialism as they had resisted the Dutch. In the whole short-lived Japanese ‘East Asia Co-prosperity period, only in Acheh did Japan face a native resistance. When the Japanese forces capitulated to the allied powers in August, 1945, and were evacuated to Japan, the Dutch did not make any attempt to come back to Acheh although they did return to Java and to all other parts of their former colonial empire. Acheh, then, remained free and independent. Dutch Illegal Transfer of Acheh to Indonesia On December 27, 1949, seven long years after their withdrawal from Acheh, the Dutch signed a treaty with the newly fabricated artificial entity called ‘Republic of Indonesia’ (on the island of Java) pretending to transfer their NON-EXISTENTE "SOVEREIGNTY" over Acheh to Indonesia, without referendum of the people of Acheh, and against all principles of decolonization of the UN. That was how Acheh was illegally made part of Indonesia. This was done in open violation of international law and conventions, and contradicting all UN General Assembly Resolutions against colonialism. The rules are crystal clear: (a) sovereignty in a colony does not lie in the hands of the colonial power, but in the hands of the people of a given colony - UN Resolution 1514(XV). In the case of Acheh, it was not even a colony of Holland; (b) sovereignty over a colonial territory is not transferable by one colonial power to another - UN Resolution 1514(XV); (c) all powers must be returned by the colonialist to the native people of each colony - UN Resolution 1514(XV); (d) the duty of all states is to end colonialism and to stop anyone from using force against peoples struggling for their independence - UN Resolution 2625(XXV); (e) colonialism is considered an ‘international crime’ and it is an inherent right of all colonised peoples to fight against the colonialists - UN Resolution 2621(XXV); (f) the use of force is prohibited against those who seek self-determination - UN Resolution 3314(XXIX); (g) each colonial territory has a separate juridical status, and each has the right to independence - UN Resolution 2625(XXV). All these rules were violated in the former Dutch East Indies, which has not been decolonized at all: only its name was changed from Dutch east Indies to Indonesia. Re-Declaration of Independence of Acheh On the basis of all the above-mentioned UN Resolutions which have become parts of International Law and Conventions, especially UN Resolution 2711 (XXV), adopted on October 14, 1970, which recognised the legitimacy of the liberation struggle, including armed struggle, waged by the colonised people to gain their rights of self determination and to get rid of foreign, colonial domination, the Free Acheh Movement (GAM - Gerakan Acheh Merdeka) was established in 1976, and on December 4, 1976, the Re-declaration of Independence of Acheh was issued from the liberated territory. Massive Violations of Human Rights in Acheh by Indonesia The reaction of the Indonesian Colonialist regime to the Re-declaration of Independence of Acheh and the overwhelming popular support for it brought grave violations Achehnese people’s human rights. Thus, the root cause of the murders, torture, and other atrocities is the continued denial of the most fundamental human rights of all: the Right of Self-determination! Soon after the establishment of the Free Acheh Movement, Indonesian forces conducted military operations against the relatively peaceful movement, and hundreds of alleged members were killed or arrested, and some were even brought to show trials. By the early 1980s most of the top leaders, including ministers, were either killed or imprisoned, or had fled the country. In spite of all the killings, arbitrary arrests and the crack down on its supporters, the movement sustained the struggle for several years onwards. The Reign of Terror in Acheh under the Military Operational Area ("DOM" - Daerah Operasi Militer), 1989-1999 After a period of dormancy, the Free Acheh Movement (GAM) re-emerged again in 1989 with far wider support from the local population. The Indonesian regime immediately sent 15 000 Special Forces, Kopassus, to "hunt" down supporters and members of the movement. During this period (1989-1998), Acheh was declared as a Military Operational Area (DOM) by Indonesia and ruled by a reign of terror. The atrocities perpetrated through these years have no equal in the history of Acheh fighting against any colonial powers in the past. Arbitrary arrests, extra-judicial killings, routine torture and disappearances of thousands of civilians had become commonplace. An estimated 25 000 innocent Achehnese lost their lives in military custody, in hidden mass graves, or in secret concentration camps. Political killings, disappearances and arrests reached their peaks in late 1990 and again in 1992. The methods employed to defeat GAM bore all the hall marks of any counter-insurgency campaigns conducted elsewhere in Indonesia. In an effort to undercut the civilian support base of the freedom fighters, military forces also carried out armed raids and house-to-house searches in suspected ‘rebel’ areas. The houses of villagers suspected of providing shelter or support to the rebels were burned to the ground. The wives or daughters of some suspected rebels were detained as hostages and some were raped. Anyone suspected of contact with GAM members was vulnerable to arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, disappearance or summary execution. In March 1991, as the pressure on the GAM intensified, thousands of Achehnese civilians fled to neighbouring Malaysia to escape terror in the countryside. Indonesia being an artefact of colonialism is not a government by consent of the governed. It is an illegally constituted state that has been maintained by using state terrorism as a national policy. It may not be maintainable otherwise. Asia Watch Report 1990, said: "Violence is certainly an important part of the short history of Indonesia. The Indonesian government has systematically violated fundamental human rights for over 20 years and continue to do so with impunity." Reports of human rights violations in Acheh began to appear intermittently in the national and international press during 1990. Amnesty International and Asia Watch expressed deep concern at the massive scale of human rights abuses in the area. In mid 1989 the military was using heavy handed methods and vowed to "crush" the rebellion by the end of the year. Summary executions, random mass arrests, barbaric torture, disappearances, 12-hour curfews, house-to-house searches and the deliberate creation of an atmosphere of fear and terror were the order of the day. In November 1990, the Indonesian Major General Djoko Pramono, Military Commander for North Sumatra and Acheh, admitted that many people had been killed in Acheh and the killings were occurring everyday. In his own words, the Military Commander made it clear that killing people suspected of being supporters of the Free Acheh Movement was an official policy. He said: "I have told the people the important thing is, if you see a GPK (security disrupter gangs, the term officially used for GAM by Indonesia), you should kill him. There is no need to investigate. Just shoot him or knife him. So I have instructed people to carry weapons, machetes or whatever. If you see a GPK, just kill him." (Tempo, 17 November 1990). In a country where the words of a general are the law of the land, this is literally an official incitement to commit political murders. And yet this has caused no international outcry. Shortly after Pramono gave the "shoot-to-kill" order, hundreds of corpses were found in public places, beside main roads, in plantations, in rivers - apparently as a warning to others not to join or support GAM. Most of the victims had been prisoners when they were killed; most had been shot at close range and showed signs of having been beaten with a blunt instrument or tortured, so that their faces were therefore often unrecognisable. Actually, not all victims of extra-judicial killings were tortured and left in public places. Many were simply shot and thrown into hidden mass graves, some of which contained hundreds of bodies. In mid 1990, for example, people discovered a mass grave near the village of Alue Mirah, containing some 200 bodies. Commenting on the report, H.R. Pramono disputed the number of corpses but, significantly, did not deny the existence of the grave itself. Speaking to a journalist in November 1990, he said: "The grave certainly exists but I don’t think it could have been 200 bodies. It is hard to tell with arms and heads all mixed up." Tempo, October 20, 1990. For further reading on the atrocities committed under this period, the reader is recommended to read the following: * Amnesty International: Shock Therapy: Restoring Order in Acheh, 1989-1993 * Asia Watch Report: Indonesia: Human Rights Abuses in Acheh, Dec. 27, 1990 * Asia Watch Report: Indonesia: Continuing H.R. Violations in Acheh, June 19, 1991 * TAPOL Backgrounder; Mass Killings in Acheh, June 27, 1991 * A Black Paper, Information Dept. ASNLF, Nov. 1, 1990 The Military Operational Area - DOM - Was Lifted in August 8, 1998. After nearly a decade of brutality, massacres, disappearances, rapes, tortures, and after the downfall of Suharto in May last year, the people of Acheh began to speak out about their sufferings at the hands of the Indonesian troops and demonstrated their anger at the murderous campaign of terror to which they have been subjected since the late 1980s. Achehnese from all walks of life - NGOs, students, and even members of the local assemblies - had been demanding the lifting of DOM. This forced the chief commander of Indonesian Army, General Wiranto, to hurriedly come to Acheh and make a public apology to the people of Acheh. At the same time, he announced the lifting of DOM and that all non-organic troops - troops outside of Acheh mainly Kopassus would be pulled out from the area within a month. It so happened! The Special Forces "Kopassus" - were withdrawn in stages, but soon people discovered that even more Kopassus were smuggled in again to Aceh to destabilise the situation that had deprived the military from controlling Acheh. A diplomat told (19 November): "The view is that Aceh is exactly the same as East Timor - there was a staged withdrawal of special forces and then they were sent in again through the back door." Here again, the determination of the Indonesian military not to relinquish control over Acheh had caused widespread protests from the Achehnese, NGOs and a large number of local and national human rights organisations. The intensification of military activity could be traced back to within a few days of the announcement, when the media began to report renewed incidents of intimidation. People who had revealed the location of mass graves in public were being harassed by unknown individuals. Rape victims were intimidated by members of Kopassus for reporting what had happened to them. Dozens of Mass Graves Found in Acheh As the era of ‘reformation’ and openness prevailed, the Achehnese began to outpour their anger and bitter experience about a decade harsh military operation. Thousands of widows began to speak out to the press about their lost husbands; parents about their ‘disappeared’ children and vice versa; families about their bereaved ones, and so on. Unable to contain the pressure from all sections of Achehnese society, an official fact finding mission (TPF) from the Indonesian parliament, DPR, was sent to Acheh, meeting with people to hear their complaints about the human right situation there during the past ten years. The team soon discovered evidence of dozens of mass graves containing the bones of both men and women. And it also found evidence of several torture camps used by Kopassus such as Rancong in Lhok Seumawe and Pos Sattis Aron in Pidie Region. During the TPF visit, local newspapers, in particular Banda Aceh’s based Serambi Indonesia and Waspada in Medan, gave extensive coverage to the horrific testimony of hundreds of Achehnese presented to the fact-finding team. A month after the team returning to Jakarta to report the result of their visit to the area, the Indonesian government immediately appointed and sent out to Acheh a four member National Human Rights Commission, headed by Baharuddin Lopa, to further investigate the existence of mass graves and other atrocities. Mass grave after mass grave were excavated, that eventually forced the government to stop the process, saying that accusation of human rights abuses in Acheh ware "stories" and the mass graves dated back to "Dutch times or to the killing of communists in 1965." Responding to the government’s denial of the existence of mass graves, the commission’s secretary general, Mr Bahruddin Lopa, said: "It is clear there has been a massacre in Acheh. I don’t want to hear any government official pretend the widespread killing of civilians during the operations in Acheh never happened." One of the commission members, Kusparmono Irsan, also a former national police chief, put it this way: "Now we know there is something that can be proved, that certain soldiers are guilty of atrocities." This irresponsible attitude of the government, unwilling to respond to the grave violations of human rights committed by its army, had distanced Achehnese even further from the Jakarta regime and shifted their total support for the Free Acheh Movement. Assert Authority 99 (Operasi Wibawa 99) Unable to resolve the past atrocities, the situation in the beginning 1999 has become intense and even more warlike. The Indonesian government then introduced a new way of controlling the people’s anguish and anger through ‘Operasi Wibawa 99’ - Assert Authority Operation - a joint military-police operation. The following are some chronological events of massacres as a result of ‘Operasi Wibawa: Kandang Tragedy, North Acheh (January 3, 1999) On 3 January, Operasi Wibawa started its first bloodthirsty operation to "hunt" down Ahmad Kandang - the so called GAM leader - and his followers. Early in the morning the security forces entered Blang Kandang, Pusong and other villages in the vicinity to search for Ahmad Kandang and an army Major who was supposed to have been kidnapped by his group. As the operation was in progress, hundreds of villagers from Pusong and the surrounding marched into Lhok Seumawe to protest the military operations in their villages. But soon after that the military began to fire indiscriminately on men, women, children on the streets of Lhok Seumawe. The similar action was also carried out in subdistricts Kuta Makmur and Muara Dua. An estimated 40 civilians were killed in this massacre, and almost 200 were arrested. And dozens of the arrested had to be hospitalised for having been tortured by the army. The army tried to blame the massacre on GAM, but vehemently denied by eye-witnesses, saying that it was the soldiers who shot fleeing civilians in the back. The following day, the Indonesian soldiers returned to Pusong, launching an ambush on the villagers who had taken refuge in mosques. Fifteen young men were arrested, without any resistance whatsoever, accused of being the followers of Ahmad Kandang. These arbitrary arrests and unlawful killings by the Indonesian army have not been investigated, either by national or international human rights organisations. Thus, encouraging the army to kill more Achehnese civilians in future. Five Detainees Tortured to Death (January 9, 1999) On 9 January, the army launched another bloody attack on civilians in Blang Kandang village and Muara Dua subdistrict, in search for Ahmad Kandang. Within hours, the security forces had arrested and detained 40 villagers suspected of being sympatisers of Ahmad Kandang. The detainees were immediately taken and held in a youth group’s building, while two were taken to hospital for treatment. For the whole day, the 38 detainees were interrogated. Suddenly, around 70 soldiers Kopassus led by Major Bayu Najib, ambushed the building and began to beat and tortured the detainees. As a result of the beatings and torture, five died and another 23 were taken to hospital for treatment of serious injuries. Massacre in Idi Cut, East Acheh (February 3, 1999) Another brutal massacre, maybe the worst so far, is the tragedy of Idi Cut in East Acheh. Almost one hundred were gunned down, hundreds were injured and dozens are still unaccounted for. This massacre happened in the village of Idi Cut, East Acheh, Wednesday 3 February. About five thousand people were returning home from a social gathering, mostly on foot and some on motorcycles. Suddenly the crowd were pelted with stones by ‘troublemakers’ - army provocateurs - as they neared the headquarters of the military command in Idi Cut. As this was occurring, three army trucks drove up and without warning, opened fire from their raised vantage point, killing and wounding a large number of people. Witnesses said gunfire continued to be heard for several hours while blood was flowing everywhere. Soon after massacre, the area was sealed off by the army while loading the bodies into the trucks. The following day, it became known that dozens of the bodies had been taken by the military to a bridge spanning the River Arakundoe, 30 km away, and thrown into the river. On the same day, huge crowds flocked there to search for relatives and friends. At least ten bodies were fished out in the river, and all the bodies had their hands and feet bound with wire and weighed down with stone in sacks tied to the bodies. It is obvious that the way the body were disposed was an attempt by the military to conceal the scale and nature of the atrocity, and to lie about the number of casualties and deaths. Almost one hundred were brutally killed and dozens disappeared, but neither national nor international human rights organisations has ever managed to independently investigate about this atrocity! Massare Dewantara, North Acheh (May 3, 1999) The massacre of Dewantara happened in the village of Cot Murong, Dewantara subdistrict, where the soldiers opened fire on thousands of men, women and children in an unprovoked attack. Over sixty civilians were killed in cold blood and hundreds were seriously injured. The nature of this massacre is almost the same as in Idi Cut tragedy. The incident began with a peaceful open-air religious gathering to celebrate the Muslim new year, Muharram on 30 April in Cot Murong. Thousands of people had assembled, and an intelligent army sergeant from a nearby Guided Missiles Detachment, Denrudal, armed with a pistol and a walkie-talkie, was found in the crowd. After questioned by angry villagers, he was ordered to leave, but the army alleged that he had gone missing and sent hundreds of troops to search for him. During the two day search, villagers were combed and dozens of villagers were beaten up. Angry villagers protested to military as well as authorities to stop the harassment. The situation was highly tense and talks were held between the leaders of the villagers and the military chief, but as this was in progress, more troops arrived. With tempers rising, some people - army provocateurs - started throwing stones at the military headquarters. Then, two more truckloads of troops turned up and blindly fired their guns on the crowd. Witnesses said that the troops were squatting and firing indiscriminately at fleeing civilians, as clearly shown on the video film taken by a cameraman who happened to be in the vicinity when the atrocity took place. Over 60 civilians were killed and many more injured, but calls for an independent investigation into this massacre, have gone unheeded. Massacre Beutong Ateuëh, West Acheh (July 23, 1999) This is the most blatant massacre, the worst so far, and the latest in a series since the beginning of this year. Over one hundred soldiers had discreetly come from Central Acheh, Takengon, passing difficult mountainous regions, to a small and isolated community of Blang Murandeh in West Acheh, to purposely perpetrate a bloody massacre on religious students led by Teungku Bantaqiah. After having committed indiscriminate killings on Some 75 unarmed civilians, the bodies were simply dumped into a pit, while dozens who were injured and still alive had been taken away to be executed. The news of the killings reached out after two days, when a couple of villagers managed to escape from the place and exposed to the local press about the horrible tragedy. The Banda Aceh’s based regional army commander, Col.Tippe, defended the massacre as saying: "It is true Teungku Bantaqiah and his 30 followers were killed because our intelligence unit knew he has armes." Another army commander, Col. Safnil Armen, put it this way: "Those who were killed are trouble makers and ganja - hashes - farmers, but we are still checking." Survivors said that most of those killed were first arrested and then took to a field to be executed. This massacre and other massacres that have been previously mentioned, have been committed by the Indonesian army with impunity: Not a single perpetrator of these flagrant violations of human rights against innocent Achehnese civilians has been brought to justice, signalling that such violations are allowed to be violated in Acheh. Today, as every inch of the land of Acheh is being occupied by the Indonesian marauding army, over 140, 000 Achehnese refugees live in terrible conditions. There is no end in sight how to solve this problem, unless the International community would immediately intervene to stop this intolerable situation. Acheh and International Community For almost two decades Acheh has become a slaughter-house for the Indonesian Armed Forces; massacre after massacre has been committed against Achehnese civilians with impunity; and the International Community has totally failed to respond to this very grave violations of human rights. The perpetrators - the Indonesian army- who have been accountable for tens of thousands of civilian deaths in Acheh have never been brought to justice for the past crimes and there is no indication that they will be in future. The silence of the world on the atrocities in Acheh has been used by the Indonesian army as a "licence-to-kill’, thereby making future violations even more likely to occur. It is now accepted as a civilised principle that there is ‘The Right to Intervene’ belonging to International Community to stop situations which are intolerable from a humanitarian of view. The UN Security Council’s Resolution 688 has become a precedent. It authorised the UN intervention in Iraq to protect the Kurds. The violations of human rights in Acheh are the direct consequence of the Indonesian regime’s denial of the right of self-determination of the people of Acheh. Therefore, the UN is duty-bound to intervene immediately in Acheh, first to stop forthwith Indonesian crime of genocide against the people of Acheh; second, to recognise the independence of Acheh in the same manner the independence of the Baltic states, the former territories of Yugoslavia; and thirdly, to supervise a free plebiscite in Acheh to insure that the people of Acheh have exercised their right of self-determination. By further delaying in taking these necessary actions, the UN is giving the impression of practising ‘double-standard’ in its international dealings. On November 8, 1999 almost two millions people attended a massive protest in the capital of Aceh (Banda Aceh) demanding the Indonesian government to hold a Referendum to resolves the Aceh matter. What the world has done so far since to respond to the Achehnese demands? NOTHING! The world today full with hypocrites and coolblooded killers. NEXT MELLENIUM IS JUST FEW DAYS, WHAT THE WORLD WILL BE THEN?

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Andes ANDES, a vast mountain system forming a continuous chain of highland along the western coast of South America. It is roughly 4400 m. long, 100 m. wide in some parts, and of an average height of 13,000 ft. The connexion of this system with that of the Rocky Mountains, which has been pointed out by many writers, has received much support from the discovery of the extensive eruptions of granite during Tertiary times, extending from the southern extremity of South America to Alaska. The Andean range is composed of two great principal chains with a deep intermediate depression, in which, and at the sides of the great chains, arise other chains of minor importance, the chief of which is that called the Cordillera de la Costa of Chile. This starts from the southern extremity of the continent, and runs in a northerly direction, parallel with the coast, being broken up at its beginning into a number of islands, and afterwards forming the western boundary of the great central valley of Chile. To the north this coastal chain continues in small ridges or isolated hills along the Pacific as far as Colombia, always leaving the same valley more or less visible to the west of the western great chain. Of the two principal chains the eastern is generally called Los Andes, and the western La Cordillera, in Colombia, Peru Tierra del Fuego. and Bolivia, where the eastern is likewise known as Cordillera Real de los Andes, while to the south of parallel 23° S. lat. in Chile and Argentina, the western is called Cordillera de Los Andes. The eastern disappears in the centre of Argentina, and it is therefore only the Cordillera de los Andes that is prolonged as far as the south-eastern extremity of the continent. The Cordillera de la Costa begins near Cape Horn, which is composed principally of crystalline rocks, and its heights are inconsiderable when compared with those of the true Cordillera of the Andes. The latter, as regards its main chain, is on the northern coast of the Beagle Channel, in Tierra del Fuego, bounded on the north by the deep depression of Lake Fagnano and of Admiralty Sound. Staten Island appears to be the termination to the east. The Cordillera of the Andes in Tierra del Fuego is formed of crystalline schists, and culminates in the snow-capped peaks of Mount Darwin and Mount Sarmiento (7200 ft.), which contains glaciers of greater extent than those of Mont Blanc. The extent of the glaciers is considerable in this region, which, geographically, is more complex than was formerly supposed. Although, in the explored portion of the Fuegian chain, the volcanoes which have been mentioned from time to time have not been met with, there seem to have existed to the south, on the islands, many neo-volcanic rocks, some of which appear to be contemporaneous with the basaltic sheet that covers a part of eastern Patagonia. The insular region between Mount Sarmiento and the Cordillera de los Andes, properly so called, i.e. that which extends from Magellan Strait northwards, is not fully explored, and all that is known of it is that it is principally composed of the same rocks as the Fuegian section, and that the greater part of its upper valleys is occupied by glaciers that reach down to the sea amid dense forest. As Admiralty Sound and Lake Fagnano bound the Cordillera to the north in Tierra del Fuego, so at the eastern side of the Cordillera in the southernmost part of the continent there is a longitudinal depression which separates the Andes from some independent ridges pertaining to a secondary parallel broken chain called the pre-Cordillera. This depression is occupied in great part by a series of lakes, some of these filling transversal breaches in the range, whilst others are remains of glacial reservoirs, bordered by morainic dams, extending as far as the eastern tableland and corresponding in these cases with transversal depressions which reach the Atlantic Ocean. Between the Chile-Argentina, 52°-38° S. larger lakes, fed by the Andine glaciers of the eastern slope of the Southern Andes, are Lakes Maravilla, 100 sq. m., and Sarmiento, 26 sq. m., 51° S. lat., which overflow into Last Hope Inlet; Argentino, 570 sq. m., 50° S. lat.; and Viedma, 450 sq. m., 49° 30' S. lat., which empty into the river Santa Cruz; the fjordian Lake San Martin, 49° S. lat., and Lakes Nansen, 18 sq. m.; Azara, 8 sq. m.; and Belgrano, 18 sq. m., which are dependents of Lake San Martin (380 sq. m.), and Lakes Pueyrredon (98 sq. m.) and Buenos Aires (700 sq. m.), which now overflow into the Pacific, through one of the remarkable inlets that are found throughout the Cordillera, the Calen Inlet, which is the largest western fjord of Patagonia. To the north of Lake Buenos Aires there is Lake Elizalde, which, while situated on the eastern slope, sends its waters to the Pacific Ocean, and Lakes Fontana (30 sq. m.) and La Plata (34 sq. m.), 45° S. lat., which feed the river Senguerr, which flows to the Atlantic. Lake General Paz (66 sq. m.) on the eastern slope of the Andes, at 44° S. lat., is the principal source of the Palena river, which cuts all the Cordillera, while Lakes Fetalauquen (20 sq. m.) Menendez (28 sq. m.), Rivadavia (10 sq. m.), and other smaller lakes, also situated between 43° 30', and 42° 30' S. lat. on the eastern slope send their waters to the Pacific by the river Fetaleufu which cuts through the Andes by a narrow gorge. The waters of Lake Puelo (18 sq. m.) likewise flow into the same ocean through the river of that name, which also cuts the Cordillera, and of which the principal affluent likewise drains the waters of a system of small lakes, the largest of which, Lake Mascardi, measures 17 sq. m., which in comparatively recent times formed part of the basin of Lake Nahuel-Huapi (207 sq. m.), 41° S. lat. An extensive area of glacial deposits shows that a sheet of ice formerly covered the whole eastern slope to a great distance from the mountains. To the west another sheet reached at the same time the Pacific Ocean. From the Strait of Magellan up to 52° S. lat., the western slope of the Cordillera does not, properly speaking, exist. Abrupt walls overlook the Pacific, and great longitudinal and transversal channels and fjords run right through the heart of the range, cutting it generally in a direction more or less oblique to its axis, the result of movements of the earth's crust. The mountains forming the Cordillera between Magellan Strait and 41° S. lat. are higher than those previously mentioned in Tierra del Fuego. Generally composed of granite, gneiss and Palaeozoic rocks, covered in many parts by rugged masses of volcanic origin, their general height is not less than 6500 ft., while Mount Geikie is 7500 ft. and Mount Stokes 7100 ft. To the north are Mounts Mayo (7600 ft.), Agassiz (10,600 ft.), and Fitzroy, in 49° S. lat. (11,120 ft.). The section from 52° to 48° S. lat. is a continuous ice-capped mountain range, and some of the glaciers extend from the eastern lakes to the western channels, where they reach the sea-level. The level of the lakes begins at 130 ft. at Lake Maravilla and gradually ascends to nearly 700 ft. at Lake San Martin. Passing the breach through which Lake San Martin empties itself into Calen Inlet, in 48° S. lat., is found a wide oblique opening in the range, through which flows the river Las Heras, fed by Lake Pueyrredon, which is only 410 ft. above the sea-level to the east of the Andes, while Lake Buenos Aires, immediately to the north, is 710 ft. The Andes continue to be to the west an enormous rugged mass of ice and snow of an average height of 9000 ft., sending glaciers to all the eastern fjords. Mount San Lorenzo, detached from the main chain in the pre-Cordillera, is 11,800 ft. high. Mount San Valentin (12,700 ft.) is the culminating point of the Andes in the region extending from 49° to 46° S. lat., a little north of which is the river Huemules which is followed by the breach of the river Aisen. These two rivers have emptied a large system of lakes, which in pre-Glacial times occupied the eastern zone, thus forming a region suitable for colonization in the broad valleys and hollows, where the rivers, as in the case with those in the north, cut through the Andes by narrow gaps, forming cataracts and rapids between the snowy peaks. Volcanic action is still going on in these latitudes, as the glaciers are at times covered by ashes, but the predominant rocks to the east are the Tertiary granite, while to the west gneiss, older granite and Palaeozoic rocks prevail. The highest peaks, however, seem to be of volcanic origin. Farther north, up to 41° S. lat., the water gaps are situated at a lesser distance one from the other, owing mainly to more continuous erosion, this section of the continent being the region of the maximum rainfall on the western coast to the south of the equator. Between the gaps of the river Aisen and river Cisnes or Frias, which also pierces the chain, is found a huge mountain mass, in which is situated Mount la Torre (7150 ft.). These form the continental watershed, but in this region erosion is taking place so rapidly that the day is not far distant when Lakes La Plata and Fontana, situated to the east at a height of 3000 ft. and now tributaries of the Atlantic, may become tributaries of the Pacific. Already filtrations from the former go to feed western affluents through the granitic masses. To the north of Mount la Torre flows in the river Cisnes, 44° 48' S. lat., across another water gap, continuing the range to the north with high peaks, as Alto Nevado (7350 ft.) and Cacique (7000 ft.). The glaciers reach almost the western channels, as is the case at the river Quelal. The northern glaciers, descending nearly to sea-level, are situated at 43° 40' S. lat. To the north 45° S. lat. a well-defined western longitudinal valley, at some recent time occupied by lakes and rivers, divides the Cordillera into two chains, the eastern being the main chain, to which belong Mounts Alto Nevado, Cacique, Dentista, Maldonado, Serrano, each over 7000 ft. high; and Torrecillas (7400 ft.), Ventisquero (7500 ft.), and Tronador (11,180 ft.); while the western chain, broken into imposing blocks, contains several high volcanic peaks such as Mounts Tanteles, Corcovado, Minchimahuida, Hornopiren and Yates. The rivers Palena, with its two branches, Pico and Carrenleufu, Fetaleufu, Puelo and Manso cut the two chains, while the rivers Reñihue, Bodadahue and Cochamo have their sources in the main eastern ridge. Mention has been made of active volcanoes in 51°, 49° and 47° S. lat., but these have not been properly located. The active volcanoes south of 41°, concerning which no doubt exists, are the Huequen, in 43° lat., and the Calbuco, both of which have been in eruption in modern times. The surroundings of Mount Tronador, consisting of Tertiary granite and basalt, form one of the most interesting regions in the Patagonian Andes for the mountaineers of the future. To the east extends the large and picturesque lake of Nahuel-Huapi, to the west is Lake Todos Los Santos (50 sq. m.), to which the access is easy and of which the scenery is of surpassing beauty. Between 41° and 38° S. lat., among other smaller lakes, are Lakes Traful (45 sq. m.), Lacar (32 sq. m.), which, properly belonging to the system of Atlantic lakes, empties itself by the only water gap that occurs in this zone of the Cordillera into the river Valdivia, a tributary of the Pacific, Lake Lolog (15 sq. m.), Huechu-lafquen (45 sq. m.), and Lake Alumine (21 sq. m.). The volcanoes of Lanin (12,140 ft.), Quetropillan (9180 ft.), Villarica (10,400 ft.), Yaimas and Tolhuaca are all more or less active; the first is in the main chain, while the others are on the western slope. The scenery in the neighbourhood is magnificent, the snowy cones rising from amidst woods of araucaria, and being surrounded by blue lakes. While the scenery of the western slope of the Andes is exceedingly grand, with its deep fjords, glaciers and woods, yet the severity of its climate detracts considerably from its charm. The climate of the eastern slope, however, is milder, the landscapes are magnificent, with wooded valleys and beautiful lakes. The valleys are already partly settled by colonists. Between 52° and 40° S. lat. erosion has carried the watershed of the continent from the summit of the Cordillera to the eastern plains of Patagonia. From 40° S. southward the Chile-Argentine Boundary Commission under Sir T. H. Holdich carried out important investigations in 1902; and between 38° and 33° S. lat. the Andes were somewhat extensively explored about the close of the 19th century by Argentine and Chilean Commissions. The highest peaks in the latter section are volcanic and their eruptions have sensibly modified the character of the primitive ridges. Out-flows of lava and tufa cover the mountain sides and fill up the valleys. The Jurassic and Cretaceous formations, which in the Southern Cordillera are situated outside of the range to the east, form to a considerable extent the mass of the great range, together with quartz porphyry, the Tertiary, granite and other eruptive rocks, which have been observed along all the chain in South America up to Alaska in the north. Gneiss is seldom met with, but there are crystalline rocks, belonging chiefly to the pre-Cordillera of the eastern and to the Cordillera de la Costa on the western side. About 38° S. the Andes take a great transversal extension; there are no wide intermediate valleys between the different ridges but the main ridge is perfectly defined. Volcanic Chile-Argentina from 38° S. northward. cones continue to predominate, the old crystalline rocks almost disappear, while the Mesozoic rocks are most common. The higher peaks are in the main chain, while the Domuyo (15,317 ft.) belongs to a lateral eastern ridge. The principal peaks between this and Mount Tupungato at 33° S. lat. are: Mount Cochico (8255 ft.), Campanario, (13,140 ft.), Peteroa (13,297 ft.), Tinguiririca, Castillo (16,535 ft.), Volcano Maipu (17,576 ft.), Alvarado (14,600 ft.), Amarillo (15,321 ft.), Volcano San Jose (19,849 ft.), Piuquenes (17,815 ft.), and Volcano Bravard (19,619 ft.). North of Maipu volcano, ascended by R. P. Güssfeldt in 1883, the Cordillera is composed of two huge principal ridges which unite and terminate in the neighbourhood of Mount Tupungato. The valley between them is 9000 ft. high; and in that part of the Cordillera are situated the highest passes south of 33° S. lat., one of which, the Piuquenes Pass, reaches 13,333 ft., whilst the easiest of transit and almost the lowest is that of Pichachen (6505 ft.), which is the most frequented during winter. Mount Tupungato reaches 22,329 ft., according to Argentine measurement. To the north of this mountain, situated at the watershed of the Andes, extends a lofty region comprising peaks such as Chimbote (18,645 ft.) and Mount Polleras (20,266 ft.). The Pircas Pass is situated at a height of 16,962 ft. The gaps of Bermejo and Iglesia, in the Uspallata road, the best known of all the passes between Argentina and Chile, are at 13,025 ft. and 13,412 ft. altitude respectively, while the nearest peaks, those of Juncal and Tolorsa, are 19,358 and 20,140 ft. high. Mounts Tupungato, Aconcagua (23,393 ft.) and Mercedario (21,982 ft.) are the highest peaks of the central Argentine-Chilean Andes. |after C. Burckhardt||A. Alluvium||G. Upper Jurassic Gypsum| |C. Cretaceous (including upper & lower)||YV. Younger Volcanic Rocks| |M. Upper Jurassic (Malm)||mostly porphyrite and |OV. Older Volcanic Rocks| |D. Middle Jurassic (Dogger)||Di. Dioritic Rocks| |L. Liassic||X. Change of bearing in the Sections| These three peaks are formed of eruptive rocks, surrounded by Jurassic beds which have undergone a thorough metamorphosis. While in the west of the Andes, from the latitude of Aconcagua, the central valley of Chile runs without any notable interruption to the south end of the continent, a valley which almost disappears to the north, leaving only some rare inflexions which are considered by Chilean geographers and geologists to be a continuation of the same valley; to the east in Argentina a longitudinal valley, perfectly characterized, runs along the eastern foot of the Cordillera, separating this from the pre-Cordillera, which is parallel to the Cordillera de la Costa of Chile. Between Aconcagua and Mercedario are the passes of Espinacito (14,803 ft.) and Los Patos or Valle Hermoso (11,736 ft.), chosen by the Argentine General San Martin, when he made his memorable passage across the chain during the War of Independence. North of Valle Hermoso the Andean ridges, while very high, are not abrupt, and the passes are more numerous than in the south; some of them descending 10,000 ft., but most of them between 13,000 and 14,000 ft. The pass of Quebrada Grande is 12,468 ft. in altitude; Cencerro, 12,944 ft.; Mercedario, 13,206 ft.; Ojota, 14,304 ft.; Pachon, 14,485 ft.; while Gordito is 10,318 ft. Farther north the passes are higher. Barahona Pass is 15,092 ft.; Ternera, 15,912 ft.; San Lorenzo, 16,420 ft., while the peak of the volcano reaches 18,143 ft.; Mount Olivares, 20,472 ft.; Porongos, 19,488 ft.; Tortolas, 20,121 ft.; and Potro, 19,357 ft. As far as 28° S. lat. the Cordillera de los Andes has been principally formed by two well-defined ridges, but to the north, recent volcanic action has greatly modified its orography. Only a single line of passes characterizes the main ridge, and amongst them are the passes of 0llita (15,026 ft.), Peñas Negras (14,435 ft.), Pircas Negras (13,615 ft.), La Gallina (16,240 ft.), Tres Quebradas (15,535 ft.), and Aguita (15,485 ft.). To the north of Mount Potro the peaks in the Cordillera are not very prominent as far as the great mass of Tres Quebradas, but here are to be met with some that may be considered as amongst the highest of Bolivia. the whole range. Mount Aguita is 20,600 ft., and the culminating peak of those of Tres Cruces reaches 22,658 ft. To the east of the eastern longitudinal valley, at 27° S. lat., begins a high volcanic plateau between the Cordillera and the southern prolongation of the Bolivian Cordillera Real, which contains lofty summits, such as Mount Veladero (20,998 ft.), Mount Bonete (21,980), Mount Reclus (20,670), Mount Pissis (22,146), Mount Ojo del Salado (21,653), and Incahuasi (21,719). To the north of Tres Cruces is a transversal depression in the Cordillera, which is considered to be the southern termination of the high plateau of the Puna de Atacama. The Cordillera of the Andes borders the Puna to the west, while the Bolivian Cordillera Real bounds it to the east. In that region the Cordillera of the Andes is of comparatively recent origin, being principally constituted by a line of high volcanoes, the chief summits being those of Juncal, Panteon de Aliste, Azufre or Listarrìa (18,636 ft.), Llullaillaco (21,720), Miñiques (19,357), Socompa (19,948), Licancaur (19,685), Viscachuelas (20,605), Tapaquilcha (19,520), Oyahua (19,242), Ancaquilcha (20,275), Olca (19,159), Miño (20,112), Sillilica (21,100), Perinacota (20,918), Sagama (22,339), Tacona (19,740), Misti (19,029); to the east closes in the intermediary high plateau which begins at 28° S. lat. in Argentina. The principal peaks of the Bolivian Andes and its prolongation from south to north, are Famatina, in the centre of Argentina, (20,340 ft.), Languna Blanca (18,307), Diamante (18,045), Cachi (20,000), Granadas, Lipez (19,680), Guadalupe (18,910), Chorolque (18,480), Cuzco (17,930), Enriaca (18,716), Junari (16,200), Michiga (17,410), Quimza-Cruz (18,280), Illimani (21,190) and Sorata (21,490). While the western range of the Cordillera is principally formed by volcanic rocks, the eastern (to the east of the range is Cerro Potosi, 15,400 ft.) Andes of Bolivia are chiefly composed of old crystalline rocks. Between the ranges in the high plateau north to 27° are numerous isolated volcanoes which have been in activity in recent times, such as Peinado (18,898 ft.), San Pedro (18,701), Antuco (19,029), Antofalla (20,014), Rincon (17,881), Pastos Grandes (17,553), Zapalegui (17,553), Suniguira (19,258), Tahue (17,458); volcanoes which have been elevated from a lacustrine basin, which very recently occupied the whole extension, and the remains of which are, in the south, the Laguna Verde, at 28°, and in the north Lake Titicaca. The discovery of great Pampean mammals in the Pleistocene beds of that region shows that this upheaval of the latter is very recent, for in the heart of the Cordillera, as well as on the west coast of Bolivia and Peru, there have been discovered, in very recent deposits, the remains of some mammals which cannot have crossed the high range as it now exists. The two Cordilleras that formed the Andes to the north of 28° S. lat. are continued in Peru. The western, which reaches an altitude of about 10,000 ft., then ceases to exist as a continuous chain, Peru-Ecuador. there remaining only a short, high ridge, called by Edward Whymper the “Pacific range of the equator,” and between this ridge and the crystalline Andean axis, the “avenue of volcanoes,” to use his words, arises amidst majestic scenery. Chimborazo, which is not in the main chain, reaches 20,517 ft.; Cotopaxi (19,580), Antisana (19,260), Coyambo (19,200) are in the eastern range, with many other peaks over 16,000 ft. which still contain glaciers. Sangay (17,380 ft.), under the equator, according to Wolff, appears to be the most active volcano in the world. Pichincha (15,804 ft.) and Cotocachi (16,297 ft.) are the loftiest volcanoes of the western range. In Colombia the three principal chains are continuations of those under the equator, and show very slight traces of volcanic action, In the western chain, which is remarkable for its regularity, the highest peak is 11,150 ft., and the lowest pass 6725 ft. Colombia. The central chain, separated from the western chain by the valley of the Cauca and from the eastern by the valley of the Magdalena, is unbroken; it is the more important owing to its greater altitudes and is of volcanic character. To the south, near the equator, are Mounts Arapul (13,360 ft.) and Chumbul (15,720 ft.). The volcanoes Campainero (12,470 ft.) and Pasto (14,000 ft.) are also in that zone. Farther north is the volcano Purace, which presents a height of 16,000 ft.; then come Huila (18,000), Santa Catalina (16,170), and Tolima (18,400), Santa Isabel (16,760), Ruiz (17,390) and Hervas (18,340). The eastern chain begins north of the equator at 6000 ft., gradually rises to the height of Nevado (14,146 ft.), Pan de Azucar (12,140 ft.), and in the Sierra Nevada de Cochi attains to peaks of 16,700 ft. The snow-line of the Andes is highest in parts of Peru where it lies at about 16,500 ft. Its general range from the extreme north to Patagonia is 14,000 to 15,500 ft., but along the Patagonian frontier it sinks rapidly, until in Tierra del Fuego it lies at about 4900 ft. Structure.—The structure of the Andes is least complex in the southern portion of the range. Between 33° and 36° S. the chain consists broadly of a series of simple folds of Jurassic and Cretaceous beds. It is probably separated on the east from the recent deposits of the pampas by a great fault, which, however, is always concealed by an enormous mass of scree material. The Cretaceous beds lie in a broad synclinal upon the eastern flank, but the greater part of the chain is formed of Jurassic beds, through which, on the western margin, rise the numerous andesitic volcanic centres. There is no continuous band of ancient gneiss, nor indeed of any beds older than the Jurassic. There is very little over-folding or faulting, and the structure is that of the Jura mountains rather than of the Alps. The inner or eastern ridge farther north of Argentina consists of crystalline rocks with infolded Ordovician and Cambrian beds, often overlaid unconformably by a sandstone with plant-remains (chiefly Rhaetic). In Bolivia this eastern ridge, separated from the western Cordillera by the longitudinal valley in which Lake Titicaca lies, is formed chiefly of Archaean and Palaeozoic rocks. All the geological systems, from the Cambrian to the Carboniferous, are represented and they are all strongly folded, the folds leaning over towards the west. West of the great valley the range is composed of Mesozoic beds, together with Tertiary volcanic rocks. (The Cordillera of Argentina and Chile is clearly the continuation of the western chain alone.) In Ecuador there is still an inner chain of ancient gneisses and schists and an outer chain composed of Mesozoic beds. The longitudinal valley which separates them is occupied mainly by volcanic deposits. North of Ecuador the structure becomes more complex. Of the three main chains into which the mountains are now divided, the western branch is formed mostly of Cretaceous beds; but the inner chains no longer consist exclusively of the older rocks, and Cretaceous beds take a considerable share in their formation. The great volcanoes, active and extinct, are not confined to any one zone. Sometimes they rise from the Mesozoic zone of the western Cordillera, sometimes from the ancient rocks of the eastern zone. But they all lie within the range itself and do not, as in the Carpathians and the Apennines, form a fringe upon the inner border of the chain. The curvature of the range around the Brazilian massif, and the position of the zone of older rocks upon the eastern flank, led Suess to the conclusion that the Andes owe their origin to an overthrust from east to west, and that the Vorland lies beneath the Pacific. In the south Wehrli and Burckhardt maintain that the thrust came from the west, and they look upon the ancient rocks of Argentina as the Vorland. In this part of the chain, however, there is but little evidence of overthrusting of any kind. Authorities.—John B. Minchin, “Journey in the Andean Tableland of Bolivia,” Proceedings of Geographical Society (1882); Paul Güssfeldt, Reise in den centralen chileno-argentinischen Andes (Berlin, 1884); John Ball, Notes of a Naturalist in South America (London, 1887); Alfred Hettner, Reisen in den colombianischen Andeen (Leipzig, 1888); “Die Kordillere von Bogotá,” Peterm. Mitteilungen, civ. (1892); Edward Whymper, Travels amongst the Great Andes of the Equator (London, 1892); Teodoro Wolff, Geografia y Geologia del Ecuador (Leipzig, 1892); E. A. Fitzgerald, The Highest Andes (London, 1899); Sir Martin Conway, “Explorations in the Bolivian Andes,” Geogr. Journ. xiv. (London, 1899); The Bolivian Andes (London and New York, 1901); Carl Burckhardt, Expédition géologique dans la région Andine, 38°—39° S. lat.; Leo Wehrli, “Cordillère argentino-chilienne, 4o° et 41° S. lat.,” Revista del Museo de La Plata (1899); F. P. Moreno, “Explorations in Patagonia,” Geogr. Journ. xvi. (1900); Hans Steffen, “The Patagonian Cordillera and its Main Rivers, between 41° and 48° S. lat.,” Geogr. Journ. (London, 1900); Paul Kruger, Die chilenische Reñihue Expedition (Berlin, 1900); Carl Burckhardt, “Profils géologiques transversaux de la Cordillera argentino-chilienne,” Anales del Museo de La Plata (1900); Argentine-Chilian Boundaries in the Cordillera de los Andes, Argentine Evidence (London, 1900); “South America; Outline of its Physical Geography,” Geogr. Journ. xvii. (1901); Maps of Cordillera de los Andes, Surveys of Argentine Boundary Commission; L. R. Patron, Cordillera de los Andes (República de Chile, Oficina des Limites) Santiago (Chile), 1903 et seq.); Sir T. H. Holdich, “The Patagonian Andes,” Geogr. Journ. xxiii. (1904). - As to the specific elevations of many of the peaks mentioned in this article, various authorities differ, and it is impossible in many cases to rate one estimate as of greater value than another.

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The March Action was the last proletarian insurrection of the German revolution. Neither the Hamburg insurrection, a military operation of the KPD, nor the resistance to the French Army in the Ruhr in 1923, which united all classes, could be considered as proletarian insurrections. The failure of the “March Action” marked the beginning of the decomposition of the communist left. Between the defeat of the Red Army of the Ruhr and the March Action of 1921, proletarians launched a series of dispersed local actions, which were simultaneously defensive and offensive, comparable to those which had previously broken out in central Germany and Saxony, although on a different scale, but were unable to unite their forces. The March Action first developed in the region of Halle and Mansfeld, which had remained as the last revolutionary stronghold after the crushing of the Ruhr. The copper mines of Mansfeld and the ultramodern chemical works at Leuna formed the backbone of the Action. The workers there had kept the arms they had seized in 1918. Saxony, which had attracted new workers to its lignite and chemical industries, was still the stronghold of the USPD, despite the inroads made by the VKPD, which had its most solid district there: in reality, it merely carried on the tradition of the USPD. The VKPD had 60,000 members in Saxony; in the February 1921 elections it won 200,000 votes, more than the SPD (80,000) and the rump USPD (75,000) combined. The 25,000 workers at Leuna were organized into military formations, and 2,000 of them belonged to the AAUD. It was undoubtedly one of the strongest districts of the KAPD-AAUD. The region had been subjected to the martial law of the Kapp Putsch in March 1920. Many weapons had remained hidden. A wave of theft spread in the factories. The workers demanded, above all, a reduction in working hours (in the Leuna works, for example) and the suppression of the private security forces in the factories, which were violently attacked. Sooner or later the government would have to intervene to pacify the region. If the pre-existing autonomous defensive movement of the proletariat was the starting point for the March offensive, one must not ignore, on the other hand, an essential factor in the context within which the Action took place: the VKPD’s change of orientation at the beginning of 1921, and the emergence of a leftist tendency in the Communist International. The winter of 1920-1921 coincided with a social and political crisis in Russia as a result of the civil war. Important movements against Bolshevik power took place among the peasants (such as the Tambor revolt and the Makhnovist insurrection) and the remnants of the Russian proletariat (the civil war had almost annihilated industry and the workers who carried out the 1917 revolution). The most well-known strike occurred in Petrograd, and was urgently repressed by the State at the same time that the Kronstadt rebellion broke out. At a political level, that is, within the party, this crisis was reflected in the appearance of the Workers Opposition. The crisis was overcome by the victory of the Leninists at the Tenth Congress and the defeat of the various rebel movements in March of 1921. Previously, throughout the whole period when the outcome of the crisis appeared uncertain, a tendency appeared within the International which was determined to “force” the course of events. It was this tendency which was represented by the Communist International’s delegation composed of B. Kun, Guralsky and Pogany, who were called Turkestanis by the KPD right wing. According to some (R. Fischer), they were acting under the orders of Zinoviev, General Secretary of the Communist International. According to others (Flechtheim), they were controlled primarily by Radek, leading agent of the Communist International responsible for tactics to be followed in Germany, who was in close contact with the KPD’s new leadership. It appears that Lenin had little knowledge of the mission confided to B. Kun. The order for the “palace revolution” which was transmitted by the VKPD leadership to the leftists was inspired by the Communist International’s delegation, which had arrived in Berlin at the end of February. Levi, after having violently criticized the conceptions and methods of the Turkestanis, was excluded from the central committee. The virulent KAPD constituted a pole of repulsion or attraction (depending on the circumstances) for the VKPD. It was the latter pole which prevailed in March. The environment in the party was quite animated; an action had to be launched for the immediate seizure of power. When the first disturbances began, the VKPD immediately distributed a document inviting the proletarians to violently overthrow the government: the disturbances in central Germany were to be the point of departure for an insurrection throughout the Reich. This tactic was implemented before the government’s decision to occupy the Mansfeld region with police forces became known. Once the battles had begun, the central committee more or less openly issued a call for armed insurrection in the Rote Fahne. The KAPD demonstrated its jubilation: “It is the proletariat itself which has spoken. The masses of the VKPD have taken action by following our watchword. They have compelled their leaders to do the same.” (Communist Workers Daily, organ of the Berlin district of the KAPD). A proclamation of the VKPD from March 18 declared: “All workers, ignore the law, and take up arms wherever they can be found.” With such slogans, the two parties worked together provisionally. The only current on the left which was reluctant to join in this opportunity to encourage an insurrectionary action was that of the AAUD sections which had broken with the KAPD (the Rühle tendency). The police units arriving from Berlin intervened in the Mansfeld region on the 19th. During that night the workers decided upon a general strike, scheduled for the 21st. On the 20th, meanwhile, an attack was carried out against the “Column of Victory” in Berlin by VKPD combat groups, with the indirect participation of Max Hölz. Hölz, from a working class background and himself a worker, “had nothing to do with politics” before the revolution. Upon his return from the front after the war, where he had served as a volunteer, he found himself unemployed and, in his home town in Saxony, joined the movement. He first joined the USPD, and then, in 1919, he entered the KPD and became famous by organizing armed gangs which were very effective against the police, the Army and the Freikorps. The following is a description of one of Hölz’s units from an account written by a member of the KAPD: a motorized squad had between 60 and 200 men. A reconnaissance unit proceeded in advance, armed with machine guns or small arms; and then came the trucks with the heavy weaponry. Then came the commander in his own car “with the strongbox”, along with his “secretary of the treasury”. As a rearguard, another truck loaded with heavy guns followed behind. All of these vehicles were covered with red flags. Upon arriving in a town, supplies were requisitioned and post offices and banks looted. The general strike was proclaimed and largely paid for by the business owners. Butchers and bakers were compelled to sell their goods for 30% or 60% less than the normal prices. Any resistance was immediately and violently crushed. Such units were very active throughout Saxony after the Kapp Putsch; their activities led to a conflict between Hölz and the regional KPD leader, Brandler, who expelled Hölz from the party’s Chemnitz section. Hölz then joined the KAPD, and began to send a portion of the money from his expropriations to the KAPD leadership. Without conceding too much importance to the KAPD’s theories, he found it to be a flexible construct. While jealously guarding the independence of the armed groups under his leadership, he did not hesitate to collaborate with the KPD or with any other groups whenever he thought it would be useful. He was very popular as a result of his tactic of retribution which consisted of “taking from the rich to give to the poor”. Quite often, workers who were in a weak position in their factory would attend one of his meetings. Hölz would then compel the business owners to pay a certain sum or face reprisals. Besides extortion and blackmail, his repertoire included freeing prisoners, the destruction of legal documents and archives, burning the mansions of the rich, etc. He was equally popular for constantly evading the police. In April 1919, a reward of 30,000 marks was offered for his capture. He would not be apprehended until after the March Action. The Communist Workers Daily of the KAPD expressed its unequivocal approval of the attack on the Column of Victory. On the 22nd and 23rd, identical attacks were carried out, supervised and organized by, and under the direct control of Hölz and the combat groups of the KPD and the KAPD, in Falkenstein, Dresden, Freiburg, Leipzig, Plauen, etc., against courthouses and police stations. These organizations then resumed their usual activities. But in all of these cities, the workers did not stir. The only regions where “solidarity” was demonstrated were the Ruhr, Berlin and Hamburg. Leaving Berlin, where he had lived in hiding since the spring of 1920, Hölz arrived in Saxony. Together with the radicalization of the strikes, the intervention of armed groups like those led by Hölz constituted the originality of this March Action which owed little to the initiative or the control of the two communist parties. The emissaries of both parties proved incapable of influencing the course of events. When the strike was called in the Mansfeld region, the public service employees of Halle spontaneously went on strike in solidarity. In the Leuna works, on the 21st, the workers deposed the old workers council and named an action committee composed of two members of the KPD and two members of the KAPD, presided over by the KAPD’s Utzelmann. They demanded the withdrawal of the police and declared they would go on strike if the Schupos (Reich security police) came anywhere near their factory, which they did on the 23rd. The vast majority of the workers of Leuna, despite its reputation as a stronghold of the left, did not want to go beyond the strike, assessing that the situation in that region was not favorable for an insurrection. This point of view was shared by the KAPD members in the Leuna factory who, isolated from their Berlin central committee, were unaware that the latter had supported the KPD’s insurrectionary directives. Utzelmann would later declare that he could not understand why the KAPD Zentrale had not taken into account the fact that the VKPD had acted in conformity with Russian interests. The Leuna workers condemned Hölz’s shenanigans and turned their backs on him when the battle came to an end. Nonetheless, it seems that during the strike they had devoted their time to the construction of an armored train. The Leuna works “had declared its opposition to the armed struggle, correctly considering it to be premature, but had participated anyway, just like the Berlin Spartacists in January 1919”. The police occupied the factory on the 29th, killing 34 workers and taking 1,500 prisoners. Politically, the strike in the factory was dominated by disputes between the two communist parties. The reaction of the workers was initially timid, and the strikes would only develop later, after March 22nd. The workers fighting against those who did not heed the strike call armed themselves and attacked the police. Hölz summoned the workers to arm themselves in various cities. The first skirmishes took place in Eisleben on the 23rd: the police intervened and proceeded to make some arrests. Hölz established his command post in this region, known for its copper mines. His assault detachments were composed of 2,500 workers. Nor was he the only one to act in this fashion. The region had a great number of battle units with notorious or anonymous leaders. Plättner, for example, played at least as important a role as Hölz in the March battles, without trying to garner any publicity for his own account. These people were the only real participants in the insurrection. The KPD and the KAPD only issued the directives, without having any real influence on the course of events once the fighting had started. Eberlein, in charge of the KPD combat groups, also arrived in Halle on the 22nd. He tried to convince the commando groups of the region to carry out dynamite attacks, fake kidnappings of well-known communist leaders and other measures of the same kind to “increase the level of combativity among the masses”. Garnering no support at all, he experienced complete failure: the same thing happened to B. Kun, who accompanied him, as well as to Rasch and Jung, who were sent by the KAPD central committee to the scene of the events. “The leadership was in the hands of proletarian rebels who had lived for a long time under conditions of illegality and who, although not obeying the directives of the party’s Berlin central committee, are either members of the KPD or sympathize with it.” Hölz’s army dominated the region for ten days, but only fought particular aspects of capital without changing anything essential. It was primarily an armed gang which executed certain operations. The proletarians constituted themselves as a military force but would not change anything. Their violence remained without an objective, and destroyed the visible enemy, but not the enemy’s roots. It was a negative movement. Occupied by close to 2,000 workers, the industrial complex of Leuna was not directly utilized for revolutionary ends. One part of the proletarians remained outside of the workplace and fought without the social weapon which, for the proletariat, is production. The other part shut itself up within the factory. There was neither any coordination between these two groups, nor was there any concentrated employment of military force against the State. The movement ran out of steam due to both its purely military generalized offensive, and because it had ensconced itself at the point of production. Hölz robbed money, but he did not abolish it. The rest of Germany remained calm. In Hamburg, on the 23rd, a large rally of unemployed workers and a demonstration headed for the port ended in a confrontation between strikers and non-strikers. Organized by the AAU, the workers faced off with the police in the city: several were killed. It was the only city where proletarians attempted an uprising. After the 24th, martial law was imposed in Saxony. On the same date, the KPD central committee (together with the KAPD) called for an unlimited general strike throughout Germany (only two days before Easter Sunday). According to the KPD there were one million workers on strike (Hamburg, the Ruhr, Berlin and central Germany). The number of strikers was actually somewhere between 200,000 and 300,000, with insurrectionary tendencies in Berlin and the Ruhr. Approximately 120,000 workers heeded the strike call in central Germany. In general, the strikers were primarily workers who were organized in unionen affiliated with the FAUD and the AAUD. “The little coordination which existed during the March Action was the work of the Unionen (Hamburg and the Ruhr) and of the AAUD and KAPD in the Leuna works, their stronghold, as well as of M. Hölz’s group.” Hölz wanted to link up with the Leuna works, but this proved to be impossible. On the 27th, he distributed 50 marks to each member of his armed commandos. They went towards Halle, but his troops were surrounded and forced to disperse. He took part in his last battle on April 1. Leuna had already fallen. On the 31st, the KPD central committee cancelled its general directives. The last battles took place on the 1st of April. Over the course of the next two months, the VKPD, always under the influence of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, executed another about-face and slowly abandoned the “offensive” in favor of legal activity. The Third Congress of the Communist International (July 1921) took place during the period of this about-face, at a moment when its main self-criticism was largely directed against the lack of technical “preparation”, and not against the insurrectionary directive itself. Shortly afterwards, the Action was characterized as a putsch, that is, Levi’s critique was resurrected, after Levi, of course, had been excluded. The reason for his expulsion was that he had made his opposition public and had insulted B. Kun’s delegation. But Lenin declared that Levi was basically correct. The KPD’s membership fell to 180,000 and later rose again to over 200,000 in 1922. Radek was ordered to be more attentive to the affairs of the KPD. The KPD elected a new leadership and confined itself to the legal terrain, to agreements between parties and the formation of coalition governments. As 1923 approached, the Eighth Congress declared its support for “workers governments”, that is, coalitions of the KPD and the SPD at the regional level. But a new leftist tendency was born at this Congress, led by A. Maslow and R. Fischer, representing the Frankfurt, Hamburg, Berlin and Ruhr districts. It wanted to create new red trade unions and to boycott the official trade unions and was opposed to the creation of “workers governments”. During this period, the Left, as typified by the KAPD, AAUD and AAUD-E, had almost ceased to exist (cf. Appendix I). The leftist and rightist tendencies went to plead their cases to Moscow, where the rightist theses from the beginning of 1923 were condemned and an intensification of the struggle for power was advocated. The KPD, together with the SPD, formed “revolutionary hundreds” and established a central military committee in June of 1923. In October, workers governments were formed in Saxony and Thuringia: this implied that the SPD and KPD together had the parliamentary majority in these two states. By the end of the month, these “governments” would be overthrown by the Reich and its Army. That same year, the occupation of the Ruhr by the French army would allow Radek and the KPD to turn to national bolshevism, which had been so mercilessly denounced when it was supported by left communists. The KPD would even hold meetings with the Nazis. During one of these meetings, a Nazi orator rendered homage to the communists, but ironically advised them to rid themselves of the Jews who surrounded them, and especially of ... Radek. The KPD soon renounced these joint meetings. But, years later, it would broadcast the slogan of the “peoples’ revolution” (Volksrevolution) and would once again collaborate with the NSDAP. In 1923, the “Group of German Communist Army Officers”, linked to the KPD, claimed to support O. Spengler, author of The Decline of the West, who advocated a sort of nationalistic socialism. This group even defined the council system as “a Prussian notion based on concepts of an elite, solidarity and mutual responsibility”. In the following year, R. Fischer would briefly assume the leadership of the KPD, with the support of the Communist International, largely as a result of her support for Zinoviev-Stalin against Trotsky: during this same period, Gramsci was supported by the Communist International against Bordiga, because he, too, took Stalin’s side. The factional struggles within the KPD during the period preceding the crisis of 1929 were more than just the expression of micro-bureaucratic confrontations. They were the translation onto the political plane (that is, the plane of power) of the vain attempt of the German proletarians to react after their defeat. All their efforts during this phase of regression only strengthened one bureaucratic group to the detriment of the others. The history of the German Communist Party would be a continuous oscillation between the ultra-right and the ultra-left, characterized by successive waves of exclusions, and influenced by the vicissitudes of the policies of the Russian government. The debates and decrees of the Communist International, after the 1921 March Action, certainly offer the most overwhelming illustration of its incoherence, which even approached absurdity. Levi was excluded for violating party discipline, although the Communist International would subsequently basically agree with his position. Zetkin, who agreed with Levi, was not excluded, but, to the contrary, was granted (provisionally, until the arrival of R. Fischer) leadership of the party. The defeat of the March Action helped to condemn the KAPD, judged to be a dangerous proponent of the offensive at any cost, while the KPD had acted with at least as much adventurism (fake kidnappings and other “tricks” to prod the masses to rebellion). These flagrant contradictions are explained, in equal proportions, by the will of the Communist International, which was focused on “filling up” its organization in Germany (the VKPD), and by the party’s own incompetence. This mess aptly marks the irreparable end of an epoch. The continuation of “Levism” without Levi also led to the fall of the VKPD’s first left-wing faction: the former Bremerlinke lost all of its influence in the leadership. It would not reappear until the end of the 1920s as an opposition, which would then be called “rightist”: it would support Bukharin and Brandler-Thalheimer, advocates of the “Leninist united front” against the supposedly fashionable leftism of the Stalinist “class against class” tactic. Frölich would be excluded in 1928 as a “rightist”. “The Bremerlinke appeared as the first and disappeared as the last expression of Leninism in Germany.” The Bremen radicals “never stopped fleeing” from their connections with the German Left, thereby depriving themselves of the possibility of enriching their “Leninism” with the proletarian experience with which the other radical groups formed between 1914 and 1919 were more familiar. They bravely fought to create a Leninism for German use, but ended up isolating themselves from the proletariat. To make 1923 the pivotal date for both Russia and the Communist International is equivalent to privileging the history of “political events” to the detriment of the social movement and the ruptures which separate historical phases. The same holds true for starting with the evolution of the tendencies in the Russian Communist Party in order to write the history of Russia (cf. the Trotsky-Stalin conflict). In regard to Germany this would correspond to writing the history of the communist movement based on the evolution of the KPD: 1923 marking the great putschist shock; the rupture would be situated in 1923. Gorter and other leaders of the KAPD published The Path of Dr. Levi, the Path of the VKPD, whose putschism they denounced: they blamed the failure of March on the tactics followed by the rightist KPD leadership since 1919. Reversing its policy in such a brutal fashion, going suddenly from the legal struggle to the revolutionary struggle, the VKPD had assumed a putschist attitude. But the March Action, as a real movement of the proletariat in central Germany, was not merely a putsch: it was even “the first conscious offensive action of the German proletarians”. The KAPD would unconditionally defend the March Action at the Third World Congress. The pamphlet briefly mentioned “the pressure exercised by certain authoritarian influences” on the VKPD prior to March, but it was Rühle’s tendency which more fully developed this theme. As Rühle wrote: “The workers must know that the Action in central Germany was an act of madness and a crime, for which the VKPD is entirely responsible.” The VKPD had acted without taking account of the situation, which was by no means favorable for an uprising. But this was not just a case of the VKPD behaving in an absurd manner: it was a case of “the totally subordinate execution of a misunderstood order which ‘came from above’”. “The Bolshevik power has used the German revolution until its internal situation was totally stabilized.” At that moment, that is, after the 18th, when Kronstadt had been recaptured, it was too late to call off the Action. As for Hölz, captured a few days after the end of the fighting, he was condemned to life in prison. At first, his defense was organized by the communist left and then, once the latter had disappeared, it passed into the hands of “leftist personalities” on a committee created by the KPD, which made Hölz into a legendary figure. Hölz himself contributed to his own cult. The post offices in the city where he was imprisoned were inundated with packages and letters addressed to him from all over Germany. He was ultimately released. The KPD displayed him for a while as a leading personality, but later, when he became too troublesome, the party sent him to Moscow, where he died during the 1930s, undoubtedly eliminated by the GPU. The Workers Communist Newspaper of the KAPD celebrated his achievements in the following passage: “Max Hölz has shown us how to annihilate the bourgeoisie. Max Hölz was our example! Our symbol! Our leader!” Thus has Max Hölz, and above all his cult, become a rather typical product of the immaturity of the proletariat. La question syndicale..., p. 27. Cf. the map reproduced in Angress, p. 136; cf. also Die Märzkämpfe, 1921, East Berlin, 1956. Among other sources, cf. P. Avrich, La tragédie de Kronstadt, 1921, Seuil, 1975 (in English: Kronstadt, 1921, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1970); and L. Schapiro: Les bolcheviks et l’opposition, Les Iles d’Or, 1957, pp. 186-187 and 246, et seq. R. Fischer: Stalin and German Communism, Harvard University Press, 1948. Kool: pp. 131 and 604. Ibid., p. 312. Cf. also his biography in Angress, pp. 146-147. Hölz published an autobiography in 1930: From White Cross to Red Flag, London and Toronto. Angress establishes a parallel between Hölz’s ideas and the peasant revolts of the Middle Ages. Bock: p. 303. According to Badia: p. 178. La question syndicale..., p. 29. [Note is missing in the text - MIA.] Angress: p. 144. Bock: p. 302. Ibid., p. 300. [Note is missing in the text - MIA.] Ibid., p. 301. Compare with Makhno: cf. Communisme et “question russe”, pp. 88-95. Comfort: Chapter VI. [Note is missing in the text - MIA.] La question syndicale..., pp. 28 and 30. Kool: p. 132; and Invariance, n.d., No. 7, p. 82. Carr: The Interregnum 1923-24, Pelican, 1969, Chapter 7. Angress: pp. 242-243. Les Temps Modernes, February 1975, “Gramsci et Bordiga face au Comintern”; R. Paris’s introduction to Gramsci’s Ecríts politiques, Gallimard, Vol. I, 1974. La question syndicale..., p. 29. This is the case with Broué, as well as Gruber, p. 409. This error can also be found in Communisme et “question russe”, pp. 123-126. Der Weg des Dr. Levi, der Weg der VKPD, published by the KAPD, 1921, pp. 10-12. Kool: p. 133.

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Critics say the U.S. should never negotiate with a country like Iran. But as the Obama administration and other members of the U.N. Security Council resume talks with Tehran this week, a new book argues that negotiations with your enemy can be the best path. The book looks back to a secret peace conference during the late stages of the Civil War when President Abraham Lincoln spoke in person with Confederate representatives on the presidential steamboat River Queen, the Air Force One of her day. Ultimately, Lincoln’s cabinet rejected the plan for peace that the president brought back to them and Congress was never even aware of the talks. But nevertheless, says author James B. Conroy, it still makes sense to try. Conroy speaks to Here & Now’s Meghna Chakrabarti about his book, “Our One Common Country: Abraham Lincoln and the Hampton Roads Peace Conference of 1865.” Book Excerpt: ‘Our One Common Country’ By James B. Conroy Shortly after breakfast on a spring-like day in the winter of 1865, Abraham Lincoln slipped out of the White House alone and into a waiting carriage. To deceive passersby, his Irish-born valet, carpetbag in hand, lagged a minute or two behind him. At the WashingtonCity depot, a train with a single car had been summoned to take him to Annapolis, where the fastest ship on Chesapeake Bay would be ready to run him south to Hampton Roads, Virginia, for a peaceful talk with the enemy in the midst of a shooting war. It had never happened before. It has never happened since. Apart from his Secretary of State, who had quietly gone ahead of him, neither his Cabinet nor his staff had been told that he was going. After nearly four years of war, much of the Confederacy was in federal hands, its battered armies cornered, the rebellion all but broken, but no one knew when it would end. Indeed, it might yet be revived. Over 600,000 young Americans were dead. A Northern push to victory would kill tens of thousands more, humiliate the South, and delay for generations what Lincoln wanted most and the beleaguered Rebel leader in his capital at Richmond even now refused to consider—a reconciled nation, healed of its painful wounds. Reasonable men of the North and South were coming to Hampton Roads in search of a way out. Entrenched in a fortified arc on the edge of Petersburg, Virginia, one day’s march from Richmond, General Robert E. Lee was praying for their success. The 50,000 men and boys of the Army of Northern Virginia were ragged, gaunt, and bleeding. The opposing Union forces—smartly uniformed, splendidly equipped, more than 100,000 strong—had failed to dislodge them in June and had dug in beside them instead, grinding them down night and day, taking their blows in return. Half a century later, fighting side by side in France, their grandsons would call it trench warfare. It was in its eighth month when Lincoln went south to the enemy. A seventeen-year-old Union infantryman would still be reliving its horrors in 1926, deep in old age. “Wish I could forget many, many dread sights that I saw around Petersburg.” Even on dress parade, assembled for inspection with other frightened boys, he had seen arms and legs reaching out from shallow graves. Interspersed with the trench-side tombs were dozens of primitive forts named for officers struck dead in the vicinity, an old American tradition. Out of place in the nineteenth century, they were throwbacks to the ninth, with walls of earth and timber impaled by sharpened stakes, ringed by pits and moats like some Dark Age warlord’s stronghold. One such edifice on the Union side of the lines intersected the Jerusalem Plank Road. The War Department called it FortSedgwick. Its residents called it FortHell. On the opposite side of no-man’s-land was the Rebel fortification known as FortMahone or FortDamnation, depending on who was asking. Hell and Damnation were a few hundred yards apart, sporting range for sharpshooters who honed their country marksmanship taking aim at careless heads. Mortars and artillery wreaked indiscriminate mayhem and respected no safe havens. A South Carolinian was struck in the mouth while lying at the bottom of a trench, reading a letter from home. “The piece of shell broke his left jaw-bone, severed two arteries on that side of his face, tore out several teeth and lodged there. He was laid out dead. Providentially the blood clotted and prevented his bleeding to death” until someone caught him breathing. Within FortHell was the warren of holes and hovels that its garrison called home. The most desirable Hellish residences were dug from the battered ground, covered with logs and branches, roofed with a yard of earth to absorb exploding shells. A former Yankee coach maker described the “undiscoverable, almost inconceivable nooks” where less fortunate men lived. The “upholsterer’s art,” he found, had not been “lavished upon our beds.” Less agreeable still were the lodgings outside the walls, “little pits the size of a common grave, though not half so well furnished.” And then there were the pickets—the unfortunate souls pushed out in front of the trenches in parallel lines of holes to serve as human trip wires in the event of an attack and kill the other side’s pickets. A veteran of the 48th Pennsylvania said a brick could be tossed with ease from one picket line to the other. Bullets traveled faster. Closer to death than anyone, pickets behaved oddly when they found themselves within chatting distance. They chatted. An unwritten code of picket etiquette determined when its subscribers could socialize and when they could try to kill each other. After dark, the popping of picket fire could be as constant as “the dropping of hail,” but pickets stopped firing at dawn and gave fair warning when ordered to do otherwise. One Rebel threw a rock with a note tied around it: “Tell the fellow with the spy-glass to clear out or we will have to shoot him.” In the quiet of the day, pickets traded rumors, jokes, and whatever was edible, readable, or smokeable, negotiating with their lungs, making airborne deliveries with their pitching arms. Ever short of ammunition, Rebel pickets had been known to toss tobacco plugs to their trading partners in exchange for the lead they had fired at them the night before. Pickets were not alone in the art of fraternization. A teenaged Midwesterner was proud to distinguish himself as “the boy that caused peace at times.” Confronting a regiment of overactive Virginians, he shouted across the way that the 60th Ohio had moved in, and urged them to quit wasting good ammunition. They proposed to stop shooting if the Ohioans did. “A glad cry went up along the lines, and there was peace and quiet for some time after that. We exchanged coffee with them for some tobacco and papers.” Joining forces to fight the cold, axmen in blue and gray felled trees together for fuel and shared the proceeds equitably. On Christmas Day, pickets had stood up “in full sight of each other, shouting the compliments of the season, giving invitations to cross over and take a drink, to come to dinner, to come back into the Union.” Well-provisioned Yankees could afford their magnanimity. More than a few Northern regiments opened gifts sent down by rail and enjoyed a festive dinner. The same could not be said for the Americans across the way. Six Southern men had about as much to eat as one of their Northern counterparts. “While our men were dressed in good warm pants, blouses, and overcoats and evidently well fed and taken care of,” a New Englander said, hardly two of “the poor Johnnies” were dressed alike. Many of them were barefoot, their eclectic outfits “ragged and worn with long service, a blanket with a hole in the centre placed over their shoulders forming jacket and overcoat, and with hats of all shapes. But let them hear the word ‘forward’ and you would be surprised to see what a lively set of men they could be.” Their alacrity had limits. From his headquarters nine miles northeast of the front, Grant was extending his trenches daily, filling them with fresh troops, killing Lee’s stick figures one and two and three at a time, starving and bleeding and breaking them. Unaccustomed to the cold, Captain John Evans of the 23rd South Carolina wrote home in a heavy snow. “It makes me sorry to see so much suffering . . . we poor fellows are in the mud and water . . . the dissatisfaction is spreading fearfully, and especially in the North Carolina brigade it looks like a general stampede for home will take place before spring.” Every night, a Yankee said, “half-frozen and repentant Rebels, in large numbers, made their appearance on our picket line, and were sent to the rear.” Their suffering was not unrelieved. From time to time official truces were called to recover the dead and wounded in the wake of an attack, discuss a prisoner exchange, or adjust the rules of engagement. When the white flags flew, foul-smelling men crawled out of their holes, the colonels conducted their business, and the privates conducted theirs. Blue and gray laundry was washed side by side in the same refreshing streams. Memorable feats of marksmanship were acknowledged and admired. A consensus was reached on the ineptitude of officers. There had even been North–South wrestling matches, cheered on by partisan fans. A Rhode Island regiment’s football games “never failed to interest the Johnnies,” who would gather a stone’s throw away, “taking as much pleasure therein as if no deadly feud existed between us.” When the truce flags came down, the combatants returned to their work. Some of them died every day. Others would still be suffering when FDR was president, getting dressed with one hand in Alabama, crying out in the night in New York, burdening their families in Mississippi, enduring their pity in Maine. The killing rarely stopped. As the North replenished its ranks, the South’s diminished daily. “I think hardly any man in that army entertained a thought of coming out of the struggle alive,” a Virginian would later say, but the most intrepid of them persisted “in vaguely hoping and trying to believe that success was still to be ours, and to that end we shut our eyes to the plainest facts, refusing to admit the truth which was everywhere evident, namely, that our efforts had failed, and that our cause was already in its death struggles.” On Sunday, January 29, 1865, a Rebel flag of truce appeared in front of FortDamnation, and the neighborhood mood improved. A sergeant of the 8th Michigan reported the enemy overture to Captain Thomas Parker of the 51st Pennsylvania, a bright young man with a walrus mustache, commanding the local picket line. Parker climbed up on a parapet to take a look for himself. On both sides of no-man’s-land, hundreds of men and boys were doing the same, with a keener intensity than usual. For the past several weeks, Northern and Southern newspapers had been full of rumors of peace, deplored by most editorialists (none of them under fire) as a Yankee trick, or a Rebel play for time, or a craven substitute for victory. The pundits on the siege line were decidedly more bullish. Southern pickets had been shouting peaceful forecasts to their Yankee interlocutors. “This Rebellion is played out.” “There will be glorious news within ten days.” Having reported the flag of truce, Captain Parker shed his sword, walked out to the middle of no-man’s-land with his own white flag, and saluted Lieutenant Colonel William Hatch, a handsome young Kentuckian. After “passing the compliments of the day,” Hatch requested an audience with no less a figure than General Grant’s Chief of Staff. Three Southern dignitaries had just arrived from Richmond, he said, to meet with President Lincoln for the purpose of ending the war. The general was expecting them. They would wait for his pass in Petersburg, and hoped to reach his headquarters that night. Stunned, no doubt, to hear it, Parker promised a quick reply, the officers returned to their lines, and a Northern lieutenant colonel came out to speak with Hatch. Rumor was on the wing on the overlooking parapets. From the moment the flag of truce appeared, Parker said, “the enemy and our men watched the whole proceeding in silence until its import was made manifest.” In a triumph of military intelligence, its import was made manifest in both armies simultaneously, and both started shouting. As the officers down in no-man’s-land walked on and off the stage, applauded from the balconies, the works were covered with men, yelling, cheering, and making every demonstration of joy at the prospect of having no more fighting to do.” The news “spread like a contagion” as officers of every degree went “flying on horseback in all directions” to pass the jubilant word. A citizen of FortHell recalled how “very soon a bit of white cloth stuck on the end of a stick or ramrod could be seen floating from the top of each picket post on both sides.” With the winter sun shining on a hundred daubs of white, some enterprising men ventured out into no-man’s-land, scanning the lunar landscape in search of fuel or lead. Entertainment was provided while the scavengers plied their trades. “One of our boys invited a reb to come out on neutral ground and have a free fight,” a Union man said. “The reb whipped the Yank, when each returned to their respective sides amid loud and prolonged cheers from the rebs.” Monday morning broke cold and sunny, and thousands of men and boys stood up in perfect safety to watch the doves fly through the lines, only to be disappointed. The disconcerting word was spread that the War Department was holding them up, but the truce stayed in place like a second day of Christmas. With the dignity characteristic of his publication, the New York Times correspondent on the siege line allowed that there was “considerable excitement” about the prospect of getting out of it alive, but the Times was skeptical of peace talks.. “Our men know that peace is not to be gained by smooth words. ‘Talk is cheap,’ said one the other day.” On the following morning, a wire came through from Grant’s headquarters, producing shouts of joy. The general’s senior aide was on his way to the front to receive the Rebel peace commission. The word came none too soon. In the course of the past two days, so many men and boys had been crossing over to “confer with the enemy,” a Northern soldier said, that both sides had posted guards. Otherwise, “the blue and the gray would have got so mixed up, that so far as regards these two armies, the war would have ended right there and then, in spite of all officers and orders to the contrary.” But officers and orders still reigned. At the eastern end of the siege line, two miles away from the momentous happenings, an artillery officer in blue peered out from FortMcGilvery at an enemy team at work on their fortifications, a faux pas during a truce, and decided to break it up. The Rebels scattered promptly, but their own artillery replied. The commotion remained local but continued until dark, rumbling down the siege line. To the sound of distant cannon, a Rebel general made a stirring address, or so said the Petersburg Express. The defenders of the South must not let down their guard “on account of the so-called peace commission,” but “depend on their arms” for the peace that would come from their “manly exertions.” The man from the Express did not hear the oration, but understood that it generated much enthusiasm. There was surely much enthusiasm when the lightning word was flashed that the peacemakers were coming. Rebel troops lined the Petersburg road and spilled out into the fields as a coach passed by on a wave of jubilation. When it pulled up behind the Confederate lines, the celebrities stepped down, attended by the mayor and the gracious Colonel Hatch. Slaves unloaded their trunks and joy washed over their heads as they parted a cheering crowd of buoyant Southern men and beaming Southern women down from Petersburg to witness history in their hoop skirts and bonnets. One of the three commissioners looked plump and rosy, another stiff and formal. The third, a sickly little Georgian, had been Lincoln’s friend and ally in the old Congress. Now he was leaning on the arm of a slave, feeble but excited. Not everyone was. A former Buffalo newspaperman had lost 70 of the 135 companions who had started the war with him. As the bitter Yankee saw it, the Southern peace commission emerged to the sound of protesting cannon, as “the hazy mist, which is not unusual here at sunset, began to obscure the distant horizon and give the landscape a gloomy and somber aspect. At first as we watched, they seemed as shadows moving in the hazy light, but as they approached their forms became clear and distinct, and we soon stood face to face with the representatives of treason, tyranny and wrong.” Not as traitors but as dignitaries, the Southerners were saluted by a party of Northern officers and escorted to the Union lines. As a thousand troops on both sides chanted “Peace! Peace! Peace!,” an excited Rebel soldier called for “three cheers and a tiger for the whole Yankee army,” and got them. The Yanks returned the favor, and a loud Northern voice demanded the same for the ladies, who waved their “snowy handkerchiefs” in decorous reply. Behind the Union lines, a gleaming horse-drawn ambulance was waiting to take the Southerners to the train that would bring them to Grant. A team of matched horses drove them smartly away; by accident or design, all four of them were gray. As darkness fell, the artillery duel up the line petered out. The federal officer in charge would soon recount his losses almost cheerfully. “I have no casualties to report among the artillery and but two killed and four wounded among the infantry.” It is safe to assume that the brass took the news in stride and the dead boys’ families took it harder. General George Gordon Meade, the celebrated victor at Gettysburg, came to visit the Rebel ambassadors the next day and wrote to his wife that night. One of them had asked to be remembered to her family. Another had brought a letter addressed to their common kin. Skeptical though he was, Meade had his hopes for peace. “I do most earnestly pray that something may result from this movement.” Lincoln was prayerful too, old at fifty-five with the weight of 600,000 dead. A portrait painter named Carpenter had been living with him for weeks, absorbing “the saddest face I ever knew. There were days when I could scarcely look into it without crying.” In the previous spring, after three cautious years of indecisive battle, Grant had taken command of all the Union armies and designed a new kind of war with the help of a brash subordinate, General William Tecumseh Sherman. “Sanguinary war,” Grant called it—bloody war—and Lincoln had given it his blessing. While Sherman attacked General Joseph Johnston’s outnumbered Army of Tennessee and another Union force marched on Richmond, Grant would bludgeon Lee until he stopped struggling. In May and June alone, the North had sustained some 95,000 casualties. The South’s horrific losses were unreliably counted. Lincoln had barely slept. Carpenter came across him in a corridor, “clad in a long morning wrapper, arching back and forth a narrow passage leading to one of the windows, his hands behind him, great black rings under his eyes, his head bent forward upon his breast.” Tens of thousands of young Americans had lost their lives since then, and the war was not yet won. On his way to Hampton Roads to see an old friend from Georgia, Lincoln had a chance to end it. Excerpted from the book OUR ONE COMMON COUNTRY by James B. Conroy. Copyright © 2014 by James B. Conroy. Reprinted with permission of Lyons Press. - James B. Conroy, author of “One Common Country: Abraham Lincoln and the Hampton Roads Peace Conference of 1865.”

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Beautifully engraved Certificate from the famous Pfizer - Chaz Pfizer & Co. - Scarce Red Color in 1959 - 1960. The red color certificate was issued for shares over 100 and is much more scarce than the other colors. This historic document was printed by the Security-Columbian Banknote Company and has an ornate border around it with a vignette of two allegorical men on both sides of the company's logo. This item has a printed signature of the Company's Chairman ( John McKeen ) and Secretary and is over 44 years old. The company was founded in 1849 by two immigrants. They are the people who produced life saving surgical chemicals used in the Civil War. They were the first to discover how to mass produce the world's first miracle drug—penicillin. Cousins Charles Pfizer and Charles Erhart emigrated from Ludwigsburg, Germany, in the mid-1840s. Though they came from well-to-do families, the cousins yearned for adventure, and they saw America as a land of opportunity. In Germany, Charles Pfizer had learned chemistry as an apothecary's apprentice, while Erhart became a confectioner — a trade he learned from his uncle, Carl Frederick Pfizer. In America, the cousins united their skills and in 1849 founded a chemical firm, Charles Pfizer & Company. The Company began operations in the Williamsburg community of Brooklyn, New York. From the start, the Company sought to chart new courses. The cousins saw an opportunity in manufacturing specialty chemicals that were not otherwise produced in America, thus gaining a competitive advantage over expensive imports. The cousins' first breakthrough was a medical treatment, a harbinger of things to come. They decided to make santonin — a treatment for parasitic worms that was effective but intensely bitter — more palatable by blending it with almond-toffee flavoring and shaping it into a candy cone. The product was an immediate success. Within ten years, the Company was manufacturing more than a dozen other chemicals and medicinal preparations, including borax, camphor, and iodine. Charles Pfizer and Charles Erhart were entrepreneurs, with enterprising spirits and a willingness to take risks to see their dreams fulfilled. They were at the forefront of a new industry, in a new country. Industrialization, transportation systems, technology, and medical advances opened up a world of opportunity. Pfizer and Erhart were not ones to sit back and let the world change without them. They seized the moment. Pfizer grew and diversified through the latter half of the 19th century, gaining a reputation for high-quality products, technical prowess, reliability, and customer focus. But the Company was vulnerable to price increases and supply shortages because it depended on imports. When the raw material supply needed to make citric acid, Pfizer's most important product, dried up during World War I, the Company had two options: close its doors or find another way to get the job done. For decades, citric acid was Pfizer's most popular product. Originally processed from the juice of lemons, limes, and sour oranges, citric acid was used primarily for medicinal purposes, as well as for foods, soft drinks, cleaning fluids, and industrial processes. Until 1880, most of the raw material was imported from Italy, but political instability and unpredictable weather there led to extreme price fluctuations and an unreliable supply. When World War I erupted in 1914, the Italian imports stopped altogether and Pfizer pursued other supply sources. A new era dawned in 1917, when Dr. James Currie joined Pfizer. As a government food chemist, Currie had been studying fermentation in cheese-making and discovered that one of the by-products was citric acid. Other scientists had noticed this decades earlier, but they did not realize the potential. Currie began a series of fermentation experiments using sugar and bread mold and was able to produce small amounts of crude citric acid. But manufacturing large quantities of the substance was quite another matter. He came to Pfizer to pursue this challenge. At Pfizer, Currie and an assistant, Jasper Kane, worked in extreme secrecy. They gradually improved the procedure, developing a process known as SUCIAC — Sugar Under Conversion Into Acid Citric. The Company gambled on the process, taking a calculated risk in turning over its still-profitable borax and boric acid production facilities to SUCIAC. In time, SUCIAC production began to outperform conventional extraction from citrus products, and by 1929 Pfizer no longer needed any imported citrus product at all. Kane went on to develop a new deep-tank fermentation method using molasses rather than refined sugar as raw material. No one yet knew the implications, but it was this process that ultimately unlocked the secret for large-scale production of penicillin. For more than three million years, the human race battled nonstop against microbes, or, as most people know them, germs. And for millennia, microbes won. Waves of plague, typhus, influenza, and other infectious diseases left death and suffering in their wake. Finally, in 1928, Dr. Alexander Fleming's discovery of penicillin signaled the dawn of modern medicine and offered real hope in the battle against infection. But penicillin couldn't be manufactured in large enough quantities to help people until Pfizer pioneered its mass production, just in time to save the lives of countless World War II servicemen. In 1928, when bacteriologist Alexander Fleming discovered the germ-killing properties of the "mold juice" secreted by penicillium, he knew that it could have profound medical value. But Fleming could not make enough penicillin to be useful in practice, and his discovery was dismissed as a mere laboratory curiosity. A decade later, a team of scientists at Oxford University rediscovered Fleming's work. Armed with increasing evidence of the remarkable powers of penicillin, but unable to engage British companies due to the country's involvement in World War II, the Oxford scientists sought help in America. In 1941, Pfizer's John Davenport and Gordon Cragwall attended a symposium at which researchers from Columbia University, building on the work of British scientists, presented clear data that penicillin could effectively treat infections. Inspired by the possibilities, the two men offered Pfizer's assistance. That same year, Pfizer was among the companies responding to a government appeal to join a high-stakes race to see which company would develop a way to mass-produce the world's first "wonder drug." Beginning with fermentation experiments conducted with the team at Columbia University, Pfizer would take enormous risks over the next three years in devoting its energies to penicillin production. The substance was highly unstable, and initial yields were discouragingly low. But Pfizer was determined to succeed in the quest to mass-produce this lifesaving new drug. In the fall of 1942, Pfizer scientist Jasper Kane suggested a radically different approach, proposing that the Company attempt to produce penicillin using the same deep-tank fermentation methods perfected with citric acid. This was tremendously risky because it would require Pfizer to curtail the production of citric acid and other well-established products while it focused on the development of penicillin. It could also place the Company's existing fermentation facilities in danger of becoming contaminated by the notoriously mobile penicillium spores. In a small room in the Brooklyn plant, Pfizer's senior management met to weigh the options — and took the leap. They voted to invest millions of dollars, putting their own assets as Pfizer stockholders at stake, to buy the equipment and facilities needed for deep-tank fermentation. Pfizer purchased a nearby vacant ice plant, and employees worked around the clock to convert it and perfect the complex production process. The plant was up and running in just four months, and soon Pfizer was producing five times more penicillin than originally anticipated. Recognizing the superiority of the Pfizer process and desperate for massive quantities of penicillin to aid in the war effort, the U.S. government authorized 19 companies to produce the antibiotic using the Company's deep-tank fermentation techniques, which Pfizer had agreed to share with its competitors. Despite their access to Pfizer's technology, none of these companies could come close to Pfizer's production levels and quality. Indeed, Pfizer produced 90 percent of the penicillin that went ashore with Allied forces at Normandy on D-Day in 1944 and more than half of all the penicillin used by the Allies for the rest of the war, helping to save countless lives. The race to mass-produce penicillin was over. Pfizer had emerged victorious, but the real winners were the millions of people who were to benefit from the wonder drug. Penicillin was a turning point in human history — the first real defense against bacterial infection. In 1943, the U.S. government mandated that all penicillin be dedicated to the war effort except in special circumstances. But word of the new drug was spreading quickly, and Pfizer found itself besieged with requests for the drug from desperate families with dying relatives. John Smith, Pfizer President and Chairman of the Board, faced a particularly difficult dilemma when Dr. Leo Loewe of nearby Brooklyn Jewish Hospital pleaded with him for penicillin to treat a young girl who was dying of subacute bacterial endocarditis. Smith agreed to go see her, and before long both he and his successor, John McKeen, visited the dying little girl. Perhaps she reminded Smith of his own young daughter, who had died of infection before penicillin was available. Loewe received his penicillin. Although penicillin was not thought to be an effective treatment for subacute bacterial endocarditis, Loewe's intravenous drip worked, and the little girl recovered. The medical establishment was shocked, but Loewe had a simple explanation: Doctors had not been using enough penicillin. He had dripped forty thousand units into his small patient. Smith continued to supply Loewe with penicillin until he was ordered by the government to ship all penicillin supplies directly to the military. But that order didn't stop people from getting sick, and Loewe continued to ask Smith for lifesaving penicillin. Smith soon discovered a solution. The Company was allowed eight million units of penicillin each month for its own uses, presumably research. Smith shipped much of this to Loewe. At one point, the National Defense Research Council (NDRC) investigated Smith and Loewe, suspecting that the doctor was using penicillin intended for the military to cure his patients. Although there was some discussion about bringing charges against Smith, he was acting within the regulations. And eventually, following Loewe's dramatic success, the NDRC declared penicillin an effective treatment for subacute bacterial endocarditis. For its first 100 years, Pfizer sold its products in bulk through other companies, which packaged them under their own brand names. But when Pfizer discovered a new antibiotic in the late 1940s, the Company knew the time was right to step out on its own. Recognizing that penicillin was only the beginning of an era of medical breakthroughs in which Pfizer could play a major role, the Company's scientists began an intensive quest to find new organisms to fight disease. Emerging theories suggested that bacteria-fighting organisms would be found in soil, so the Company launched a worldwide soil collection and testing program. Pfizer solicited and received 135,000 soil samples and conducted more than 20 million tests. Said one of the researchers, "We got soil samples from the bottom of mine shafts; we got soil from the bottom of the ocean. We got soil from the desert; we got it from the tops of mountains and the bottom of mountains and in between." Pfizer eventually hit "pay dirt," finding a substance that proved effective against a wide range of deadly bacteria. It became the first product ever to be discovered and developed exclusively by Pfizer scientists and was named Terramycin®, because it came from the earth (terra, in Latin). One week before the patent was issued, Pfizer CEO John Smith died. But from his deathbed, he gave this advice to his successor, John McKeen: "If anything comes of this antibiotic soil-screening program, don't make the mistake we made with penicillin and hand it over to other companies. Let's sell it ourselves. Go into the pharmaceutical business." Pfizer's management met and agreed to "put it on the line." They honored Smith's wishes. When Terramycin® was approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration on March 15, 1950, eight specially trained Pfizer pharmaceutical salesmen were waiting for word at pay phones across the nation. They spread out to get inventory to wholesalers and to educate physicians about Pfizer's first proprietary pharmaceutical product — and were the vanguard of a sales and marketing organization that would come to be recognized as the best in the industry. A formidable new pharmaceutical company had been born. Since Pfizer's penicillin production breakthrough more than 50 years ago, the Company has played a leading role in the discovery, development, and marketing of anti-infective medicine. In December 1997, the Company received U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approval for Trovan®, the latest entry in a proud tradition of innovative Pfizer products that includes Terramycin®, Geopen®, Cefobid®, Sulperazon®, Unasyn®, Vibramycin®, Diflucan®, and Zithromax®. As Pfizer Chairman and CEO William C. Steere, Jr., stated at the Trovan® training meeting, "The names of our products read like an anti-infective Hall of Fame." Trovan® was approved for 14 indications by the FDA, the most ever for any antibiotic at first approval, and received European marketing approval in June 1998. The success that the product is enjoying in the marketplace — and the reemergence of infectious disease as a significant global health problem — has affirmed the Company's decision to maintain an intensive antibiotics discovery and development program throughout the 1970s and 1980s, when many other pharmaceutical companies had all but abandoned their programs. While the pharmaceuticals business was John Smith's legacy, John McKeen and Jack Powers can be credited as the visionaries who saw Pfizer's future as a global enterprise. Starting with a network of sales agents in a few countries, in the 1950s Pfizer began to establish offices, subsidiaries, and partnerships around the world. With its expanding portfolio of innovative products, Pfizer soon became an international powerhouse. Success came from the same qualities that propel Pfizer today — business acumen and competitiveness coupled with a relentless drive to bring lifesaving products to people around the world. With a number of U.S. pharmaceutical companies entering the penicillin production business after World War II, Pfizer found itself facing hostile market conditions in its home territory. But while other companies copied Pfizer's manufacturing techniques, the Company's competitive spirit proved much harder to duplicate. Recognizing that the extensive use of penicillin during the war had made Pfizer a well-known name overseas, and knowing that war-ravaged, "I WILL NEVER FORGET THOSE DAYS. WE WERE UNENCUMBERED BY EXPERIENCE, SO WE DIDN'T REALIZE THE PROBLEMS. THERE WAS NOBODY TO TELL US, 'YOU CAN'T DO IT.' TAKING CHANCES AND GAMBLES MADE IT A JOYOUS TIME." - John J. Powers, Jr., Chairman of the Board, Officer, and President John "Jack" Powers, Jr., then assistant to Pfizer President John McKeen, led the charge. At a long Saturday meeting in 1950, he outlined his ambitious plans for what would become the Pfizer International Division to the handful of staff members who would work to put the Company on the map. Powers challenged the team to achieve $60 million in international sales a year — a substantial sum in those days — and urged them to "study the economy; establish proper contacts with government officials; learn the language, history, and customs; and hire local employees wherever possible." It was a simple formula that would prove to be remarkably successful. As Pfizer opened an increasing number of offices abroad, Powers divided the world into four regions — Europe, Western Hemisphere, Far East, and Middle East — each to be run by a regional director at Headquarters. But the real action was taking place far away from New York, as International staffers unearthed one business opportunity after another in countries ranging from Argentina to Australia and Belgium to Brazil. While other companies kept their international employees on a short leash, Pfizer gave its overseas people tremendous autonomy, enabling them to make important decisions immediately, rather than waiting weeks, or even months, for the home office to respond. Though the Company initially invested only a modest sum in International, the division soon became profitable enough to finance its own expansion into manufacturing, helping to meet the growing demand for Pfizer products that the Company was now enjoying in virtually every part of the world. By 1957 Pfizer International exceeded the $60 million sales goal, placing the Company well ahead of its US competitors. Pfizer's commitment to — and success in — international markets continues to this day. In 1997, Pfizer's revenues outside the United States totaled $5.6 billion — a full 45 percent of the Company's total revenues for the year — and Pfizer products are available in more than 150 countries. In any language, Pfizer's decision to expand overseas has spelled success. The second half of the 20th century has been an era of unprecedented advances in medical discovery, and Pfizer has made major contributions through the development of cutting-edge medicines. Fueled by the revenues generated by innovative marketing and sales teams, and guided by then-Chairman Edmund T. Pratt, Jr., Pfizer in the 1970s committed to long-term investment in research that would pay off years later. In the 1960s and 1970s, Pfizer continued to develop and market new pharmaceuticals. Novel antibiotics were followed by drugs to treat arthritis, diabetes, depression, heart disease, fungal infections, and other ailments. Marketing and sales had established a reputation for creativity and innovation. In 1971, the Company established the Central Research Division, combining Pfizer's disparate research organizations. Edmund T. Pratt, Jr., who became Chairman and CEO in 1972, believed that this increased commitment to pharmaceutical research would pay off handsomely and plowed 15 to 20 percent of sales into research, ramping up productivity to match the industry's leading players. Ultimately Pfizer's research investments paid off. In 1970 in Sandwich, England, research began on fluconazole. It was introduced in the United States in 1990 as Diflucan® and is now the world's most-prescribed antifungal. Similarly, in the late 1970s research started on amplodipine. It was introduced in the United States in 1992 as Norvasc® and today is the world's most-prescribed antihypertensive. These successes were based not only on heavy dollar investment, but also on creative research strategies, such as the shift of emphasis from fermentation research to synthetic organic chemicals as potential sources of new medicines. In addition, the use of interdisciplinary teams encouraged cross-fertilization of ideas, making research even more productive. In addition to pushing Pfizer to invest in research, Chairman Pratt also led the battle for public policies that would encourage all companies to devote resources to R&D. He committed extensive personal and Company effort to the ongoing fight for intellectual property protection. Recognizing that patent protection would be crucial, not only to Pfizer's future, but to encouraging innovation and progress around the globe, Pratt became an early pioneer for intellectual property rights. Through years of personal leadership and, ultimately, as chairman of the President's Advisory Committee for Trade Negotiations during the Carter and Reagan administrations, Pratt "was instrumental in transforming intellectual property from a lawyer's specialty into an international trade issue of great concern to governments around the world," according to a Harvard Business School case study. When he retired in 1992, Pratt left Pfizer with an exceptional pipeline of products in development and a legacy of engagement in public policy issues that would help to shape the future of medicine.

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I. The Mill-Girl The Calabar Girls at the Station As the train from the south slowed down in Waverley Station, Edinburgh, one day in 1898, a black face, with eyes wide open with wonder, appeared at the window. The carriage door opened and a little African girl was handed down onto the platform. The people on the station stopped to glance... But as a second African girl a little older than the first stepped from the carriage to the platform, and a third, and then a fourth black girl appeared, the cabmen and porters stood staring in amused curiosity. Who was that strange woman (they asked one another), short and slight, with a face like yellow parchment and with short, straight brown hair, who smiled as she gathered the little tribe of African girls round her on the railway platform? The telegraph boys and the news-boys gazed at her in astonishment. But they would have been transfixed with amazement if they had known a tenth of the wonder of the story of that heroic woman who, just as simply as she stood there on the Waverley platform, had mastered cannibals, conquered wild drunken chiefs brandishing loaded muskets, had faced hunger and thirst under the flaming heat and burning fevers of Africa, and walked unscathed by night through forests haunted by ferocious leopards, to triumph over regiments of frenzied savages drawn up for battle, had rescued from death hundreds of baby twins thrown out to be eaten by ants—and had now brought home to Scotland from West Africa four of these her rescued children. Still more would those Scottish boys at Waverley Station have wondered, as they gazed on the little woman and her group of black children, if they had known that the woman who had done these things, Mary Slessor, had been a Scottish factory girl, who had toiled at her weaving machine from six in the morning till six at night amid the whirr of the belts, the flash of the shuttles, the rattle of the looms, and the roar of the great machines. Born in Aberdeen, December 2, 1848, Mary Slessor was the daughter of a Scottish shoemaker. Her mother was a gentle and sweet-faced woman. After her father's death Mary was the mainstay [chief support] of the home. Working in a weaving shed in Dundee (whither the family moved when Mary was eleven) she educated herself while at her machine. The Call to Africa Like Livingstone, she taught herself with her book propped up on the machine at which she worked. She read his travels and heard the stories of his fight against slavery for Africa, till he became her hero. One day the news flashed round the world: "Livingstone is dead. His heart is buried in Central Africa." Mary had thrilled as she read the story of his heroic and lonely life. Now he had fallen. She heard in her heart the words that he had spoken: "I go to Africa to try to make an open door...; do you carry out the work which I have begun. I LEAVE IT WITH YOU." As Mary sat, tired with her week's work, in her pew in the church on Sunday, and thought of Livingstone's call to Africa, she saw visions of far-off places of which she heard from the pulpit and read in her magazines—visions of a steaming river on the West Coast of Africa where the alligators slid from the mud banks into the water; visions of the barracoons [building used to enslave people temporarily) on the shore in which the captured blacks were penned as they waited for the slave-ships; pictures of villages where trembling prisoners dipped their hands in boiling oil to test their guilt, and wives were strangled to go with their dead chief into the spirit-land; visions of the fierce chiefs who could order a score of men to be beheaded for a cannibal feast and then sell a hundred more to be hounded away into the outer darkness of slavery—the Calabar where the missionaries of her church were fighting the darkness of the most savage people of' the world. Mary Slessor made up her mind to go out and give her whole life to Africa. So she offered herself, a timorous girl who could not cross a field with a cow in it, as a missionary for cannibal Calabar, in West Africa. For twelve years she worked at the centre of the mission in Calabar and then flung herself into pioneer work among the terrible tribe of Okoyong. No one had ever been able to influence them. They defied British administration. For fifteen years she strove there, and won a power over the ferocious Okoyong tribe such as no one has ever wielded. "I'm a wee, wee wifie," she said, "no very bookit, but I grip on well none the less." To-day over two thousand square miles of forest and rivers, the dark natives, as they squat at night in the forest around their palaver [a conference or discussion]-fires, tell one another stories of the Great-White-Ma-Who-Lived-Alone, and the stories they tell are like these. II. The Healing of the Chief Through the Forest in the Rain A strange quiet lay over all the village by the river. For the chief lay ill in his hut. The Calabar people were waiting on the tip-toe of suspense. For if the chief died many of them would be slain to go with him into the spirit-world—his wives and some of his soldiers and slaves. Suddenly a strange African woman, who had come over from another village, entered the chief's harem. She spoke to the wives of the chief, saying, "There lives away through the forest at Ekenge a white Ma who can cast out by her magic the demons who are killing your chief. My son's child was dying, but the white Ma (the African uses the word "Ma" as mother, to name a woman after her eldest son, e.g. Mrs. Livingstone was called Ma-Robert; and as in this case, for a woman whom they respect) saved her and she is well to-day. Many other wonders has she done by the power of her juju. Let your chief send for her and he will not die." There was silence and then eager chattering, for the women knew that their very lives depended on the chief getting well. If he died, they would be killed. They sent in word to the chief about the strange white Ma. "Let her be sent for," he ordered. "Send a bottle and four rods (value about a shilling) and messengers to ask her to come." All through the day the messengers hurried over stream and hill, through village after village and along the forest paths till at last, after eight hours' journey, they came to the village of Ekenge. Going to the courtyard of the chief they told him the story of their sick chief, and their desire that the white Ma who lived in his village should come and heal him. "She will say for herself what she will do," said the chief. So he sent a messenger to Mary Slessor. She soon came over from her little house to learn what was needed of her. The story of the sick chief was again told. "What is the matter with your chief?" asked Mary Slessor. Blank faces and nodding heads showed that they knew nothing at all. "I must go to him," she declared. She knew that the way was full of perils, and that she might be killed by warriors and wild beasts; but she knew too that, if she did not go and if the chief died, hundreds of lives might be sacrificed. Chief Edem said, "There are warriors out in the woods and you will be killed. You must not go." Ma Eme, a tall fat African widow of Ekenge village, who loved Mary Slessor, said, "No, you must not go. The streams are deep; the rains are come. You could never get there." But Mary Slessor said, "I must go." "Then I will send women with you to look after you, and men to protect you," said Chief Edem. Mary Slessor went back to her house to prepare to start on her long dangerous journey in the morning. She could not sleep for wondering whether she was indeed right to risk her life and all her work on the off-chance of saving this distant sick chief. She knelt down and asked God to guide her. Then she felt in her heart that she must go. In the morning at dawn a guard of Ekenge women came to her door. "The men will join us outside the village," they said. The skies were grey. The rain was falling as they started. When the village lay behind them the rain began to pour in sheets. It came down as only an African rain can, unceasing torrents of pitiless deluge. Soon Mary Slessor's soaked boots became impossible to walk in. She took them off and threw them into the bush; then her stockings went, and she ploughed on in the mud in her bare feet. They had walked for three hours when, as the weather began to clear, Mary Slessor came out into a market-place for neighbouring villages. The hundreds of Africans who were bartering in the market-place turned and stared at the strange white woman who swiftly passed through their midst and disappeared into the bush beyond. So she pressed on for hour after hour, her head throbbing with fever, her dauntless spirit driving her trembling, timid body onward till at last, when she had been walking almost ceaselessly for over eight hours, she tottered into the village of the sick chief. The Healing Hand Mary Slessor, aching from head to foot with fever and overwhelming weariness, did not lie down even for a moment's rest, but walked straight to the chief who lay senseless on his mat on the mud floor. Having examined him she took from her little medicine chest a drug and gave a dose to the chief. But she could see at once that more of this medicine was needed than she had with her. She knew that, away on the other side of the river, some hours distant, another missionary was working. "You must go across the river to Ikorofiong for more medicine." "No, no!" they said, "we dare not go. They will slay any man who goes there." She was in despair. Then someone said, "There is a man of that country living in his canoe on the river. Perhaps he would go?" They ran down to the river and found him. After much persuading he at last went, and returned next day with the medicine. The chief, whom the women had believed to be almost dead, gradually recovered consciousness, then sat up and took food. At last he was quite well. All the village laughed and sang for joy. There would be no slaying. They gathered round Mary Slessor in grateful wonder at her magic powers.She told them that she had come to them because she worshipped the Great Physician Jesus Christ, the Son of the Father—God who made all things. Then she gathered them together in the morning and evening, and led them as with bowed heads they all thanked God for the healing of the chief. III. VALIANT IN FIGHT Years passed by and Mary Slessor's name was known in all the villages for many miles. She was, to them, the white Ma who was brave and wise and kind. She was mad, they thought, because she was always rescuing the twin babies whom the Calabar people throw out to die and the mothers of twins whom they often kill. But in some strange way they felt that her wisdom, her skill in healing men, and her courage, which was more heroic than that of their bravest warriors, came from the Spirit who made all things. She would wrench guns from the hands of drunken native men who were three times as strong as she was. At last she used to sit with their chief as judge of quarrels, and many times in palavers between villages she stopped the people from going to war. Through the Forest Perilous One day a secret message came to her that, in some villages far away, a man of one village had wounded the chief in another village and that all the warriors were arming and holding councils of war. "I must go and stop it," said Mary Slessor. "You cannot," said her friends at Ekenge, "the steamer is coming to take you home to Britain because you are so ill. You will miss the boat. You are too ill to walk. The wild beasts in the woods will kill you. The savage warriors are out, and will kill you in the dark—not knowing who you are." "But I must go," she answered. The chief insisted that she must have two armed men with lanterns with her, and that she must get the chief of a neighbouring village to send out his drummer with her so that people might know—as they heard the drum—that a protected person was travelling who must not be harmed. It was night, and Mary Slessor with her two companions marched out into the darkness, the lanterns throwing up strange shadows that looked like fierce men in the darkness. Through the night they walked till at midnight they reached the village where they were to ask for the drum. The chief was surly. "You are going to a warlike people," he said. "They will not listen to what a woman says. You had better go back. I will not protect you." Mary Slessor was on her mettle. "When you think of the woman's power," she said to the chief, "you forget the power of the woman's God. I shall go on." And to the amazement of the natives in the villages she went on into the darkness. Surely she must be mad. She defied their chief who had the power to kill her. She had walked on into a forest where ferocious leopards abounded ready to spring out upon her, and where men were drinking themselves into a fury of war. And for what? To try with a woman's tongue to stop the fiery chiefs and the natives of a distant warlike tribe from fighting. Surely she was mad. Facing the Warriors She pressed on through the darkness. Then she saw the dim outlines of huts. Mary Slessor had reached the first town in the war area. She found the hut where an old Calabar woman lived who knew the white Ma. "Who is there?" came a whisper from within. But even as she replied there was a swift patter of bare feet. Out of the darkness leapt a score of armed warriors. They were all round her. From all parts dark shadows sprang forward till scores of men with their chiefs were jostling, chattering and threatening. "I have heard that you are going to war. I have come to ask you not to fight," she replied. The chiefs hurriedly talked together, then they came to her and said— "The white Ma is welcome. She shall hear all that we have to say before we fight. All the same we shall fight. For here you see are men wounded. We must wipe out the disgrace that is put upon us. Now she must rest. Women, you take care of the white Ma. We will call her at cock-crow when we start." This meant an hour's sleep. Mary Slessor lay down in a hut. It seemed as though her eyes were hardly shut before she was wakened again. She stood, tottering with tiredness, when she heard the cry— "Run, Ma, run!" The warriors were off down the hill away to the fight. She ran, but they were quickly out of sight on the way to the attack. Was all her trouble in vain? She pressed on weak and breathless, but determined. She heard wild yells and the roll of the war drum. The warriors she had followed were feverishly making ready to fight, a hundred yards distant from the enemy's village. She went up to them and spoke sternly. "Behave like men," she said, "not like fools. Do not yell and shout. Hold your peace. I am going into the village there." She pointed to the enemy. Then she walked forward. Ahead of her stood the enemy in unbroken ranks of dark warriors. They stood like a solid wall. She hailed them as she walked forward. There was an ominous silence. She laughed. "How perfect your manners are!" she exclaimed. She was about to walk forward and force them to make way for her when an old chief stepped out toward her and, to her amazement, knelt down at her feet. "Ma," he said, "we thank you for coming to us. We own that we wounded the chief over there. It was only one of our men who did it. It was not the act of all our town. We ask you that you will speak with our enemy to bring them to peace with us." The Healed Chief She looked into the face of the chief. Then she saw to her joy that this was the very chief whom she had toiled through the rain to heal long ago. Because of what she had done then, he was now at her feet asking her to make peace. Should she run back and tell the warriors, who a hundred yards away were spoiling for a fight? That was her first joyful thought. Then she saw that she must first make her authority stronger over the whole band of warriors. "Stay where you are," she said. "Some of you find a place where I can sit in comfort; and bring me food. I will not starve while men fight. Choose two or three men to speak well for you, and we will have two men from your enemies." These grim warriors, so sullen and threatening a few moments ago, obeyed her every word. At length two chiefs came from the other side and stood on one side of her, while the two chiefs chosen in the village came and threw down their arms and knelt at their feet. "Your chief," they said, "was wounded by a drunken youth. Do not let us shed blood through all our villages because of what he did. If you will cease from war with us, we will pay to you any fine that the white Ma shall say." She, too, pressed them to stop their fighting. Word went back to the warriors on both sides, who became wildly excited. Some agreed, others stormed and raged till they were in a frenzy. Would they fight even over her body? Furious warriors came moving up from both sides. But by arguing and appealing at last she persuaded the warlike tribe to accept a fine. The Promise of Peace The town whose drunken youth had wounded the enemy chief at once paid a part of the fine. They used no money. So the fine was paid in casks and bottles of trade gin. Mary Slessor trembled. For as the boxes of gin bottles were brought forward the warriors pranced with excitement and made ready to get drunk. She knew that this would make them fight after all. What could she do? The roar of voices rose. She could not make her own voice heard. A daring idea flashed into her mind. According to the law of these Egbo people, clothes thrown over anything give it the protection of your body. She snatched off her skirt and all the clothing she could spare and spread them over the gin. She seized the one glass that the tribe had, and doled out one portion only to each chief to test whether the bottles indeed contained spirit. At last they grew quieter and she spoke to them. "I am going," she said, "across the Great Waters to my home, and I shall be away many moons. Promise me here, on both sides, that you will not go to war with one another while I am away." "We promise," they said. They gathered around her and she told them the story of Jesus Christ in whose name she had come to them. "Now," she said, "go to your rest and fight no more." And the tribes kept their promise to her,—so that when she returned they could say, "It is peace." For nearly forty years she worked on in Calabar, stricken scores of times with fever. She rescued her hundreds of twin babies thrown out to die in the forest, stopped wars and ordeal by poison, made peace, healed the sick. At last, too weak to walk, she was wheeled through the forests and along the valleys by some of her "twins" now grown to strong children, and died there—the conquering Queen of Calabar, who ruled in the hearts of even the fiercest cannibals through the power of the Faith, by which out of weakness she was made strong. Copied and lightly edited by Stephen Ross for WholesomeWords.org from The Book of Missionary Heroes by Basil Mathews. New York: George H. Doran, ©1922. More Information on Mary Slessor

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Breast cancer in Iran: need for greater women awareness of warning signs and effective screening methods © Montazeri et al; licensee BioMed Central Ltd. 2008 Received: 12 August 2008 Accepted: 20 December 2008 Published: 20 December 2008 Breast cancer remains an important public health problem. This study aimed to investigate about female knowledge of breast cancer and self-reported practice of breast self-examination in Iran. This was a population-based survey carried out in Tehran, Iran. Data were collected via a structured questionnaire containing 15 questions on demographic status, history of personal and family breast problems, subjective knowledge about breast cancer covering its symptoms, the screening methods and practice of breast self-examination (BSE). A trained female nurse interviewed each respondent. Analysis included descriptive statistics and the Chi-squared test where necessary. A total of 1402 women were interviewed. The mean age of respondents was 43.4 (SD = 14.4) years; most were married (85%), and without any personal (94%) and family history (90%) of breast problems. It was found that 64% of the respondents were familiar with breast cancer and 61% (n = 851) believed that 'the disease is relatively common among women in Iran'. Most women (44%) perceived a painless mass as a breast cancer symptom. Overall, 61% of the respondents stated that they knew about breast cancer screening programs and most indicated that electronic media (television 34% and radio 14%) were their source of information. Only 17% of women said that 'they were conducting regular breast self-examination'. The main reason for women not doing breast self-examination was due to the fact that they did not know how to do it (64%). The findings indicated that performing breast self-examination is significantly related to: age, marital status, education, knowledge of breast cancer and knowledge about breast cancer screening programs (p < 0.05), but not to personal (P = 0.2) and family (P = 0.7) history of breast problems. This descriptive study provides useful information that could be utilized by both researchers and those involved in public health programmes. The findings indicated that the women awareness of breast cancer warning signs (painless lump, retraction of nipple, and bloody discharge) and effective screening methods i.e. clinical examination, and mammography were very inadequate. Thus, health education programmes to rectify the lack of women awareness is urgently needed. Indeed the focus of primary health care providers should be to raise awareness about breast care among women and to encourage them to report any unusual changes in their breasts to their family or care physicians. Age-specific incidence rate of female breast cancer per 100.000 population in Iran in 2005–2006 (n = 5981) Age groups (years) Age specific rate (weighted) Type of breast cancer Infiltrating ductal carcinoma Infiltrating lobular carcinoma Early detection of breast cancer plays the leading role in reducing mortality rates and improving the patients' prognosis . The recommended screening methods for early detection of this fatal disease are: mammography, clinical breast examination and breast self-examination (BSE). Mammography is an expensive modality for screening and needs several requisites including logistic and professional manpower before its implementation. Randomized trials comparing mammography with no mammography screening found that at best women might benefit a 15% relative risk reduction in mortality from mammography . In addition it has been shown that for women under the age of 50 years mammography screening is ineffective . Clinical breast examination is relatively simple and inexpensive but the exact benefit of this screening modality in reducing mortality is yet to be established. It is argued that in diagnosis of breast cancer by screening the shift should be to the point that will cost least both in human and financial terms and be effective in reducing mortality, and that clinical breast examination would be able to fulfill this . However, it has been shown that clinical breast examination could only detect about 60% of breast cancers detected by mammography as well as some breast cancers not detected by mammography . Recent estimates suggest that clinical breast examination has a sensitivity of about 54% and specificity of about 94% . Unlike to mammography and clinical breast examination, BSE is simple, inexpensive, low in technology, teaching is possible to both health professionals and women and more importantly raises awareness about breast cancer in women. It is argued that in many countries, especially in developing countries, BSE may be the only realistic approach to the early detection of breast cancer . However there is no clear evidence to support the efficacy of performing routine BSE in early detection and cause specific mortality due to breast cancer. While a number of studies have found that BSE has improved early detection and reduced mortality [13, 14], data from a randomized trial in Russia has suggested that there is no significant difference in those who perform BSE and those who do not in terms of the size of primary tumor and the incidence of metastatic lesion lymph nodes at detection [15, 16]. Also the Shanghai randomized trial demonstrated no significant stage shift or mortality reduction from breast cancer after 5 to 10 years of follow-up in the BSE group compared to controls [17, 18]. Similarly a literature review on the topic indicated no benefit from routine BSE instruction as a screening tool for breast cancer . However, despite continuous debate about the efficacy of BSE [20, 21], it seems that breast self-examination not as a public health policy but as a preventive measure remains a method of choice for early detection of breast cancer in developing countries. Resource constraints in low and middle-income regions lead to limited application of established guidelines for breast health care in developed countries . To summarize it should be noted that in fact none of the above modalities for breast cancer screening could be regarded as the best method for early detection and mortality reduction. These approaches have their own potential benefits and harms. Thus, at present the emphasis is to raise breast cancer awareness among women to overcome ever-increasing burden of the disease. It appears that overall the best way to save women's life is to make them aware of the potential benefits and harms of these approaches and to raise their knowledge about the warning signs of breast cancer. At present in addition to public health professionals, even oncologists advise breast awareness over routine breast self-examination . However, one should not confuse between breast cancer awareness and breast self-examination since these are not the same. Breast cancer awareness can be defined as 'a woman becoming familiar with her own breasts and the way that they will change throughout her life' . Breast cancer awareness programmes have been very successful at several grounds including creation of greater compliance with breast cancer prevention and screening strategies . However, women with different cultures vary in their views about breast cancer and about preventive strategies . This paper reports data from Iran (a culturally diverse population) on women's knowledge about breast cancer and their breast self-examination behaviors. As part of a population-based randomized trial on different invitation methods for attending breast care classes in Tehran, a study was conducted to investigate Iranian women's views about breast cancer and their self-reported practice of BSE. The ethics committee of the Iranian Centre for Breast Cancer approved the study. The study carried out in one of the central districts of Tehran that has five divisions with a total population of 310184 and was chosen because the district has a mixed population. The study population consisted of female population of aged 20 to 80 years (n = 117679). A cluster sampling was applied to include an enough sample size from each district's division in the study. Assuming that at best 40% of the women would perform BSE, it was calculated that a sample of 280 women aged 20 to 80 years from each division (a total of 1400 female) would allow detecting a 20% difference between performer and non-performer at 5% significance level. A study of this size has a power of 90%. Data were collected via a structured questionnaire derived from the literature and our own previous studies [27–30]. A trained female nurse interviewed each respondent. An informed consent was obtained before conducting the interviews. The questionnaire consisted of 15 items on demographic characteristics, history of personal breast problems, family history of breast cancer, knowledge about breast cancer covering its symptoms, the screening methods and practice of BSE [Additional file 1]. Analysis included descriptive statistics and the Chi-squared test where necessary. Demographic characteristics of the study sample (1402) Age groups (years) Personal history of breast problems Family history of breast cancer When the respondents were asked about breast cancer in Iran, 64% (n = 894) said that "they have heard about the disease" and 61% (n = 851) believed that "breast cancer is relatively a common disease among women in Iran". The respondents' knowledge of breast cancer symptoms was also studied. Most women (44%) perceived a painless mass as a breast cancer symptom. Overall the study findings indicated that 61% of the respondents knew about breast cancer screening methods: 31% knew about breast self-examination, 21% about clinical examination and 9% about mammography. The remaining 39% claimed that they know nothing about breast cancer screening methods. Most respondents (48%) said that electronic media (television 34% and radio 14%) were their source of information. Respondents' knowledge of breast cancer and self-reported practice of breast self-examination (n = 1402) Have you heard about breast cancer in Iran? What do you think about breast cancer in Iran It is a rare disease among women It is relatively a common disease among women I don't know Breast cancer symptoms Knowledge about screening programs* Heard of BSE Heard of clinical examination Heard of mammography Source of information* Others (physicians, family, etc.) Frequency of self-reported BSE Further analysis of the data carried out to investigate about the relationship between the performance of breast self-examination and demographic and other studied variables. The findings indicated that performing breast self-examination is significantly related to: age (χ2 = 28.9, P = 0.00006), marital status (χ2 = 10.3, P = 0.03), education (χ2 = 73.1, P < 0.00001), knowledge about breast cancer (χ2 = 153.4, P < 0.00001), and knowledge about breast cancer screening programs (χ2 = 254.9, P < 0.00001), but not to personal (χ2 = 3.4, P = 0.2) and family (χ2 = 0.2, P = 0.7) history of breast problems. In fact the results suggest that women aged 40 to 59, married, with higher education and more informed about breast cancer were more likely to perform BSE. This population-based study carried out to investigate about Iranian's female knowledge of breast cancer and their BSE practicing behavior. The study sample was relatively a representative sample of the study population except in marital status (with a larger proportion of married women) and in education (with a smaller proportion of educated people). This was due to the fact that basically Iran has a young population (about 50%) and that the younger age females (mostly single and educated) were not included in the study. In this study 64% of respondents said that they knew about breast cancer and 17% of whole sample indicated that they were performing regular monthly BSE. Lower rates of BSE performance have reported from developing countries. A study from Saudi Arabia found that only 30.3% of the women had heard about breast self-examination and 18.7% reported they practiced BSE within the previous year . Another study from Nigeria demonstrated that women lacked enough knowledge about breast cancer and only 34.9% claimed to ever-practiced BSE . While a study of BSE behavior among Chinese immigrant women living in San Francisco indicated that 80.9% reported having heard of BSE but only 53.9% of the women had performed BSE during the past year . Comparing the figures with that of developed countries clearly suggests that there are obvious differences. It has been shown that 75% of the women conduct BSE in the United States and its adequate quality was rated in 27%. Also higher duration, frequency and quality of BSE were predictors of further diagnostic investigations . Similarly an Austrian study reported that about 31% of women examined their breasts thoroughly . Although 'painless mass' was the most reported symptom of breast cancer by women, the study results indicated that women had inadequate knowledge about this breast cancer symptom. Only 44% of women said that painless lump is a common symptom of breast cancer. The remaining 46% indicated that they 'don't know'. The figures even were lower for other symptoms. For instance, only a few proportions of women knew that nipple retraction (%5) and bloody discharge (6%) are warning signs of breast cancer. About screening programmes the awareness knowledge was also very inadequate: only 21% and 9% have respectively heard about breast clinical examination and mammography. This is consistent with other studies from developing countries and women from minority ethnic groups [32, 36], whereas a study from U.K indicated that 70% of women were well aware of 'painless lump' and able to identify these symptoms in their breast self-examination . A recent publication from U.K reported a significant lack of the prerequisite knowledge and confidence to detect a breast change among older women aged 63 to 73 years . However although cultural differences might contribute to such variations, the role of some other underlying factors on breast health awareness in women should not be neglected. Studies have shown that formal training programs have profound effects on regular BSE performance with a correct technique [39, 40]. A study from Turkey showed that theoretical educations on breast cancer awareness and BSE training were effective even in illiterate and low-educated women . The main sources of information about breast cancer were 'mass media' (48%) and followed by friends (20%). In most developing countries mass media are governed by the 'states' and using them would help to increase awareness about breast cancer. Usually due to some religious and cultural reasons such programs receive less attention in public media. Furthermore a very low proportion of women indicated that they have received any information from their doctors. Indeed many women (64% of non performers) stated that they 'do not know how to do BSE'. Primary health care professionals would play an important role in conveying correct information regarding breast cancer . It is argued that ignorance regarding incidence, outcome and risk of breast cancer makes it unlikely that at risk females could currently make informed decisions on a range of breast issues . Statistical analysis indicated that performing BSE was significantly related to age, marital status, education, knowledge of breast cancer and its screening programs. It has been shown that women with less formal education more likely had inadequate knowledge about breast cancer that inversely influenced their breast cancer screening behaviors . Another study based on health belief model showed intentions to do BSE among Turkish women is associated with "informed about breast cancer and having health insurance" . This study did not show a significant association between personal and family history of breast cancer and performing BSE as compared to women without personal and family history of breast problems. In contrast, studies have shown that women with a family history of breast cancer may perform excessive BSE. Designing appropriate interventions would enhance the women's confidence in their ability to do BSE effectively and reduce worries regarding their breast cancer risk . However, since women having any breast problems are expected to be different in their perceptions, knowledge and attitude from those having benign or malignant breast diseases, the future studies should include only women without any breast problems. Although this descriptive study has its own limitations, for the first time it provides useful information that could be utilized by both researchers and those involved in public health programmes. The findings indicated that the women awareness of breast cancer warning signs (painless lump, retraction of nipple, and bloody discharge) and effective screening methods i.e. clinical examination, and mammography were very inadequate. Thus, health education programmes to rectify the lack of women awareness is urgently needed. Indeed the focus of primary health care providers should be to raise awareness about breast care among women and to encourage them to report any unusual changes in their breasts to their family or care physicians. Breast Self Examination The early analysis of this study was appeared in Cancer Strategy. It is no longer exists. - Parkin DM, Bray F, Ferlay J, Pisani P: Global cancer statistics, 2002. 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This chronological compilation is the private property of T.A. Taylor and not to be copied for publication. [handwritten addition] I release any claim on this. T.A. Taylor. Subjects treated at length in this Vol. are indicated by the page number. [Part 1, 1787-1882] Wisconsin was included in "The Northwest Territory". Daniel Whitney was born Sept. 13 at Gilsum N.H. Died at Green Bay, Wisconsin Nov. 4, 1862. Wisconsin came under the Indiana Territory. Joseph Rolette came to Prairie du Chiene. John Jacob Astor organized the "American Fur Company" and entered into competition with the Hudson Bay Company. Daniel Whitney was Agent at Detroit, Michigan. Wisconsin was set off to become a part of Michigan Territory. Wisconsin consisted of the counties of Michillimac, now in Michigan, and Brown and Crawford Daniel Whitney settled in Green Bay, Wisconsin. Charlotte Ouisconsin Van Cleve, daughter of an army officer and wife, while on his way with his family to his post at Fort Snelling, Minnesota, was born at Prairie du Chiene, thereby becoming the first white child born in Wisconsin. She died at Minneapolis, April 6, 1922. Sept. 17, August Grignon received government license to trade with Indian Tribes on Fox, Ouisconsin and Mississippi Rivers. United State War Department ordered Major Twigg to the portage between Fox and Wisconsin Rivers to establish Fort Winnebago. Daniel Whitney and his crew passed up the Fox River and crossed over the portage to Wisconsin River and up the Wisconsin River to mouth of Yellow River and set up a small "rig" to cut shingles. This act was protested by Major Twigg. Ahira B. Sampson left Keeseville, N.Y. on horseback and reached Chicago, then only a hamlet, and proceeded on up to Green Bay, Wisconsin. Major Twigg dispatched his Lieutenant Jefferson Davis, later of Confederate fame, and detail to remove Daniel Whitney's outfit and confiscate and take all shingles cut and bring to Fort Winnebago. This was done and all materials taken entered into the construction of the Fort buildings. Daniel Whitney secured a treaty from the Menominee Chiefs to cut timber on the Wisconsin River. This was approved by the War Department. Daniel Whitney built the first saw mill on Wisconsin River and located it on Govt. Lot 3, Section 10-21-5 Wood County which he named as Whitney Rapids. Page 4. Ahira B. Sampson was sent from Green Bay to manage the mill. Steamboat "Frontier", Capt. D.S. Harris, came up Wisconsin River from Prairie du Chiene to Dells where it stopped over night and next day came on up to Point Bausse, just below Whitney Rapids, about one mile. Portage County created and set off from Brown County. This included the present Wood County. County seat was placed at Town of Winnebago, called Winnebago Portage, now Plover. Indians portaged through to here from Wolf river to reach Wisconsin River. Menominee Tribes ceded to the United States a strip of land three miles wide on each side of the Wisconsin River and 40 miles long. This covered land from Point Bausse to Big Bull Falls, Wausau. Grignon & Merrill obtain similar permit to that granted Daniel Whitney and built the first saw mill at "Grignon Rapids" and located about 6 miles down river from Whitney Rapids. First saw mill built at Port Edwards by Sam Grignon and sold to Whitney & Merrill. Robert Wakely and wife came from New York by boat down the Ohio river to Cincinnati and then again by boat to Prairie du Chiene and by another boat to Portage and by "keel" boat to Point Bausse. They opened "Wakely Tavern", Point Basse, about 1 mile below present Nekoosa, on the east side, The lower Ferry went across at this point and was the first "current" ferry. Point Bausse or Basse is in center of Sec. 15 between Govt. Lots 7 and 8 about 1 mile South of Whitney Rapids, which is on Lot 2 Sec. 10. The only road at this time out of this section was an Indian trail from Fort Winnebago-Portage, to Green Bay. First Catholic mass was said by Rev. Van den Brook, a priest from Green Bay during the summer of this year. David R. Whitney, nephew of Daniel Whitney died. A. B. Sampson was then placed in full charge of the saw mill at Whitney Rapids. Nelson Strong secured permit from War Department and joined A. B. Sampson. Sampson withdrew and Robert Bloomer joined Strong and they built the first saw mill at Rapids. Nelson Strong used the first lumber to build the first frame house in County. Some explanation must come here. Sept. 14, 1840 Edward Bloomer entered Gov. lot 8 where the "Rablin" mill was located. Strong may have joined because of his permit to buy timber of the Indians. But it was Bloomer and J. J. Kruikshank that built the first saw mill on Govt. lot 8 and not Strong and Bloomer. Strong does not appear at all in the records of title. I infer from this that his use in the partnership of Stewart and Brown was because of his War Department permit. Bloomer sold his interests to Stewart & Brown. Page 1. First marriage was that of George Kline Jr. to Mrs. Maria Whitney, widow of David R. Whitney, at Grand Rapids by S.R. Merrill, J.P. George Neeves and William Roe came to Rapids at this time. Page 10. Joshua Hathaway completed survey of the lands in the Menominee treaty of 1836 and sent maps and field notes to the War Department at Washington DC. A. B. Sampson quit as superintendent of the Whitney Mill and moved to Rapids. Wm. Kline came to Rapids this year. One authority states that the first lumber raft sawed at Biron mill by Fay & Draper went down the rapids. This is not correct for they did not own it then and the mill probably was not built before 1841 unless mill was built before land was entered. Oct. 5th Gideon Truesdell, Joshua Draper, Paul Kingston, and Harrison K. Fay entered Lots 5 and 7 Sec. 34-23-6 the land and island where "Biron" Mill was located. Page 8. Oct. 3, Adams, Hill & Bloomer enter Govt. Lots 1,2,3 being the land between Van Buren Street on south and Hooker street on north, west side, and east of the section line of Section 8, Centralia. Daniel Whitney enters Govt. Lot 1 Sec. 8-22-6 of 17.46 acres. This is the southerly end of Long Island. Peter Love built the first summer cottage on this Island about 1912. T.A. Taylor built the next cottage on land adjoining Mr. Love's in 1914 and also built what is believed to be the first concrete tennis court at the same place and after 20 years both are in good condition. Page 89. Daniel Whitney, May 22, entered Govt. Lots 2 and 4 where Consolidated Mill now stands. Daniel Whitney enters part of Hunter Island. This is next largest island and just west of Long Island. Samuel Merrill sells Port Edwards mill property to John Edwards Sr. Page 5. Henry A. Sampson was born in a log house east and across the river from Nekoosa about opposite Block 9 where old map shows "ferry". Mr. Sampson resides at 711 8th Street North Wisconsin Rapids. Rev. J. S. Hurlbut, a Methodist missionary preached the first sermon in the community. Rev. Hurlbut also established the first school, himself the first teacher. George Baker, father of Geo. W. Baker, was born Nov. 26 in a log house located about where the Wisconsin Rapids Tribune office is at present located. He was the first white child born in city. David Baker and Francis Biron arrive in Rapids. George Kline Sr. built the first dam from the west side to an island below Green Bay R.R. bridge. Jos. B. Hasbrouck opens the first blacksmith shop in Rapids. E. S. Miner opened a general store and was appointed the first postmaster. L. Kromer also came at this time and opened a store. January 9 Aaron Adams deeded 1/3 int. to Daniel Whitney of the saw mill first built by J. J. Kruikshank that later became known as Rablin Mill, about on site of swimming pool. Page 1. Joseph Wood, Jos. L. Cotey, Ira Purdy arrive in Rapids and Reuben C. Lyon in Centralia this year. Population of Grand Rapids given as 130 men and 17 women. First known burial place of two graves located at the top of hill at north end of 10th street north. One was a canoeist who died while accompanying Bishop Lavenchey on his way through here up the Wisconsin River to Apostle Island. The Bishop performed the ceremony. Francis Biron bought the mill at "Biron" from Weston, Heldon and Kingston. Page 8. I.L. Mosher came to Rapids. This year date given as first river flood of record by white man. Jan. 29. John Warner granted charter to build first dam on east side. Henry Rablin by legislative act built the first dam on east side. Page 92. First School district, Portage county, known as "The Grand Rapids School Dist. No. 1". The present town of Grand Rapids included the present city. First residential plat recorded in office of Register of Deeds, Portage County. Nov. 1847 J. J. Kruikshank covered parts of Govt. Lots 7 and 8 Sec. 8 and is also part of First ward below the hill. Wisconsin admitted as a State in the Union. A. B. Sampson and Reuben C. Lyon build the first mill at "Hurleytown", today South Side. Indian title to lands in upper Wisconsin extinguished by treaty. This opened the whole northern section of the state to settlers. Louis Le May came to Rapids. Land for first cemetery donated to the Town of Grand Rapids, located on 10th street north by John J. Kuikshank. In 1934 the town, under agreement with the city that all remains be removed to Forest Hill cemetery, deeded this plat to the city to become a public park. John Werner became postmaster. Joseph Whitney, river pilot, came to Rapids. (No relation of Daniel Whitney) Franklin J. Wood was born here Oct. 19th. Died Aug. 17, 1931. Page 10. First school built in what today is about 630 8th St. No. William J. Balderston established the first shoe shop and resided in the same house until his death. This house was removed to make room for new Post Office built in 1932. Page 28. J. J. Kruikshank built the first saw mill on "Rablin" site. Page 1. June 6, Henry Rablin and Henry Clinton bought Sarah Donelly's interest and later acquired interest of J. J. Kruikshank to the "Rablin mill property" on Dec. 20, of the same year. Dec. 19, John Warner assigns right to dam granted Jan. 29, 1847 to Rablin & Howe. Thos. B. Scott came to Rapids. Page 5. Geo. W. Cate at age of 29 became Judge of the 7th Judicial Circuit here. Joseph Wood is appointed postmaster. Page 10. Wagon road opened between Grand Rapids and Necedah. George Neeves built the steam saw mill located about where Henry Demitz residence is now located, 1340 Third St. South. Page 10. Lorenzo Hathaway, river pilot, comes to Rapids. Later he became proprietor of the "Witter House" and was a fine landlord. Henry Clinton deeded his interest to Henry Rablin Oct. 9. George A. Corriveau comes to Centralia. Page 38. Joseph Wood builds the Magnolia House and store adjoining. "Magnolia House" was located at 840 Washington Ave, east side. Page 10. Aug. 16. A. B. Sampson and Reuben C. Lyon enter Lots 1 and 2, Sec. 24-22-5. This is the "Hurleytown" mill site, South Side. Francis Biron builds a new saw mill at Biron, shown in picture page 8. L. P. Powers came to Grand Rapids - was the first attorney here. Wisconsin House built by George Neeves, about opposite Herschlebs bakery, about 210 First St. N. First Catholic church is built on west side about corner Jackson and North Third Ave., later became G. A. Corriveau homestead. A. B. Sampson and wife Jane sell their half interest in "Hurleytown" which they entered together to Reuben C. Lyon. Eusebe Lavigne is appointed postmaster. James Canning, Moses Blair, Jos. Homier, N. Winkle, John Crystal, Chas. Lemley, come to Rapids and Centralia. H. W. Jackson comes to Centralia and is the first postmaster. Mr. Jackson built the first store and started a store with Orestes Garrison and R. C. Worthington as partners. It operated only about a year. G. A. Corriveau took the occupancy and Jackson continued in the same store building as postmaster for several years. The Building was located on lot at 128 First Ave. So. between Nash Hardware and "Tribune" office, and torn down to become part of Nash store. Page 39. Nov. 28, Daniel Whitney acquired the entire interest in Govt. lots 1,2,3,4 Sec. 8. Dec. 27, Moses M. Strong bought 1/2 interest of Daniel Whitney in Whitney Rapids. Page 4. Orestes Garrison arrives in Centralia and buys the mill sites of Daniel Whitney of Govt. lots 2,3,4, Sec. 8 on West side. Garrison takes in for partner his brother-in-law S.S. Bensley. Dr. Patrick Hurley comes to Centralia and is the first physician and built the Collier Residence which is now 111 2nd Ave. So. Other arrivals, O. Dennis, Thos. Burr, Wm. Corcoran, A.M. Atwood, Francis Palmatier, arrives in Centralia, and Grand Rapids. John Rablin comes to Rapids. By the death of his brother Henry Rablin he is willed his property and came to take charge of the operations. Page 1. Wood County is set off from Portage county as a separate county with county seat at Grand Rapids. Aug. 28, John Rablin and Lyman Howe form a partnership. Page 1. Jesse Edwards organized the First Congregational Church. Town of Centralia is incorporated. The first county supervisors are H. W. Jackson and Eusebe LaVigne. Catholic Church on the west side burns and is rebuilt later on east side. 1140 2nd St. No. Magnolia Hall, second floor of Magnolia House, becomes the first court house, 840 Washington Ave., East side. Page 10. Sampson & Lyon sell the "Hurleytown" property to Timothy Hurley and Hugh Burnes. Robert Farrish comes to Rapids. Joseph Wood is sent as Assemblyman to Madison representing Wood and Marathon counties. Page 10. Joseph Wood introduced bill naming "Greenwood" as a new county but his colleagues name the County "Wood" in his honor. Plat of Wood's addition to Village of Grand Rapids recorded June 4, 1856. Oct. 1, First warranty deed recorded. Jan. 1, 1857 Mark A. Wells to Mrs. Anna Blake. Samuel J. Purdy arrives in Rapids. Was the father of Corydon T. Purdy who is now a famous engineer and architect, who was born here. G. A. Corriveau enters mercantile business and rents the H. W. Jackson store on First Ave. So. where he remained until he built his own store at corner of Third Ave. and Grand where the Mead Witter block is located at 364 West Grand Ave. Page 38. C. W. Webb arrives. He was the second attorney to come to Rapids. Later he became the Circuit Judge for this Circuit. Page 87. John Rablin enlarged the saw mill on east side. J. N. Brundage establishes the "Wood County Reporter". Rev. L. D. Tracy formally organizes the Methodist Church. First county officers, Joseph Wood, County judge, L. Kromer, Clerk of Court and Register of Deeds, L.P. Powers, County Clerk and Surveyor, I. L. Mosher, County Treasurer. Rev. James Stehle becomes the first resident Catholic priest, 1140 2nd St. N. First Catholic church is built on the east side on present location. Mail began to arrive daily by stage between New Lisbon and Rapids and so continued until 1872. Foundation laid for a Methodist College known as "Bronson Institute" located at Koskoin, later named and known as "Point Bluff". Searles Half-way Tavern on stage route between New Lisbon and Rapids. Aug. 15, Moses M. Strong buys the balance of Daniel Whitney's interest in Govt. Lots in sections 3 and 10. Page 4. John Farrish comes this year with his parents. He died here Nov. 25, 1923. He was pilot, logger and lumberman and mill owner, with Daly & Sampson in the Grand Rapids Lumber Co., with camps on Eau Pliene Rivers. Page 73-93. Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Ry. reached New Lisbon. Henry W. Jackson appointed first postmaster in Centralia and held the office until 1875. Page 34-39. Louis Meiner built The Commercial House, 210 First Ave. So. He died and his widow married Alfred Masse. Page 11. E. B. Rossier came to Centralia. Page 91. Wood County Reporter appointed as official paper for Wood County proceedings. L. Kromer appointed postmaster of Grand Rapids. Population of Grand Rapids now estimated at 800. Feb. 19, J. N. Brundage in his "Wood County Reporter" suggested a change in the name from Grand Rapids to "Wisconsin Rapids". His desire did not come to be a fact until 1920. Moses H. Strong organizes the Nekoosa Lumber Co. Nov 25, they built a dam June 25 from the east shore to the island on Govt. lot 3 to 10. High water took it out next spring. and the company later failed. Nothing further was done by Mr. Strong until he sold the property to Frank and George Wood. Page 4. "Wood County Bank" a private banking house put out an issue of bills. No one recalls who the owners were. Officers named as J. W. Dickinson Pres., W.W. Bolknin, cashier. John Edwards Sr. takes in his son John Edwards Jr. into the business at Port Edwards. Page 5. School District bought block 22 of Joseph Wood for school site. It is the present site of "Howe School". Map page 30. Dr. G. F. Witter, a cousin of J.D. Witter, came to Rapids. Corydon T. Purdy is born here. Orestes Garrison sells half interest in the mill properties on west side to H. W. Jackson. First brewery built by Smith on the location that became later the J. Lutz & Bro. see picture of Lutz Brewery page 32. Edward Wheelan, river pilot comes to Rapids. Took out the last raft of lumber to leave Grand Rapids in summer of 1888 for John Farrish. Page 4. T. C. St. Amour came to Rapids and entered as clerk in I. L. Mosher's store. Later he owned a fine store of his own where "Sugar Bowl" is to-day. 170 2nd St. So. Page 25. J.D. Witter came to Rapids and was admitted to the bar as an attorney. March 2, Wm. B. Naylor sold Blocks 2 and 3 Naylor's addition to School District No. 1 Centralia, for school purposes. Rev. J. W. Harris first regular Congregational minister preaches in Magnolia Hall east side and Garrison Hall west side. Eusebe LaVigne starts a new ferry across Wisconsin River. East end at Herschlebs bakery, 211 First St. No. and west end about where the bridge lands from First Ave. No. across to Consolidated office island. Nov. 29, Methodist Episcopal church members form a corporation. John Daly comes to Rapids. Later formed partnership with Henry Sampson and J.D. Witter and do extensive logging and lumbering and become interested with John Farrish in Grand Rapids Lumber Co. west side. Page 72. Dec. 17, Orestes Garrison sold part of the power lots on the West side to Ira Harris who built the first mill. School district built small frame school on location on Block 22 of the Howe School of to-day. This was later moved to "fair grounds" where it burned. Map page 30. Census of Wood County given as 2425. H. A. Sampson, John Farrish and Henry Rablin and others attended the "Bronson Institute" at Point Bluff. D. P. Morrill comes to Rapids and buys the tannery built by J. McGrath. This was located at NW corner of Franklin and Third Sts. north. Map page 30. Centralia High School built where 330 Eighth Ave is today. (Error see 1872) L. Gross built the first frame store on NW corner of Second Ave. north and 210 Grand Ave. It is now the east end of Mead-Witter Block. For many years occupied by F. Garrison and later by Johnson & Hill Co. as a grocery store. Hart B. Philleo appointed postmaster of Grand Rapids. Daniel Whitney died at Green Bay on Nov. 4th. Congregational Church dedicated. It was bought by the Christian Science organization and is used by them. On 1st St. North. Lyman Howe (of Howe & Rablin) assigned all his interest to John Rablin. John Henry came to Rapids and stopped the first night at Wisconsin House. This was located across the street from the Lavigne ferry Landing, opposite Herschleb's bakery 210 North 1st St. J. N. Brundage enlisted in the Civil war and the "Reporter" passed to J. E. Ingraham with C. M. Webb as editor. J. E. Ingraham associated with him in the ownership of the Reporter, H. B. Philleo. Heavy fire destroys Balderston's shoe store and others. Frank Pomainville comes to Rapids and enters employ of H. Homier. R. C. Worthington built the "Music Hall" corner 2nd St. So and Oak. Now known as "Gardner Block" occupied by B. Brauer. First court house built by Howe & Rablin was accepted and bought by the county. It was a two story frame building and located on river bank between Sampson Canning Co. plant of today and river. Picture page 33. First bridge was built across the Wisconsin River. The location was the same as the bridge of to-day. It was a toll bridge until the county bought it and made it a free bridge in 1873. R. C. Worthington opened a bank in Music Hall on first floor. May 14, Orestes Garrison sold the mill site to Reuben C. Lyon who ran it as a shingle and saw mill. Later he sold it to Mack & Spencer. See picture page 2. Nels Johnson came to Centralia, became part of the Johnson & Hill Co. general merchants. Was president of the newly formed Consolidated Water Power Co. to build a paper mill when he died at Wilmington, Del. Dec. 12, 1902. Present S.S. Peter & Paul Church built and dedicated June 29, 1873. Second bad fire Sept 5th. See historical account for details, pages 25-26. S. Brazeau came to Rapids and opened a barber shop. Died 1903. March 3rd Orestes Garrison sold mill site and use of 2000 cu. inches of water under a 11 foot head, from the flume, to operate a flour mill. This mill later became known as the "Jackson" mill. Joseph Wood appointed postmaster. Fire company house stood approximately where the Eagles Hall is to-day at about 341 First St. No. Methodist Episcopal church was built in 1863 but dedicated in 1868. John Rablin built the Rablin House, winter of 1868 and 1869. It occupied the location now of the T. B. Scott Library, 411 Baker St. Rablin House burned June 11, 1880, two days before the memorable flood of the Wisconsin River. John Rablin bought the "Hurleytown" property through sheriff sale from Timothy Hurly and Robt. Burnes. John Rablin built the first machine shop, east side. See picture page 1. This later was made into a flour mill and when burned was generally known as "Neeves Mill". Charter granted to City of Grand Rapids April 6th. Dr. G. F. Witter is appointed postmaster and held the office until 1885. "Frenchtown" was changed to be know as "Port Edwards". Oct. 18, Ira Harris deeded back the power lots on west side to Orestes Garrison. Third bad fire at what is to-day 210 Third St. North. See page 26 for details. John Rablin leased the Foundry to J. A. Robb for 10 years. March 22, Orestes Garrison sold to John Bensley the power on land between the Weller Flour Mill and Lyons Shingle mill. John Rablin built the pail factory addition to the "Hurleytown" saw mill. Wisconsin Valley Railroad Co. was chartered and organized. L.P. Powers was the president. J.D. Witter conducted a private bank under title of "Exchange Bank" at 310 1st St. North. June 18, First National Bank chartered and opened for business at 310 1st St. No. Centralia High School (Old Lowell) built at 330 Eighth Ave of to-day. Green Bay & Western Ry. came to Grand Rapids Nov. 1872. Roach House was built at about 830 First St. N near corner Drake and First St. Fourth disastrous fire March 23 at 4 A.M. See page 26 details. Present Catholic Church, east side, dedicated June 29. 1140 2nd St. N. First train on the Wisconsin Valley Railroad came into Centralia in June. George Weller bought the site and 2000 cu. feet of under 11 foot head of water from Orestes Garrison and built the first flour mill. Later became better known as the "Jackson" mill. Year of financial panic. John Edwards sold half interest to Thos. B. Scott of mill properties in Port Edwards. Emmanuel Evangelical Lutheran Church organized. 8th St. No. March 11, the I O O F Lodge was instituted here. E. Lableux built the stone store now 169 2nd St. S. July "Tribune" burned out. J. N. Brundage started it up again with L.P. Powers as political editor. September-Grand Rapids bought the first "steamer" fire engine, a Clapp & Jones. Cal Wood, a practical locomotive engineer paid to operate it. A few years afterwards and Dwight M. Huntington was hired to take the job and held it until the steamer went out of use because of water works. Sept. 17. First Fire Company meeting to organize a local volunteer company. Feb. 5th. Repairs to the bridge costing $3500 were made by Purdy & Chaney. Forest Hill Cemetery laid out and platted by F.J. Wood. Orestes Garrison died at his home in Centralia. Centralia organized as a city in April. St. John's Baptist Society organized. See page 112. St. John Episcopal Church, west side, dedicated Nov. 19th. John Rablin sold foundry to Patrick & Mahoney formerly a planing mill. June 24, first celebration by local society of St. John the Baptist. Saw mill and pail factory of John Rablin closed down and did not again operate at Hurleytown. July. Robert Farrish organized firm of Robt. Farrish & Bro at 181 2nd St. S. Howe School completed fall of this year. November. I. M. Stewart first principal. Sept. 25 Francis X. Biron died. He was operator and owner of the saw mill located at "Biron" of today. First Fair held Oct. 8, 9, 10, see Map Page 30 for "Wordens Track". June 11th George Neeves died. F. Mackinnon & Griffith first hub and spoke factory burned and rebuilt and burned again in 1890. H. A. Sampson started up a part of the Bensley saw mill in May. May 21st. "Enterprise" a weekly news paper was founded by C. H. Clark. Sept. 21st. sold to F. H. Jackson. September 27, Fred H. Jackson sold it to H. H. Hayden. October 9th, H. H. Hayden was shot and killed by W. H. Cochran and "Enterprise" continued by Mrs. Hayden. "Odd Fellows Band" with Riggs as director was organized. Page 112. Landauer, Hopkins and Friend of Milwaukee acquired all the property of John Rablin. Henry Mann bought the "Hurleytown" property from Hopkins, Landauer and Friend. "Reporter" bought by Paul and Albert Fontaine. E. B. Rossier and C.O. Baker bought the "Enterprise" from Mrs. Hayden. Soon after C.O. Baker sold his interest to E. B. Rossier. Dr. G. F. Witter began making brick in the clay bed in rear of the Congregational Church on First St. N. J. Lutz & Bro. bought the Smith brewery. Page 33. June 12th the Rablin House burned. Page 23. June 13th, Sunday the greatest flood of any record from the Wisconsin River at this point. See pictures page 18. "Music Hall" was used for storage of merchandise from the different merchants near by during the flood in June. It burned some months after that and its date is not established but it was probably late in the fall of 1880. It was later the site of the "Gardner Block" built in 1883. Corner of First and Oak Streets, 111 2nd St. S. Page 25. Dec. 9, Wood County Post G A R No. 22 organized. E. B. Rossier and E. B. Brundage began joint issue of the "Tribune". Page 91. H. B. Philleo died Dec. 16. Had been editor of the "Reporter" until 1880. Page 91. Steam saw mill owned by Geo. Neeves which was operating in Rudolph was sold to P. H. Champein and moved to Merrill. The old saw mill owned by Geo. Neeves was allowed to be dismantled and gradually fell to decay. Located at about 1320 Third St. S. Map page 30. John Schnabel manager of the I O O F band and E. B. Fritzsinger director. Page 91. Evangelical Lutheran Immanuel Congregation incorporated Feb. 15. Wisconsin Valley Railway sold to the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul Ry. and is still known as the "Valley Road". January 25th "Roach House" burned and was not rebuilt. Page 23. Witter House completed and opened to the public Nov. 15th. Page 22. Welcome Hyde bought all the Rablin Mill sites and started up a pulp mill with six grinders on the site and part of the Rablin Saw mill. Later it passed into hands of Geo. E. Hoskinson father-in-law of F. Mackinnon, and he organized the Pioneer Wood Pulp Co., and was its president and manager. C.A. Podawiltz remodeled the "foundry and machine" shop of Rablin's and made it into a flour mill. Geo. A. Neeves and W. B. Neeves, brothers, and sons of the pioneer Geo. Neeves, joined with Podawiltz and organized the Grand Rapids Flouring Mill. Later they sold to T. E. Nash who with his brother John operated under title of "Nash Bros" Flouring Mill. Page 1. Old frame school house formerly on lot next to the Howe School was moved to Fair Grounds and later burned down. Map page 30. Wood County court house, located on present site, held their first session of county board April 12th. Old court house at about 1241 First St. N. was sold to Rudolph Voight for $400. Later bought by David Lutz and burned. Page 33.

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Education in a Free Society Proposed solutions have included greater funding, a longer academic year, national standards, measures to reduce school violence, and educational vouchers. The only proper solution is to completely separate state and school thereby permitting education to be purchased and sold through the free market system. Consumer-financed education must replace tax-based funding of education. We need to dissolve public schools and replace them with educational businesses. By de-monopolizing public schools, we would raise standards, better motivate teachers and students, allow greater innovation, bring costs down, and meet the particularized needs of our children. Public education is inconsistent with freedom and responsibility. Public education erodes personal freedom and thus should be replaced with parental choice, competition, and market solutions. Parents are responsible for the education of their children. Under a free market, families would decide which are the best educational vehicles for each of their children. State schools are based on the assumptions that the government is sovereign in education that people are morally and legally obligated to fund the public school system, and that state schools can, and should, teach neutral values. Government policy imposes strict rules and regulations and a directive to use education to engineer political and social outcomes. Public education is a collectivist welfare program in which people are coerced to participate. Not only is political consensus substituted for private individual decisions, the benefits of public education are not commensurate with its costs and its subsidized prices distort individual decision-making. In the past, families, religious groups, and private schools dominated education, but today the state is in charge. We need to eliminate state involvement in education. A person should be free to pay for a child’s education if he wanted to. Today, people are forced to pay for schools imparting ideas that they would not voluntarily support. Freed of their educational tax burden, individuals would have the funds to pay for private education. In addition, competition would raise school quality and would make private education more affordable and available. Totally separating education from the state means abolishing school taxes and compulsory school attendance. By divorcing education from political power, parents and their children will be free to pursue education the best serves their needs. History and Philosophy of Public Education Rousseau, like Plato before him and Mann and Dewey after him, believed in the perfectibility of man provided that he was educated so that he could not want to do evil. According to Rousseau, there exists a "general will" over and above wills of individuals. He taught that there is an intellectual elite who is able to discern the commands of the general will and, because of that knowledge, have the authority to implement those commands. The existence and authority of the general will is the cornerstone of Rousseau’s philosophy of education. In Emile, Rousseau portrays the ideal education in the story of a child, who, free from the restrictions of an adult’s will, is able to study nature and thus learn what he needs to know. However, Emile has an enlightened tutor, whose purpose is to secretly manufacture the conditions under which nature will teach the student what the tutor wants the student to learn. Through the tutor’s disguised intentions, the student, by equating his own will with the will of his tutor, is conditioned to identity his own will with the general will. German thinkers from Luther to Fichte to the Prussian monarchs developed theories of compulsory state education. Hegel viewed the state, through which the general will found expression, as the supreme earthly manifestation of the Absolute and as the embodiment of ethics. People found freedom when they recognized the state’s exalted status and accepted the state’s objectives as their own objectives. This view ultimately gave rise to American nationalism and the movement toward universal education. For the first two hundred years in America, from the early 1600s to the early 1800s, public schools were virtually non-existent. Before the 1830s, education was primarily an informal local activity. Private education in early America included the home, church, Catholic and Protestant schools, charity schools for the poor, apprenticeships, private study, and circulating libraries. With the variety of educational systems available to our forefathers, tax-financed schools did not receive much support. For many years, the only strong advocates of state schools in the U.S. were Boston Unitarians who denied Christian teachings and accepted Rousseau’s ideas that negative behavior was the result of mis-education rather than due to man’s fallen nature. Although tax-financed common schools existed by the 18305, most parents continued to send their children to private schools. However, the public school agenda of the Unitarians and other elites began to advance with urgency as Catholic immigration, especially from Ireland and Germany, soared in the 18405 and 18505. Protestants began to fear that Catholic immigrants and the poor would become an unassimilated mass. Horace Mann, a Unitarian lawyer and legislator, had been appointed secretary of the newly created Massachusetts Board of Education in 1837, the first state board of education in the U.S. During his12 years as its head, Mann created a unified system of common schools including teacher-training initiatives and dedication to a Utopian vision of perfecting the moral character of the nation’s youths. Mann was a die-hard Unitarian moralist who perceived the public school as the cure for social ills and exhibited faith in human goodness given the right education and environment. Mann, an admirer of the Prussian approach to public education, said that closing down prisons would be possible, given a generation of schools according to his prescriptions. Mann’s goal was to establish mechanisms of social control. He advocated a standard curriculum, centralization of public funds, a strongly moral character of instruction, and state leadership in training teachers dedicated to the common school agenda. Mann and his fellow reformers sought to use the state’s authority and resources to impose a single ethos on every school in the name of enlightenment and social unity. Originally, many Protestants criticized the peculiar religious character of the common public school. Mann’s religion without salvation was attractive to an elite who was confident of its own success and of the country’s inevitable progress. Protestant critics feared that the schools’ espoused non-denominational neutrality was the same as the institution of secularism through the public schools. However, the large influx of Catholic immigrants who tended to establish their own schools, was thought by many to be a threat to Protestantism. Encouraged by the Unitarians, many Protestants began to embrace the state school concept. Since the establishment of Protestantism as the American national church was impossible due to the nation’s emphasis on religious tolerance, it was thought the public school could perhaps become an acceptable substitute mechanism to control religion. The public school was thus seen by Protestants as a potential mechanism for instilling the true faith. Mann’s non-denominational approach did incorporate Bible reading (the King James version), daily prayer, and hymns into its activities. Of course, as America became more secularized so did the public schools. Public education in America really began to boom after the Civil War, as government- controlled and funded schools replaced the earlier private education system. The biggest boost for state schools came when states began to enact laws of compulsory attendance. Catholics felt left out of the public school system. As a consequence, the Catholic parochial school system was established in 1874. Catholics, like the Protestants, Unitarians, and others realized that whoever controls the schools controls the upcoming generation. By altering and connecting Rousseau’s ideas of an independently existing general will with the principle of majority rule, 19th century American intellectuals thought that the "will of the majority" as interpreted by themselves, provided a unique source of beneficence and wisdom. Education controlled by that "will" would foster the public good. John Dewey’s progressive model of active learning or pragmatism promoted a revolt against abstract learning and attempted to make education an effective tool for integrating culture and vocation. Dewey was responsible for developing a philosophical approach to education called "experimentalism" which saw education as the basis for democracy. His goal was to turn public schools into indoctrination centers to develop a socialized population that could adapt to an egalitarian state operated by an intellectual elite. Thinking for Dewey was a collective phenomenon. Disavowing the role of the individual mind in achieving technological and social progress, Dewey promoted the group, rather than the teacher, as the main source of social control in the schools. Denying the ideas of universal principles, natural law, and natural rights, Dewey emphasized social values and taught that life adjustment is more important than academic skills. Dewey explained that the subject matter and moral lessons in the traditional curricula were meant to teach and inspire but were irrelevant to the students’ immediate action experiences. The contradiction between the students’ real interests and those of the traditional school alienated students from their schoolwork. School-age children were caught between the opposing forces of immature, undeveloped beings and the values, meanings, and aims of subject matter constructed by a mature adult. Dewey believed that students’ energy, talent, and potential could not be realized within the structure of an archaic school system. Dewey and other members of the Progressive movement wanted a predictable method for providing a common culture and of instilling Americans with democratic values. As a result, by the end of the 19th century, a centrally-controlled, monopolistic, comprehensive, and bureaucratic public education system was deemed to be essential for America’s future. During the 20th century, the job of public education was expanded to inculcating moral values, providing nutrition and health, protecting children from psychological and physical abuse, and combating crime and delinquency. Later, additional social and political goals such as racial integration, democratic participation, environmental awareness and activism, and social tolerance were added. The Nature of Public Education Public schools are coercive political monopolies that are funded through compulsory taxation and that have a captive audience of pupils through mandatory attendance laws. People must pay for the school system even if they do not use public schools or are not satisfied with them. The state uses its coercive taxing power to take money from some, even individuals who do not have children, to fund the education of others. Since most people cannot afford to pay private tuition after bearing their school tax burden the market for private schools is artificially restrained. There would be many more, and a larger variety, of private schools in the absence of a tax-supported system. In fact, the bankruptcy of some private schools can be attributed to unfair competition from the public system. Decisions are made from the top-down. Small groups of elected or appointed state officials ignore market forces and make decisions regarding teaching methods, curricula, textbooks, class size, teacher qualifications, etc. Public education is designed to serve the state and its ruling elite who endeavor to create a one size fits all education for a population of diverse children. Public education views children as property of the state, undermines parents’ moral authority and responsibility, and stifles the entrepreneurial spirit. A system of force and compulsion replaces education with indoctrination. Students learn officially approved state doctrine from state-approved teachers using state-approved texts. Public schools promote agendas that conflict with parents’ rights to shape the values and beliefs of their children. Opponents of free market education believe that only public education can impart the skills, values, knowledge, and attitudes needed for good citizenship. Political correctness and outcome-based education result from public educators’ attempts to socialize the young to make society in their own egalitarian image through the use of compulsory state education. Public education thus tends to be more formative and indoctrinating than it is informative. Parents have been denied the right to choose the type of education they want for their children. Children do not learn in the same way, at the same rate, by the same methods, or under the same conditions. Parents are in the best position to take into account the relevant differences in their individual children and should be permitted to select the appropriate education for each of them. Not all parents want their children educated in the same way. The superior performance of home-schooled children testifies to the ability of parents compared to that of state-certified teachers. Public educators want uniformity in the schools since in their minds there would be social inequality if everyone did not have the same education. However, specialized schools which vary in their methods, goals, materials, and assessment methods would better cater to the diversity of human beings. Public schools do impart values, but they are the values of conformity and docility. Public schooling suppresses the individuality, initiative, and creativity of students. In its efforts to stay ideologically independent, public education is likely to sacrifice intellectual and character development. The idea has caught on that every individual has a right and a duty to be educated and that society through the government has the obligation to fund the education of its citizens. Supporters of public schooling have maintained that many children will go uneducated if education were not compulsory and if the state did not deliver it. The state assumes that parents are irresponsible and must be forced to do what they should do. Parents are not free to ignore school attendance by their children and are not free to ignore tuition payments through taxation. By avowing the legitimacy of public education, voters try to transfer their responsibility for educating their children to the state. However, parental moral responsibility for their child’s education cannot be shifted to anyone else. Public schools get their customers through compulsory attendance laws. Public education is based on the prison concept. Tax-funded schools have coercion as part of their culture. As wards of the state, children are jailed with a mandatory sentence until they are 16. The state removes children from parents assumed to be incompetent in order to keep them from being anti-social and to make them into complacent workers and citizens. When schooling is mandated by law, the sense of opportunity that accompanies free choice is missing. If education is not compulsory, then students are perceiving education as an opportunity rather than as a requirement. In the absence of compulsory education, students would no longer be captive to ideological and political brainwashing on the part of teachers and administrators. Most Americans accept the propriety of forcibly taking some people’s money in order to educate other people’s children. Students are thus taught by example that they are entitled to government "gifts" and that it is proper to obtain an end through organized force. State education teaches that there are a multitude of good ends that can be attained by the state taking wealth to pay for them in the same manner as it pays for students’ educations. If children are led to believe that they are owed benefits from the government without any work or its product being exchanged, they tend to think that it is not necessary for them to perform work to obtain any of their desired possessions. Compulsion negatively affects attitudes and poor attitudes obstruct education. Compulsory education has drawn some children into classes who do not want to be there thereby lowering the quality of education as standards are reduced to meet the lowest common denominator. Some students just don’t belong in school, but the government not only forces their attendance, it also compels those who do belong and want to be there to associate with delinquents and the uneducable. Of course, due to self interest, only a few would go uneducated if education were noncompulsory. Attendees would have a financial incentive to get the most out of their education. When the state provides a "free education" the value of the education is decreased in the minds of parents as well as in the minds of students. Parents will not be as interested in ensuring their children’s attendance when schools are free. In addition, parents will not demand much from their children or the schools when education does not cost them anything. Quality declines when the connection between service and payments is severed. Public education breaks the link between consumers’ demands for education and their ability to control their own resources in voicing that demand. Public education continues because it is funded through compulsory tax payments. Because public schools are guaranteed revenue, there is no incentive to strive for excellence. When a school has monopoly control over students, the motivation to produce successful students is lacking. Public education deprives parents of their right to select the kind of schooling that is best for their children. The state taxes away parents’ income and permits public bureaucrats to run the school system as they see fit. Public schools are insulated from failure and protected from competition. Consequently, it is safe for them to ignore their customers. Public educators have little incentive to provide quality, to respect and please their customers, to pursue innovations, to produce results, to be efficient, or to control their costs. Politicians push for higher taxes to foster their political images by exhibiting their concern for improving public schools. In addition, school administrators do not try to be efficient or cut cost because such behavior would lead to a reduced budget. This helps to explain why the U.S. spends more per student per year than any other major nation. At the same time, student performance has not kept par with the increase in resources devoted to public schooling. Public school systems lack the entrepreneurial ingredient. The educational bureaucracy is unable to calculate net income or net loss, has no way of using cost-benefit analysis to see if expenditures were appropriately applied, and do not know if they are using taxpayers’ money to accurately respond to consumer demand. Public education uses taxation to evade market prices. There is an immense difference between government paying for education and the parent paying for it in a free market situation. When public education is financed by the state, the real price to taxpayers is much greater than the price perceived by the consumers. The family of a student only pays part of the cost of a state-financed education with the rest of the cost being transferred to taxpayers with no or fewer children than the particular family has. Vouchers and Other Pseudo-Reforms Proponents of educational choice have proposed educational vouchers, charter schools, and tax deductions for private educational expenditures. The fundamental problem, public funding of education, remains under each of these alternatives. There are always strings attached when state funds are provided. Government intrusion always follows government funding. With respect to educational vouchers, publicly-funded vouchers would be issued to parents of school-age children to spend at the government-approved school of their choice. Parents would be given a voucher worth a precise amount of public tax money. The parent would have the state-granted right to choose from among the local schools that meet the state’s standards. Vouchers are based on the assumption that the state, rather than the parents, is sovereign over education. Parents’ choices will be restricted by controlling school eligibility for reimbursement through vouchers. The state, the source of educational funding, retains its sanctioning authority under the voucher system. Every private school that accepts a voucher payment is subject to local, state, and/or federal rules and regulations. Private enterprises cease to be private with the introduction of public funds. Since state funds support private schools in a voucher system, if follows that private schools will be accountable to the government if they are to succeed. For example, public educational officials could require open admissions, insist that a private school’s student population reflect the community it serves including proper quotas of minority students, require that vouchers must be accepted as full payment even if they are of less value than the school’s tuition, demand that voucher money not be used to finance religious education, etc. A voucher system could also be used to exclude schools that teach "politically incorrect" ideas or that employ teaching methods contrary to the prevailing orthodox methods championed by public education bureaucrats. As long as an education is publicly funded, decisions regarding educational policy will be politically made. Under the voucher system, voucher-supported private schools become part of the state’s monopoly on education. The voucher system creates an illusion of parental authority without the substance of such authority. A voucher program violates the principle that parents are morally and financially responsible for their children’s education. In a voucher system, coercive taxation remains the source of education funding. A cosmetic change at best, a voucher program gives the appearance that parents are exercising choice, while, at the same time, transferring the evils of the public system to private schools. Vouchers will lure students back into publicly-financed education. Currently, many parents remove their children from public education as a matter of principle. The voucher system will entice parents since its benefits will only be received if parents enroll their children in state-approved schools. Vouchers will lessen the demand for private education that is outside the taxpayer financed; education system. Parents who want to keep their children out of government-run schools will have to say no to free education in a state school, turn down vouchers for government licensed schools, and then pay additional funds to send their children to an authentically independent school! In essence, these parents will be paying for education three times while their children only receive one education each. A charter school is a partially autonomous publicly-financed school that is operated by a group of community members, teachers, and/or parents. It operates under a charter with a local school district board of education or sometimes with an outside agency such as an institution of higher learning. Charter schools are free to a certain degree, but, like the voucher system, charters will corrupt such schools. Restrictions confronting charter schools include the source of its funding, regulations stemming from government control, and such schools’ lack of market feedback and accountability. Some advocate private educational expense deductions for federal income tax purposes. Pre-tax dollars would be used to finance children’s education under this approval. Less beneficial than a tax credit, such a deduction would only ameliorate one’s tax penalty. In addition the main problem will still be that the educational "benefit" originates in the political order and must be utilized within the political framework. The Educational Freedom The best school choice plan is the free market. Education should be bought and sold through free market processes. The separation of state and education would restore intellectual freedom, academic integrity, and individual achievement. The private market can best provide high quality and efficient education services. Private educational institutions can supply a superior educational product but currently, because of subsidized tuition at public schools, most students select the lower-priced option. When a child attends a private school, the family must pay taxes to subsidize the cost of students in public education and pay the whole cost of education at a private school. Education is an economic commodity to be purchased in the marketplace according to the preferences and valuations of education consumers. In a free education market parents and students would decide based on the perceived costs and benefits of each option. In essence, the procurement of an educational service does not differ from the acquisition of any other private good. Outcomes in a consumer-funded education market would be the result of voluntary purchases by educational consumers. The best schools would earn the most income. Profit calculations would permit schools to gauge their performance according to customer evaluations. Parents would choose schools based on performance and reputation. Paying customers value and select competent schools and teachers. Thus, it follows that the consumers of education should be the payers. Market-based schools have incentives to furnish quality education at a competitive price. Competition would drive poor schools from the market. Market mechanisms would provide the most efficient allocation of resources. Schools would compete for the best students and students would compete for the best teachers and schools. Teachers’ salaries would be determined by market competition. Schools would provide instruction at a variety of locations with varying philosophies, specialization areas, and costs. Schools would arise to meet the demands of various students’ abilities and needs. Where the demand for a specific type of education arises, an entrepreneur would form the desired institution of learning. With the diversity that exists among individuals, a variety of schools would appear to meet individual educational needs. It is critical that parents purchase education directly, when, and only for as long as, they believe their children require it. Only the total separation of state and school can re-institute parental responsibility, protect parents’ rights, and allow students, schools, and teachers to flourish in a free educational environment. Parents have moral authority over, and responsibility for, their own children. If school taxes are abolished, parents will benefit by keeping their own money. The money belongs to the parents, not the government. They would then be free to choose their own children’s schools. For example, if parents want their children to have prayer, then they would send them to a school that has prayers. If they don’t want their children to have prayer, then they would send them to a school that has no prayer. Parents should be free to send their children to religious schools, progressive schools, trade schools, home school, or even no school at all. Of course, it is likely that the pursuit of happiness will supply enough incentive for people to want their children to improve educationally. Schools privately funded and freely selected would be mediating associations like churches, corporations, and unions, and would foster a true sense of belonging and identity. In private schools in a free market, failure to provide the promised results would lead to declining enrollments, and financial losses. Competition breeds quality. For example, the free market would encourage teachers to improve their skills and would attract others into the teaching profession. Good teachers would be rewarded and poor teachers would be forced to select other careers. The market would also indicate which teaching approaches worked best in given situations and would stimulate creative individuals to produce and market learning materials. True educational businesses would evaluate teachers and their instructional operations to determine whether or not the customers are satisfied and getting their money’s worth of education. Educational competition would result in the lowering of costs. Competition would make private education more affordable and widely available. This means that poor families would be more able to afford the cost of financing their children’s educations. In addition, if the poor are excused from the numerous education taxes that currently exist, then they would have the funds to pay for private education. It is also likely that private scholarships and charitable assistance will be available for lower income families, especially when the person or organization funding the scholarship knows that he is paying for a superior educational product. In a free market, consumer demand and choice would determine which schools survive and prosper. A private, non-compulsory educational system would be better able to provide for diverse student needs, backgrounds, interests, goals, and preferences. A system of voluntary, unsubsidized education means rescinding government compelled financing, attendance, credentialing, accreditation, and curriculum. It means the full separation of school and state. Article from: quebecoislibre.org Tune into Red Ice Radio where we speak with John Taylor Gatto, teacher and public speaker on school reform: John Taylor Gatto - History of Education, Social Engineering, Indoctrination in the School System & Homeschooling

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Scripting KVM with Python, Part 2 Add a GUI to manage KVM with libvirt and Python This content is part # of # in the series: Scripting KVM with Python, Part 2 This content is part of the series:Scripting KVM with Python, Part 2 Stay tuned for additional content in this series. Part 1 of this series looked at the basics of scripting Kernel-based Virtual Machine (KVM) using libvirt and Python. This installment uses the concepts developed there to build several utility applications and add a graphical user interface (GUI) into the mix. There are two primary options for a GUI toolkit that has Python bindings and is cross-platform. The first is Qt, which is now owned by Nokia; the second is wxPython. Both have strong followings and many open source projects on their lists of For this article, I focus on wxPython more out of personal preference than anything else. I start off with a short introduction to wxPython and the basics proper setup. From there, I move on to a few short example programs, and then to integrating with This approach should introduce enough wxPython basics for you to build a simple program, and then expand on that program to add features. Hopefully, you'll be able to take these concepts and build on them to meet your specific needs. A good place to start is with a few basic definitions. The wxPython library is actually a wrapper on top of the wxWidgets. In the context of creating a GUI, a widget is essentially a building block. Five independent widgets reside at the top-most level of the widget hierarchy: Most of the examples here are based on as it essentially implements a single modal window. Frame is a class that you instantiate as is or inherit from to add or enhance the functionality. It's important to understand how widgets appear within a frame so you know how to place them properly. Layout is determined either by absolute positioning or by using sizers. A sizer is a handy tool that resizes widgets when the user changes the size of the window by clicking and dragging a side or corner. The simplest form of a wxPython program must have a few lines of code to set things up. A typical main routine might look something like Listing 1. Listing 1. Device XML definition if __name__ == "__main__": app = wx.App(False) frame = MyFrame() frame.Show() app.MainLoop() Every wxPython app is an instance of and must instantiate it as shown in Listing 1. When you pass means "don't redirect stdout and stderr to a window." The next line creates a frame by instantiating the class. You then show the frame and pass control to MyFrame() class typically contains an __init__ function to initialize the frame with your widgets of choice. It is also where you would connect any widget events to their appropriate handlers. This is probably a good place to mention a handy debugging tool that comes with wxPython. It's called the widget inspection tool (see Figure 1) and only requires two lines of code to use. First, you have to import it with: Then, to use it, you simply call the Clicking the Events icon on the menu toolbar dynamically shows you events as they fire. It's a really neat way to see events as they happen if you're not sure which events a particular widget supports. It also gives you a better appreciation of how much is going on behind the scenes when your application is running. Figure 1. The wxPython widget inspection tool Add a GUI to a command-line tool Part 1 of this series presented a simple tool to display the status of all running virtual machines (VMs). It's simple to change that tool into a GUI tool with wxPython. The wx.ListCtrl widget provides just the functionality you need to present the information in tabular form. To use wx.ListCtrl widget, you must add it to your frame with the following syntax: You can choose from several different styles, including the wx.SUNKEN_BORDER options previously used. The first option puts the wx.ListCtrl into Report mode, which is one of four available modes. The others are Icon, Small Icon, and List. To add styles like wx.SUNKEN_BORDER, you simply use the pipe |). Some styles are mutually exclusive, such as the different border styles, so check the wxPython wiki if you have any doubts (see Related topics). After instantiating the wx.ListCtrl widget, you can start adding things to it, like column headers. The InsertColumn method has two mandatory parameters and two optional ones. First is the column index, which is zero-based, followed by a string to set the heading. The third is for formatting and should be something like Finally, you can set a fixed width by passing in an integer or have the column automatically sized by using Now that you have the configured, you can use the SetStringItem methods to populate it with data. Each new row in the must be added using the method. The two mandatory parameters specify where to perform the insert, with a value of 0 indicating at the top of the list and the string to insert at that location. returns an integer indicating the row number of the inserted string. You can make a call to GetItemCount() for the list and use the return value for the index to append to the bottom, as Listing 2 shows. Listing 2. GUI version of the command-line tool import wx import libvirt conn=libvirt.open("qemu:///system") class MyApp(wx.App): def OnInit(self): frame = wx.Frame(None, -1, "KVM Info") id=wx.NewId() self.list=wx.ListCtrl(frame,id,style=wx.LC_REPORT|wx.SUNKEN_BORDER) self.list.Show(True) self.list.InsertColumn(0,"ID") self.list.InsertColumn(1,"Name") self.list.InsertColumn(2,"State") self.list.InsertColumn(3,"Max Mem") self.list.InsertColumn(4,"# of vCPUs") self.list.InsertColumn(5,"CPU Time (ns)") for i,id in enumerate(conn.listDomainsID()): dom = conn.lookupByID(id) infos = dom.info() pos = self.list.InsertStringItem(i,str(id)) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,1,dom.name()) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,2,str(infos)) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,3,str(infos)) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,4,str(infos)) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,5,str(infos)) frame.Show(True) self.SetTopWindow(frame) return True app = MyApp(0) app.MainLoop() Figure 2 shows the results of these efforts. Figure 2. The GUI KVM info tool You can enhance the appearance of this table. A noticeable improvement would be to resize the columns. You can do so by either adding the width = parameter to the InsertColumn call or use one line of code, like The other thing you could do is add a sizer so that the controls resize with the parent window. You can do this with a wxBoxSizer in a few lines of code. First, you create the sizer, and then you add the widgets to it that you want to resize along with the main window. Here's what that code might look like: self.sizer = wx.BoxSizer(wx.VERTICAL) self.sizer.Add(self.list, proportion=1,flag=wx.EXPAND | wx.ALL, border=5) self.sizer.Add(self.button, flag=wx.EXPAND | wx.ALL, border=5) self.panel.SetSizerAndFit(self.sizer) The last call to instructs wxPython to set the initial size of the pane based on the sizer's minimum size from the embedded widgets. This helps to give your initial screen a reasonable size based on the content inside. Control flow based on a user action One of the nice things about the widget is that you can detect when a user clicks a specific part of the widget and take some action based on that. This functionality allows you to do things like sort a column alphabetically in forward or reverse order based on the user clicking the column title. The technique to accomplish this uses a callback mechanism. You must provide a function to handle each action that you want to process by binding the widget and processing method together. You do so with the Every widget has some number of events associated with it. There are also events associated with things like the mouse. Mouse events have names like EVT_LEFT_DCLICK, along with the same naming convention for the other buttons. You could handle all mouse events by attaching to the EVT_MOUSE_EVENTS type. The trick is to catch the event in the context of the application or window you're interested in. When control passes to the event handler, it must perform the necessary steps to handle the action, and then return control to wherever it was prior to that. This is the event-drive programming model that every GUI must implement to handle user actions in a timely fashion. Many modern GUI applications implement multithreading to keep from giving the user the impression that the program isn't responding. I briefly touch on that later in this article. Timers represent another type of event that a program must potentially deal with. For example, you might want to perform a periodic monitoring function at a user-defined interval. You would need to provide a screen on which the user could specify the interval, and then launch a timer that would in turn fire an event when it expires. The timer expiration fires an event that you can use to activate a section of code. You might need to set or restart the time, depending again on user preference. You could easily use this technique to develop a VM monitoring tool. Listing 3 provides a simple demo app with a button and static text lines. Using wx.StaticText is an easy way to output a string to the window. The idea is to click the button once to start a timer and record the start time. Clicking the button records the start time and changes the label to Stop. Clicking the button again fills in the stop time text box and changes the button back to Start. Listing 3. Simple app with a button and static text import wx from time import gmtime, strftime class MyForm(wx.Frame): def __init__(self): wx.Frame.__init__(self, None, wx.ID_ANY, "Buttons") self.panel = wx.Panel(self, wx.ID_ANY) self.button = wx.Button(self.panel, id=wx.ID_ANY, label="Start") self.button.Bind(wx.EVT_BUTTON, self.onButton) def onButton(self, event): if self.button.GetLabel() == "Start": self.button.SetLabel("Stop") strtime = strftime("%Y-%m-%d %H:%M:%S", gmtime()) wx.StaticText(self, -1, 'Start Time = ' + strtime, (25, 75)) else: self.button.SetLabel("Start") stptime = strftime("%Y-%m-%d %H:%M:%S", gmtime()) wx.StaticText(self, -1, 'Stop Time = ' + stptime, (25, 100)) if __name__ == "__main__": app = wx.App(False) frame = MyForm() frame.Show() app.MainLoop() Enhanced monitoring GUI Now, you can add functionality to the simple monitoring GUI introduced earlier. There is one more piece of wxPython you need to understand before you have everything you need to create your app. Adding a check box to the first column of a wx.ListCtrl widget would make it possible to take action on multiple lines based on the status of the check box. You can do this by using what wxPython calls mixins. In essence, a mixin is a helper class that adds some type of functionality to the parent widget. To add the check box mixin, simply use the following code to instantiate it: You can also take advantage of events to add the ability to select or clear all boxes by clicking the column title. Doing so makes it simple to do things like start or stop all VMs with just a few clicks. You need to write a few event handlers to respond to the appropriate events in the same way you changed the label on the button previously. Here's the line of code needed to set up a handler for the column click event: self.Bind(wx.EVT_LIST_COL_CLICK, self.OnColClick, self.list) wx.EVT_LIST_COL_CLICK fires when any column header is clicked. To determine which column was clicked, you can use the event.GetColumn() method. Here's a simple handler function for the def OnColClick(self, event): print "column clicked %d\n" % event.GetColumn() event.Skip() event.Skip() call is important if you need to propagate the event to other handlers. Although this need might not be apparent in this instance, it can be problematic when multiple handlers need to process the same event. There's a good discussion of event propagation on the wxPython wiki site, which has much more detail than I have room for here. Finally, add code to the two button handlers to start or stop all checked VMs. It's possible to iterate over the lines in your wx.ListCtrl and pull the VM ID out with just a few lines of code, as Listing 4 shows. Listing 4. Starting and stopping checked VMs #!/usr/bin/env python import wx import wx.lib.mixins.listctrl as listmix import libvirt conn=libvirt.open("qemu:///system") class CheckListCtrl(wx.ListCtrl, listmix.CheckListCtrlMixin, listmix.ListCtrlAutoWidthMixin): def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs): wx.ListCtrl.__init__(self, *args, **kwargs) listmix.CheckListCtrlMixin.__init__(self) listmix.ListCtrlAutoWidthMixin.__init__(self) self.setResizeColumn(2) class MainWindow(wx.Frame): def __init__(self, *args, **kwargs): wx.Frame.__init__(self, *args, **kwargs) self.panel = wx.Panel(self) self.list = CheckListCtrl(self.panel, style=wx.LC_REPORT) self.list.InsertColumn(0, "Check", width = 175) self.Bind(wx.EVT_LIST_COL_CLICK, self.OnColClick, self.list) self.list.InsertColumn(1,"Max Mem", width = 100) self.list.InsertColumn(2,"# of vCPUs", width = 100) for i,id in enumerate(conn.listDefinedDomains()): dom = conn.lookupByName(id) infos = dom.info() pos = self.list.InsertStringItem(1,dom.name()) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,1,str(infos)) self.list.SetStringItem(pos,2,str(infos)) self.StrButton = wx.Button(self.panel, label="Start") self.Bind(wx.EVT_BUTTON, self.onStrButton, self.StrButton) self.sizer = wx.BoxSizer(wx.VERTICAL) self.sizer.Add(self.list, proportion=1, flag=wx.EXPAND | wx.ALL, border=5) self.sizer.Add(self.StrButton, flag=wx.EXPAND | wx.ALL, border=5) self.panel.SetSizerAndFit(self.sizer) self.Show() def onStrButton(self, event): if self.StrButton.GetLabel() == "Start": num = self.list.GetItemCount() for i in range(num): if self.list.IsChecked(i): dom = conn.lookupByName(self.list.GetItem(i, 0).Text) dom.create() print "%d started" % dom.ID() def OnColClick(self, event): item = self.list.GetColumn(0) if item is not None: if item.GetText() == "Check": item.SetText("Uncheck") self.list.SetColumn(0, item) num = self.list.GetItemCount() for i in range(num): self.list.CheckItem(i,True) else: item.SetText("Check") self.list.SetColumn(0, item) num = self.list.GetItemCount() for i in range(num): self.list.CheckItem(i,False) event.Skip() app = wx.App(False) win = MainWindow(None) app.MainLoop() There are two things to point out here with respect to the state of VMs in KVM: Running VMs show up when you use the listDomainsID() method from libvirt. To see non-running machines you must listDefinedDomains(). You just have to keep those two separate so that you know which VMs you can start and which you This article focused mainly on the steps needed to build a GUI wrapper using wxPython that in turn manages KVM with libvirt. The wxPython library is extensive and provides a wide range of widgets to enable you to build professional-looking GUI-based applications. This article just scratched the surface of its capabilities, but you'll hopefully be motivated to investigate further. Be sure to check more Related topics to help get your application running. libvirtwebsite: Check out the entire site for more information. - Reference Manual for libvirt: Access the complete libvirtAPI reference manual. - Python.org: Find more of the Python resources you need. - wxPython.org: Get more about wxPython. - wxPython wiki: Expand your knowledge through the many tutorials found here. - developerWorks Open source zone: Find extensive how-to information, tools, and project updates to help you develop with open source technologies and use them with IBM products. Explore more Python-related articles. - developerWorks on Twitter: Follow us for the latest news.

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Bonded labor is an extensive form of slavery. It is a practice in which employers give high interest loans to workers in exchange for long term services and labor. Bonded labor IS deeply rooted in the exploitative feudal system, has been further exacerbated by the recent debilitating economic situation in Pakistan that has pushed countless people below the poverty line. From taking loans for marriages and medical assistance to simply surviving and feeding oneself, individuals not only pledge themselves but their entire families into bonded labor. Illiteracy has played its part in worsening the situation as poor people are tricked into taking loans which are impossible to pay off in the given time frame therefore are passed on down in the family. High interest rates, low wages and the employers’ negligent attitude toward laborers are just some of the reasons a loan is impossible to pay off. In majority of the cases, the employer tampers with the loan records and coerces the laborer to work indefinitely or face the consequences. The debt accumulated is passed down from generation to generation thereby creating an irreversible cycle of servitude. Bonded child labor is also a result of the peshgi system where a family member takes advance payment from an employer and in return pledges the child to work until the loan is paid off. Debt bondage, regardless of whether parents have contracted a debt that is to be paid off by their own labor or by pledging the services of their children, places children ultimately at the mercy of the landowner, contractor or money-lender, where they suffer from both economic hardship and educational deprivation. The main difference between adult and child bonded labor is that children have not themselves contracted the debt – it was done on their behalf by adults. The link between child labor and the inter-generational perpetuation of poverty could hardly be clearer. Poverty and the existence of people prepared to exploit the desperation of others are at the heart of debt bondage. Without land or the benefits of education, the need for money for daily survival forces people to sell their labor in exchange for a lump sum or loan. Parents are driven to accept money in exchange for allowing their children to work outside their village, often in the hope that their child will be better off working for a more affluent family. Caste, discrimination along ethnic, religious and gender lines and continuing feudal agricultural relationships are also key to the existence of bonded labor and in allowing it to thrive. Debt bondage is increasingly linked with trafficking of children for labor exploitation. Rural poverty, coupled with population growth and rapid urbanisation, leads some parents to place their children with agents, not only in exchange for money but also in the hope that the child will receive education or training at the point of destination. In other cases, children themselves make the decision to leave their home. The child victims, who may end up in commercial sexual exploitation, domestic work or sweatshops, may never know the amount of debt they are working to pay off or the terms of repayment. In Pakistan, bonded labor has long been a feature in brick kilns, carpet industries, agriculture, fisheries, stone/brick crushing, shoe-making, power looms, and refuse sorting. Detailed below is the situation of bonded laborers in some of the aforementioned industries in various provinces across Pakistan. Namely, Agriculture and Brick Kilns. The agriculture sector of Pakistan accounts for almost 21% of the National Gross Domestic Product and employs over 41% of Pakistan’s labor force. Though it contributes to almost a quarter of the GDP, the agriculture sector has been highly unproductive given the scale of bonded labor employed especially in the provinces of Punjab and Sindh. One of the main reasons why bonded labor is mostly prevalent in these provinces is the feudalistic culture dating as far back as the Mughal era. A lack of political will, weak administration and corrupt officials from ‘zamindars’ to members of Parliament are responsible for exploiting and forcing the under privileged class into bonded labor. In the rich estates east of Hyderabad in Sindh in southeast Pakistan, there are estimates that between 40,000 to 50,000 agricultural workers are in debt bondage. According to another research carried out by the Government of Sindh and the Asian Development Bank, there are some 1.7 million landless agriculture workers and share croppers in five districts of Sindh( Thatta, Dadu, Badin, Mirpurkhas and Umerkot). The magnitude of debt bondage in the agriculture sector is evident from the aforementioned figures. The brick kiln industry is rampant with cases of bonded labor especially in the provinces of Punjab and Sindh. More than half a million men, women and children work in brick kilns around Pakistan. They are employed in various processes like brick making, kiln stacking and unloading and baking bricks. A majority of women and children work in the process of making unbaked bricks yet are not compensated for their labor; but acknowledged as labor when made to inherit debts. Wages are based on piece rates i.e. the amount of bricks made per day but the amount is so minimal that a laborer has barely enough to feed his family, let alone pay off a debt. Brick Kiln Stats: FYI Decent Work Agenda The American Center for International Labor Solidarity (“the Solidarity Center”) in partnership with SPARC and the Center for Labor Advocacy & Dialogue (“CLAD”) has been working in the provinces of Sindh and the Punjab to promote the “decent work” agenda in brick kilns. The concept of "decent work" as advanced by the International Labor Organization (“ILO”) in 1999 comprises four components: - Social protection; - Workers' rights; and - Social dialogue. Employment in this context covers work of all kinds and applies not just to workers in the formal economy but also to unregulated wage workers, the self-employed and home workers. It also refers to adequate opportunities for work, remuneration and safety at work and healthy working conditions. Social protection entails adequate support in times of injury, sickness and old age. The two other components emphasize the social relations of workers: the fundamental rights of workers, such as freedom of association, non-discrimination at work, and the absence of forced labor and child labor; and social dialogue, in which workers exercise their right to present their views, defend their interests and engage in discussions to negotiate work-related matters with employers and authorities. Mainstreaming “decent work” and core labor standards into public procurement and robust enforcement of legal norms, especially those relating to minimum wage, bonded and child labor, and social security benefits, can bring about economic penalties and incentives that is likely to eradicate the option of making profits out of workers’ exploitation. The core labor standards or workers’ fundamental rights are articulated in ILO’s 1998 Declaration on Core Principles and Rights at Work; and include rights, such as freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining; elimination of all forms of forced and compulsory labor; effective abolition of child labor; and the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation. The Issue At Hand & What Can Be Done: (In Context of Brick Kiln form of Bonded Labor) Extreme poverty, lack of access to formal credit and alternative means of livelihood, make working in a kiln the only viable option for many. Advances are provided to male workers but their wives and children are included in the bargain. Additional money lent by the kiln owner for medicine, clothing, funerals and other ceremonies keeps on getting added to the principal debt. With a certain percentage deducted off their piecemeal wage, it takes years for workers to pay off the debt. Sometimes, children inherit debts. Being illiterate as they mostly are, workers have little control over credit manipulation by accountants. Many activists believe that brick kiln workers could pay off their loans fairly easily if they were being paid a fair wage or at least the officially notified minimum wage. (As of March 2014, brick kiln workers in Multan district, to take just one example, were being paid Rupees 450 per 1000 bricks produced as against the minimum wage of Rupees 740 per 1000 bricks notified by the Government of the Punjab.) Likewise, access to healthcare and old age benefits would minimize the need for workers to borrow incremental money from the owner. Minimum wages and social security benefits would also provide a greater inducement for workers to send children to school rather than having them work on the kiln. The Employees’ Old Age Benefits Scheme applies to all the brick kilns; similarly, they are also covered by the Social Security Ordinance. Under the latter law, the workers are entitled to free medical services at the Provincial Employees Society Security Institutions’ (“ESSI”) Health Units and government hospitals; and sickness, injury and maternity benefits; death grants; survivor’s pension. Under the former Act, workers are entitled to a retirement pension received through the Employees Old-age Benefits Institution (“EOBI”). The employers are required to make a minimum contribution of Rs 450 to the EOBI and Rs 500 to the ESSI for each of the worker employed by him. In the case of EOBI, one percent of minimum wage is also to be contributed by the worker. With a steady supply of indebted labor force and weak enforcement of labor laws, brick kiln owners make substantial profits, with virtually no risk. Most owners, on their own account, are able to recover their principal investment within a year or two of setting up the kiln. An average-sized brick kiln employing around 30-35 families is likely to make a monthly profit of around Rs 350,000, after meeting his operational costs. Complying with the minimum wage provision and paying contribution toward social security and old age benefits as required under the law, would still leave an average brick kiln owner with a substantial monthly profit, not to mention several indirect dividends, such as a more motivated and healthier workforce. If the option to compete through low wages and poor working conditions gets closed off, brick kiln owners will need to compete in other, more constructive ways, like improved management and better work organization. To alter the business regime in this sector, the public sector, which happens to be the main buyer of bricks, must always source bricks from units that comply with decent work requirements. This intervention can be complemented with greater awareness among private contractors, and builders, and non-governmental organisation (“NGOs”). ( Bricks can be traced back to the production site because of a baked-in label on all bricks) Few brick kiln owners have ever faced prosecution for employing bonded labor. The role of District Vigilance Committees (“DVCs”) in curbing bonded labor has been minimal, except where they have received sustained support from the NGOs. As a result, in order to achieve a long-term sustainable solution to the problem, factors that lead workers to enter into exploitative labor and credit arrangements must be looked into. Non-farm rural livelihoods, improved access to education, skill training, and access to formal sources of credit, must be introduced and supported. In immediate terms, considering the fact that brick kilns are there to stay, we need to do all we can to curb exploitative practices and help workers escape debt-bondage. A sociologically grounded course of action requires an understanding of the political economy of brick kilns. The profit margins of owners could easily support minimum wages and provision of social security and old-age benefits. This in turn would help reduce the need for workers to secure new loans and enable them to pay off their debts. At present, brick kiln owners operate in a no-risk, high profitability environment. Exploiting workers and manipulating credit arrangements allows them to keep the cost of production low with no fear of being convicted for illegal practices. Public procurement by the Government of Pakistan is governed by the Public Procurement Regulatory Authority Ordinance 2002 (“PPRA”) and the Public Procurement Rules 2004. All four provinces have passed similar provincial Public Procurement Acts and Rules. Apart from Balochistan, the provinces have also established regulatory authorities. Essentially, the procurement laws are geared toward ensuring `efficiency’ and `transparency’ but fail to address human rights concerns. There is no prohibition, for instance, on sourcing material from establishments that violate workers’ rights. Much like the Federal Rules, the Provincial Rules do not establish any incentives for securing human rights and decent work agenda. Specifically, the Rules while talking about `direct sourcing’ or `pre-qualification of suppliers’, can provide for preferential treatment to be given to bidders who ensure decent work conditions. No provision is present in relation to labor and trade union representation on the boards of regulatory authorities. Admittedly, to operationalize these legal changes, we will need a certification mechanism with regard to decent work criteria and standards. The DVCs, being a legally-protected and representative entity, can take up this role. Drawing on the decent work agenda and core labor standards, the following actions can be taken: - All brick kilns are registered with the Provincial Governments. - The freedom of joinng a trade or labor union is given to all brick kiln workers. - All brick kiln workers are paid the prescribed minimum wage. - Access for brick kiln workers to social safety nets, like the Social Security Scheme and the Employees Old Age Benefits Scheme is made mandatory. - No bonded laborers or children are employed in hazardous tasks. - All children in the age group five to 16 are enrolled in school as guaranteed under Article 25-A of the Constitution of Pakistan. (Article 25 A, inserted into the Constitution through 18th Amendment provides that “the State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of five to sixteen years in such manner as may be determined by law”.) - Efforts must be made to bring about changes in provincial laws to tie public procurement with decent work agenda and core labor standards. - Efforts must be made to enhance the capacity of DVCs in relation to decent work criteria and certification process. - The District authorities can issue a notification requiring government contractors to procure bricks from brick kilns certified by the DVC. (There is nothing in the PPRA Act or Rules that would prevent public agencies to pre-qualify contractors to advance certain social objectives. In fact, a harmonious and holistic understanding of law would suggest that subsidiary legislation, such as procurement acts, ought to be in conformity with the Constitution, which clearly prohibits bonded and forced labor and exploitation of workers.) - The provincial labor departments can enforce the labor law more rigidly and properly. National Legal Framework The Constitution of Pakistan Article 14 makes the dignity of man inviolable, while Article 25 states that all citizens are equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law. Article 11(2) prohibits all forms of forced labor and traffic in human beings. Article 11(1) further states that slavery is non-existent and forbidden and no law should permit or facilitate its introduction in Pakistan in any form. Article 9 states that no person could be deprived of liberty save in accordance with law. Article 15 dealing with freedom of movement, gives every citizen the right to remain in, and, subject to any reasonable restriction imposed by law in the public interest, enter and move freely throughout Pakistan and to reside and settle anywhere. Article 18 also gives every citizen the right to enter any lawful profession or occupation, and to conduct any lawful trade or business. All the above Constitutional provisions, i.e. Articles 9, 15, and 18, imply that no one could be held against that person’s consent unless the detaining authority has the sanction of law behind him. Every citizen has been given the right to freely move throughout Pakistan, and to reside and settle in any part. Regardless of the fact as to whether a laborer has borrowed from a landlord or a brick kiln owner, these provisions clearly indicate that the laborer cannot be denied his right of liberty to move freely. He or she and their respective family members could not be denied their right of freedom of movement. A civil action for recovery of the borrowed amount, and in some cases, even a criminal case, may be maintainable against the borrowers. However, the employers in no event are permitted under any law of Pakistan to detain the laborers. No person accordingly can take away the liberty of another person without a law authorizing him or her to do so. The person whose life or liberty is threatened is therefore legally entitled to require the person seeking to deprive him or her of the right to move freely to show the legal authority under which the perpetrator is purporting to act. No public functionary or private person may confine a person unless he has a legal warrant to do so. Consequently, the detention of a person who has been deprived by another of his or her liberty in flagrant violation of the law could be set aside by a court of law, and the person concerned could even file a suit for damages. The Pakistan Penal Code 1860 Section 370 makes the import, export, removal, buying, selling or disposing of any person as a slave, or accepting, receiving or detaining any person against his will as a slave, punishable with imprisonment extending up to seven years, or fine, or both. Section 371 supplements section 370 provisions by making the habitual import, export, removal, buying, selling, trafficking or dealing in slaves punishable with imprisonment for life or with imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years, and fine. Section 374 in this regard goes on to say that unlawfully compelling any person to labor against the will of that person is punishable with imprisonment up for a term extending up to five years, or with fine, or with both. The Code of Criminal Procedure 1898 Section 100 empowers a First Class Magistrate or a Sub-Divisional Magistrate to issue a search warrant if he has reason to believe that any person is confined under conditions that may amount to an offense. Section 491 gives any High Court the power to set at liberty any person illegally or improperly detained in public or private custody within the limits of its appellate criminal jurisdiction. There is a special provision for the recovery of unlawfully detained girls under the age of 16 years. Section 552 of the Code of Criminal Procedure says that a District Magistrate may upon complaint made on oath make an order for the immediate release of such women or children who have been abducted or unlawfully detained. Despite the above Constitutional and legal provisions, bonded labor was not acknowledged by the government until the bonded laborers of the brick kiln industry successfully brought a case against their owner. The 1989 Supreme Court decision on this case limited peshgiadvances to one week’s wages and granted bonded laborers the right to hold identity cards and vote. It also granted bonded laborers the right to work where they wanted and to make their own arrangements to repay their debts. Attempts by bonded laborers to exercise these new rights were met with strong resistance by employers and local authorities. The Supreme Court judgment in the brick kiln case led to the adoption of the Bonded labor System (Abolition) Act 1992. This Act outlaws the practice of bonded labor, cancels all existing bonded debts, and forbids lawsuits for the recovery of bonded debts. The Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act 1992 The main features of the Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act 1992 are as follows: - Bonded labor is declared illegal. Every bonded laborer stands freed or discharged from any obligation to render bonded labor. Those detained in civil prison shall be released forthwith; - Any custom or tradition or any contract by which any member of the family or dependent of such person, who is required to do any work or render any service as bonded laborer shall be void and inoperative. - After the commencement of the Act, no person shall give any advance in pursuance of the bonded system; - No person shall compel any person to render any bonded labor or other form of forced labor; - The act also envisage the extinguishment of the liability of the bonded laborer to repay any bonded debt; - The act is intended to free the mortgaged property of bonded labor; - Freed bonded labor shall not be evicted from any homestead or other residential premises which he was occupying; - Vigilance committee at the district and sub-divisional level will be set up to advise the implementing authorities on all matters relating to the enforcement of the legal provisions. Any violation of its provision shall be cognizable and bail able offence, punishable with imprisonment which may extend to two years or fine up to Rs 50,000/ or both. By making the offences cognizable under the act, the state has undertaken the act, and unlike some of the previous legislations, does not leave it to initiative of the affected individuals. International Conventions Concerning Bonded Labor - ILO Convention no. 29 concerning Forced Labor(1930) The term forced or compulsory labor shall mean all work or service, which is exacted, from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily. - The UN Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade and Practices 1957 Under the convention debt bondage is defined as “the status or condition arising from a pledge by a debtor of his personal service or those of a person under his control as security for a debt, if the value of those services as reasonably assessed is not applied toward the liquidation of the debt or the length and nature of those services are not respectively limited and defined. - The ILO Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labor (No. 182) This convention was adopted on 16 June 1999 and came into force on 19 November 2000. It commits each state which ratifies it to "take immediate and effective measures to secure the prohibition and elimination of the worst forms of child labor as a matter of urgency". The term "child" applies to all persons under the age of 18 years and the worst forms of child labor include: all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labor, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict. - The ILO Minimum Age Convention 138 This convention was adopted on 26 June 1973 and came into force on 19 June 1976. States ratifying the convention are bound to: pursue a national policy designed to ensure the effective abolition of child labor and to raise progressively the minimum age for admission to employment or work to a level consistent with the fullest physical and mental development of young persons. - The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child It states that children must be protected from all forms of exploitation. This includes performing any work “that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development”.

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Florence is located in the northwest of Italy and is the capital city of the region of Tuscany. Florence lies along the Arno River, below the wooded foothills of the Apennines. It has a population of around 400,000 inhabitants, with additional 200,000 in the suburban area. The city has rich artistic and architectural treasures and is considered the birthplace of the Italian Renaissance. Many of the most important European artists lived or worked in Florence. The historic center of the city was declared a World Heritage Site by the UNESCO in 1982. Florence was a center of medieval trade and finance and was ruled by the Medici family for centuries. The historical part of the city is quite small and easily manageable on foot, and it is here that most of the city’s attractions are located. Florence is never short of visitors, any time of the year. The summer time is busiest so consider coming in early summer or early autumn when the weather is most pleasant and the crowds are a little smaller. Apart from the architectural and artistic marvels Florence also offers peaceful parks, excellent cuisine, and wonderful shopping. Florence has a temperate climate with four distinctive seasons. The summers are dry, and the peak summer months of July and August can be very hot, with temperatures around 31°C. Spring with its warm and dry weather is the most pleasant period. The winters are cool to cold and often wet with January average temperature between 1 and 10°C. Early winter usually brings short rainy season. Snow is rare in Florence. The warmest month is July, the coolest is January and the rainiest is November. January average temperature 5.5 deg Celsius, 73.7 mm rainfall February average temperature 6.6 deg Celsius, 68.6 mm rainfall March average temperature 10 deg Celsius, 81.3 mm rainfall April average temperature 14 deg Celsius, 78.7 mm rainfall May average temperature 18 deg Celsius, 73.7 mm rainfall June average temperature 22 deg Celsius, 55.9 mm rainfall July average temperature 24 deg Celsius, 49.6 mm rainfall August average temperature 24 deg Celsius, 76.2 mm rainfall September average temperature 20.5 deg Celsius, 78.7 mm rainfall October average temperature 15.5 deg Celsius, 88.9 mm rainfall November average temperature 10 deg Celsius, 111.8 mm rainfall December average temperature 6 deg Celsius, 91.4 mm rainfall Florence ’s airport is Amerigo Vespucci 6 km northwest of the city. It handles a small number of European and domestic flights and has good connections to the city. It can be reached by a 15 minute ride with a taxi or by a ‘Fly by bus’ service costing around €4 one way operating from 5:30 am – 8:30 pm every half hour then afterward every hour. However, most intercontinental air travel goes through Rome or Milan. Other major airport in vicinity include Pisa 's Galileo Galilei airport where most of the visitors to Florence fly. Pisa airport is 80-minutes train ride away from Florence. Florence is a major railway hub. The main station is Firenze Santa Maria Novella located on the edge of the historic part of town. From the station you can catch a direct train to almost any direction. The most convenient way of reaching Florence from abroad or from other Italian cities is by train. Most of the major tourist attractions are within easy walking distance of each other. Walking is the best way of getting around. You can see many beautiful sights and take in the city spirit. Much of the city center is restricted to traffic. Renting a car is only useful for exploring the countryside as most of the downtown area is accessible only to locals with properly marked vehicles. BICYCLE & MOTORBIKE Bikes and motorbikes are common in Florence and very useful. Taxis cannot be hailed in the street and there is a waiting list. So ask in your hotel or restaurant to call one for you in advance. Tickets are sold at tobacconists and at vending machines. You can get a 1-hour, a 2-hour or a 24-hour ticket. Drinking coffee in Italy is an art. You can order a cup of your favorite brand of coffee and admire the city life and its magnificent architecture. Remember, though, the cafés have different prices depending on where you decide to drink your coffee. Locals go for the cappuccino ‘al banco’ – drinking at the counter which is much cheaper than drinking at a table. Take a stroll in Boboli gardens, enjoy the splendid view and have a cup of coffee in the café. Treat yourself to a magnificent panorama of the city of Florence from the Piazzale Michelangelo. It is a top tourist attraction easily reached by foot via the stairs Rampe di San Niccolò. The stairs are on the south bank of the River Arno in front of the national library. The view of the city is especially beautiful at night. Address: Piazza del Duomo Open: Monday – Saturday: 10:00 am – 5:30 pm; Sunday: 1:00 pm – 5:00 pm Santa Maria del Fiore, the world’s fourth largest cathedral, also known as the Duomo di Firenze, is the architectural jewel of Florence and the symbol of the city. The cathedral was built on the site of a Roman basilica. Works begun in 1292 and it took almost 150 years to complete the cathedral. Its most notable feature is Brunelleschi’s dome which is a masterpiece of the Renaissance architecture. The self-supporting dome was completed in 1436 and is now a popular tourist attraction offering a beautiful panorama of the city. Address: Ponte Vecchio Ponte Vecchio is the oldest and the most famous bridge over the River Arno. It is the only Florentine bridge to survive WW II. It is believed to have been built in Roman times and was originally made of wood. After a flood in 1345 it was rebuilt in stone. The design is attributed to Taddeo Gaddi. The bridge has always been home to merchants and shops. In 1565 the famous ‘Vasari Corridor’ was built above it. This was the secret Medici’s walkway. In 1593 the butchers were evicted from the bridge because of too much noise and stench. The shops were then taken by gold merchants. The Uffizi is one of the world’s most famous fine art museums with a superb collection of Renaissance paintings and sculptures including the works of Giotto, Botticelli, Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, Titian and Caravaggio. The paintings are arranged in chronological order from the 13th to the 18th centuries and include some of the most famous and representative paintings of Italian, and in particular Tuscan. In addition, there are also prominent sections devoted to Flemish, French, Dutch and German painters. The waiting lines for the tickets are usually very long. It is not uncommon to wait for hours. A smart thing to do is call and reserve tickets in advance. PALAZZO VECCHIO / PALLAZZO DELLA SIGNORIA Address: Piazza della Signoria Open: daily: 9:00 am – 7:00 pm; except Thursday: 9:00 am – 2:00 pm Palazza Vecchio is the town hall of Florence and the most important civil building in the city. For centuries it was the symbol of the city and its political center. The construction begun in 1299 but several enlargements followed in 1343, 1495 and the last one in the 16 th century. This fortress-palace has a massive gothic face with crenels. It overlooks the Piazza della Signoria where the famous David statue by Michelangelo is located. On your visit be sure to check the Salone dei Cinquecento, the study of Francesco I, the room of the Elements and the Sala dei Gigli. Do not forget to visit the upper balcony which offers a beautiful view of the city. Address: Piazza Santa Croce Open: Monday – Saturday: 9:30 am – 5:30 pm; Sunday: 1:00 pm – 5:30 pm This elegant Franciscan basilica is one of the most elegant and aesthetical churches in town. It has a distinctive green and white marble façade by the architect Matas. The interior is marked by Grotto’s frescoes. The church contains the remains of some of the most famous Italian intellectuals, artists and religious figures including Dante, Michelangelo, Machiavelli and Galileo. GALLERIA DELL’ ACCADEMIA Address: Via Ricasoli, 60 Open: Tuesday – Saturday: 8:30 am – 6:50 pm; Sunday: 8:30 am – 8:00 pm The Academy Gallery houses splendid paintings and sculptures; the most famous feature is of course the original Michelangelo’s David. The statue’s superb beauty draws large masses of visitors. The gallery also houses other works by Michelangelo for example the ‘Slave’ series. The gallery also houses a magnificent collection of 13 th to 16 th century paintings. The gardens, situated on the south bank of the River Arno, represent a relaxing escape from the city’s crowds and summer heats. The gardens were laid out by the Medicis in the 16 th century and were opened to public in 1766. There are formal gardens as well as wilder parts where cypress trees grow. The gardens are dotted with fine statues, ponds and fountains. There is also the Museo delle Porcellane and an 18 th century Kaffeehaus where you can enjoy a cup of coffee. The summit of the Forte di Belvedere has an open area from where you can get a beautiful panorama of the Tuscan countryside. Florence is famous for the tasty and wholesome Tuscan cuisine, based on simple natural ingredients. Olive oil is revered here and virtually always present on the table. It is eaten as a dip with various vegetables; it is used in cooking and for making salads. A famous Tuscan specialty is Fiorentina steak, a massive T-bone usually weighing no less than 800 grams. Most famous Tuscan soup is ‘ribolitta’, made of bread, vegetables and red cabbage. Italy is widely known for pizza and pizzerias can be found almost everywhere. Florentine pizza usually has thinner chrispy crust, whereas the traditional Napolitan pizza is thicker. As a general rule, restaurants located closer to the historic part of the town are more expensive. The closer to the center, the more expensive they are. For budget eating there is pizza sold by weight or caffès displaying a ‘Primi’ card in the window where you can eat pasta and other dishes at reasonable prices. Numerous caffè and pasticcerie sell delicious sandwiches. And remember. Restaurants have separate prices for food to go, food eaten standing up, and food eaten sitting down. Do not forget about the 'gelato', Italian ice cream which comes in many flavors and is considered the best in the world. Many bars make their own ice cream and offer some unusual flavors. This major festival is celebrated in front of the Duomo and is said to bring good luck to the city. A cart full of fireworks is pulled by two white oxen from Via del Prato to the Duomo. It is lit by a dove-shaped rocket left out of the cathedral by the archbishop during the Easter mass. FESTIVAL OF ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST Date: 24 June The patron saint of the city is celebrated on this day with a procession in the morning and a fireworks display at 10:00 pm in the evening at Piazzale Michelangelo. The best place to watch the fireworks is from Ponte Santa Trinita. COSTUME FOOTBALL GAME ( GIOCO DEL CALCIO STORICO ) Date: June 24 Location: Piazza Santa Croce This lively festival is one of Florence’s major events. Football matches are played in 16 th century costumes. This is preceded by a historic parade through the streets of the town. The festivities are concluded by a fireworks display over Piazzale Michelangelo. FIESOLE SUMMER FESTIVAL Date: June - September Location: amphitheatre of Fiesole, Rome Dance, music and theatre shows are held throughout summer in the Roman amphitheatre of Fiesole. The festival has been running since 1948. Date: December Location: Fortezza da Basso, Viale Strozzi 1 Web: http://www.florencebiennale.org/home_eng.htm Fortezza Basso hosts the International Arts festival every two years. It started in 1997 and has grown into an important cultural event where numerous fresh artists are presented without prejudice as to style, theme or school. Nightlife in Florence is mainly aimed at the middle-aged crowd. Being a university city it also has an active student scene found around San Marco and Santo Spirito quarters. The cultural scene offers classical concerts, opera and dance performances. Even though Florence does not have a grand opera house like for example Milan, Rome or Venice – the city’s public theatres are certainly respectable and most major touring companies stop in Florence as well. If you love classical culture visit Florence during the Maggio Musicale Fiorentino, a prominent festival of opera and classical music which lasts from late April to early July. The program is held in various theatres throughout the city: the Teatro Comunale, the Teatro Goldoni and other. Additional information on: http://www.maggiofiorentino.com/index_eng.shtml Florence is not exactly a party town but you can nevertheless find many music and cocktail bars throughout town. The recorded history of Florence begun as Roman settlement, called Florentia, established in 59 BC for former Roman soldiers. Julius Cesar allocated the fertile land around the River Arno to his veterans. They built the typical Roman road system which can still be seen today in many Italian cities, and the Forum. During Roman times Florence was the most important city in Tuscany. During early medieval times Florence was often attacked by tribes such as Goths, Ostrogoths and Longobards. The population was diminished to around 1,000 people. In the 6 th century peace returned under the Lombard rule. Population began to grow and commerce prospered. In the 9 th end 10 th centuries the city was flourishing culturally and economically. Many religious buildings were built and the construction of city walls begun in 1078. The city was ruled by an autonomous commune from 1115. The 13 th century was marked by internal feuds between Ghibellines pro-imperial) and Guelphs (pro-papal). Eventually the Guelphs founded their own government in 1250s. Florentine noblemen were driven out of the government. Florence democratized and became a commercial republic. With strong merchant base in wool and its own strong currency in gold – the florin; it gradually surpassed its rival Pisa. In 1348 the plague killed half of the city’s population. In the second half of the 14 th century the Medicis were becoming more and more powerful and eventually became the papal bankers. Cosimo Medici became the ruler of Florence. He sponsored artists such as Donatello, Brunelleschi, and Filippo Lippi. Under Cosimo’s grandson, Lorenzo Medici, great development in art, music, and poetry was achieved. He sponsored artists and philosophers like Michelangelo, Boticelli and Da Vinci. The Medicis went bankrupt in 1494 and lost their power. A Dominican monk Savonarola was elected as the head of the Repubic and led a harsh and puritan rule. He was very unpopular and was hanged and burned as a heretic six years later by the angry citizens. In the 16 th century the Medici clan regained power and returned to Florence. The city got its first Duke in1530. They ruled for the next 200 years, until the end of 18 th century. The grand Duchy of Tuscany was passed to the House of Lorena who ruled until 1859 when Florence was incorporated into the Kingdom of Italy in 1860. Until 1875 Florence was its capital until Rome took over. MODERN (20TH CENTURY) The 20 th century Florence thrived on tourism, finances, trade and heavy industry. The city was occupied by the Germans between 1943 and 1944 and was badly damaged during their retreat. All of the city’s bridges were blown up, except for Ponte Vecchio. In 1966 disaster struck again. The River Arno burst its banks and the city suffered devastating floods. Many of the art treasures were damaged. Today life is peaceful in Florence. The city is a living museum; its streets are full of art, history and culture. The constant influx of tourists keeps the city buzzing year round. Many churches in Italy contain significant works of art, however, they are still places of worship and care should be taken with appropriate dress and behavior. Short pants, skirts, sleeveless shirts, etc are a taboo in many churches throughout Italy. When touring churches, especially in the summer when you are not wearing long sleeves, it is advisable to carry a sweater or a scarf to cover bare skin while inside. Do not eat or drink in a church. Do not go in if a service is in progress and if you have a cellular phone, turn it off before entering. Florence is a very safe city, violent crime is rare. However, be careful of pickpockets who operate near major tourist attractions, in Stazione Santa Maria Novella and on public transport. Be extra cautious on bus 64 going to St. Peter’s Square. Wear your bag with the strap across your chest, wear money belt and have only a small amount of money on you. Put the rest of the money in a hotel safe together with your passport and other valuables. Use plastic money and traveler’s checks. Do not leave anything valuable in your car. If you rent a car make sure it has no specific markings. Avoid walking alone in dark deserted alleys. Women traveling alone usually do not experience any problems apart from unwanted attention from men. If they get too pushy, start talking about your husband, boyfriend or children even if you have none. There are numerous street vendors selling fake Gucci sunglasses, Prada purses and Rolex watches. Be careful, however; if the Police catch you buying it, you can face a fine of up to € 10,000. If the item does not have the real brand name on it, it is okay to buy it. It is wise to visit Florence during the low season: April to June and September to October. During these periods the prices are lower, temperatures are moderate and the city is not so crowded. In the peak period: July and August the crowds are huge and the temperatures are soaring. As far as the weather is concerned the best months for sightseeing are April, May, June, September, and October when the temperatures are most pleasant. December can be also nice with cool sunny days and far fewer people around. The biggest crowds are expected during the Easter and on August 12, which is a national holiday; and during August in general when most Italians have vacations and are on the move.

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History of UK The Early Settlers (the prehistoric period) 1. The first known settler of Britain: the Iberians (伊比利亚人) from Mediterranean areas. They inhabited Great Britain d uring the Stone (-4000BC) and Bronze Ages (4000BC—500BC). 2. At about 2000 BC the Beaker Folk 毕克人 arrived from the areas now known as Holland and Rhineland莱茵兰（位于德国） . Stonehenge Nearly 5,000 years ago (3000BC), Stonehenge was built by the Iberians. Now it is still standing. The question “why” it is built is problematic. 3. The Celts 凯尔特人(Iron Age 700BC-54AD) began to arrive Britain about 700 BC. They came from territory that is now Germany and Netherlands. The Celts came to Britain in three main waves. 2. Three Celtic Tribes ? By the end of the Bronze Age, around 700 BC, Celtic people had arrived from northwestern Europe, now France, Belgium and southern Germany. ? Celts were tall in height, blonde in hair & blue eyes, and somewhat aggressive. 2. Three Celtic Tribes ? The Celtic tribes were ancestors of the Highland Scots, the Irish and the Welsh; ? Their languages, the Celtic language, are the basis of both Welsh and Gaelic. 2. Three Celtic Tribes ? They came to Britain in three main waves: 1. About 750 B.C, the first tribe came from Upper Rhineland of northwest Europe and settled on the island; ? They were the “Gaels”(盖尔人), whose language is still spoken in Scotland. 2. Three Celtic Tribes 2. About 400 B.C, the second group of the Celts called Britons/Brythons (布立吞人/不列颠 人) came. From the Britons came the English name for Britain. 3. About 150 B.C, the third group, Belgae (比 利其人) came from Gaul (高卢，在今法国， The Roman Invasion& Occupation ? Between 55 B.C.and 54 B.C, Britain was invaded by the Roman general Julius Caesar twice but he failed. In 43A.D, the roman troops of 40,000 men led by the Emperor Claudius conquered Britain. They occupied England and Wales for nearly 400 years. Britain became a province of Rome called Britannia. ? The roman troops met strong resistance in Scotland. A stone fortification(防御工事) was built by the Romans along the England –Scotland boundary to prevent military raids( 攻击) from Scotland. It is the Hadrian’s Wall (哈德良长城) (122AD). Influence of Roman Conquest ? marked the beginning of the written history ? built towns, temples, theaters and buildings; built roads and cultivated land; ? Built the first highways in Britain during the first to fourth centuries ? introduced a system of education and organized government. ? brought the new religion, Christianity, to Britain . Latin was official language . made good use of Britain’s natural resources, mining lead, iron and tin and manufacturing pottery. They withdrew completely in 410AD Aftereffect: limited, no intermarriage happened, no impact on language and culture of ordinary Britons, only left their roads, a few place names and some Christian converts. III. The Anglo-Saxon Britain (446-871) Three Teutonic日耳曼的 tribes: 1. Jutes: fished and farmed in Jutland (Southern Denmark) ,established the kingdom of Kent and gradually developed into some of today’s English people. 2. The Saxons: Time: from the end of the 5th century to the 6th century Origin: from Northern Germany Established kingdoms in Essex, Sussex, Wessex 3. The Angles: Time: half of the 6th century Origin: from Northern Germany Settled in East Anglia, Mercia and Northumbria 4. The Anglo-Saxons Invasion (446-871) ?England was divided into seven small Kingdoms called “Heptarch” (七国时期); ?They were Kent, Essex, Sussex, Wessex, East Anglia, Mercia and Northumbria. 5．Viking and Danish invasions (8th9th Century) ? Viking raiders were the Norwegians from Scandinavia and Danes from Denmark. They attacked various parts of England from the end of the 8th century; ? The Vikings and Danes became a serious problem to the Saxon kingdom of Wessex in the middle of 9th century, especially between 835 & 878, and they threatened to take possession of all England. 5．Viking and Danish invasions (8th9th Century) King Alfred (849-899) ? The brave Alfred, the king of Wessex ( A.D. 871—899) began to fight against them; King Alfred’s Contributions ? He defeated the Danes and reached a friendly agreement with them in 879. The Danes gained control of the north and east, while he ruled the rest. He also converted some leading Danes into Christians. 5． King Alfred’s Contributions ?He founded a strong fleet and is known as “the Father of the British Navy” and reorganized the Saxon army, making it more efficient. King Alfred’s Contributions further include: ?He protected the coasts and encouraged trade; He encouraged education and established many schools; King Alfred’s Contributions ?He introduced and formulated a legal system; ?He repaired the churches and monasteries; ?He took the lead to learn Latin, and did translations & writings, which have been called the beginning of prose literature in England. ?All this earns him the title “Alfred the Great” and He is often regarded as the first king of a united England. 1. The Norman Conquest (1066) ?The French-speaking Normans under William of Normandy (William the Conqueror) invaded England from France; ?On October 14, 1066, during the important Battle of Hastings, William defeated King Harold and killed him. On Christmas Day, William was crowned king of England in Westminster Abbey, thus began the Norman Conquest of England，about four centuries of French rule. After the death of Edward the Confessor the Battle of Hastings Duke of Normandy -William the Conqueror He was formally crowned on Dec. 25, 1066 in Westminster Abbey, and became William I. ? Founded by Edward the Confessor during 1050-1065;All the coronations and ceremonies are held here since the Norman Conqueror William was crowned in the abbey ? Well known for its Poets’ Corner ? The traditional burial ground for the most famous poets, with Chaucer as its first occupant, also Spencer, Newton, Darwin, Churchill, etc Influence of Norman Conquest ? Two Most Important Effects: – French became the official language and exerted enormous influence on Old English – The establishment of feudalism in England – England began to be unified under a French political system, much of which is still remained in today’s UK. ? Norman aristocracy. duke,marquis 侯爵 , earl,伯爵 viscount,子爵 baron男爵 ? A firmly established feudal system Clergy, Nobility 贵族 , Third Estate平民阶级 ? A closer connection with Roman Catholic Church Norman bishops, Pope as overlord最高君主 ? Coexistence of 3 languages: French, Latin and Old English ? Numerous contacts between England and France The House of Norman William I （1066-1087） William II Henry I （1087-1100） （1100-1135） Henry II （1154-1189） House of Plantagenet(11541485) After William’s death, many wars were fought for the crown. Until 1154,Henry II (1154-1189) ascended the throne and began the rule of the House of Anjou, also known as the House of Plantagenet. The House of Plantagenet Henry II 1154-1189 Richard I 1189-1199 John 1199-1216 Henry III 1216-1272 Edward I 1272-1307 Edward II 1307-1327 Edward III 1327-1377 House of Plantagenet(1154-1485) ? After Henry II died, his son Richard I inherited the crown. (Lionheart. Richard (1189-99) is known as "Coeur de Lion", or Lionheart, because of his bravery in battle. ) Unfortunately, he was killed in France in 1199. Then his brother John became the third king. ? In total, there are 15 kings in this dynasty. King Richard I the Lion-Heart 1189 - 1199 ? The third and eldest surviving son of Henry II. He was in England for only ten months, spending the other time fighting in the Crusades. He spoke very little English. ? He is usually depicted as a brave, warrior 勇士 king, and was given the nickname 'LionHeart'. The Crusades 十字军东征 ? Were a series of wars in which armies from all over the Europe tried to snatch the Holy Land (Jerusalem in Palestine) during the 11-14 century; The real purpose was to get overseas land and trade, and to expand to the east. ? The most famous of the English crusaders was the king, Richard LionHeart. Significant events during John’s ruling: 3. Magna Carta (The Great Charter of 1215) ? This feudal contract guaranteed the lords’ feudal rights; ? The Great Charter is traditionally regarded as the basis of English liberties; ? It was a statement of the relationship between the Crown and the lords； ? The spirit of Magna Charta was the limitation to the powers of the king. Hundred Years’ War(1337-1453) ?. The causes of the war were partly territorial and partly economic; ?. This War was not one war, but a series of intermittent wars between France and England， which was started by England & fought entirely in France; ?. At last English was completely defeated and driven from France except the port of Calais. The Hundred Years” War (1337-1453) P52.6 between France and England; the mysterious Joan of Arc ? The English were brilliantly successful till 1422. There was no formal treaty that ended it. Hundred Years’ War from 1337 to 1453 ? It resulted from disputes between the ruling families of the two countries over territories in France. ? In 1453, the battle of Castillon ended English rule in France and marked the end of the Hundred Years’ War. ? English language finally took the place of French in all classes of society. Joan of Arc 圣女贞德 ? Joan of Arc, led the French armies to many victories against the English, before she was captured and charged for being a witch巫婆 and burnt alive. Joan of Arc ? Born in 1431 ? A Peasant Girl who tended sheep ? 17 years old at the time and uneducated ? ill-treated by her family ? Strong religious convictions ? Saints spoke to her ? Led many French victories ? Trialed and burned in 1431 ? Canonized v. 正式宣布(死者)为 圣徒 in 1920 1.2.3 Hundred Years’ War (1337—1453) Significance of the war ? promoted the concept of English nationalism. ? promoted the development of the textile industry ? raised the social position of the bourgeois class. All these factors contribute to the decline of feudalism in England. 1. The War of the Roses (1455-1485) ?The War of the Roses was waged intermittently between the two branches of the Plantagenet Family (金雀花王朝), the House of Lancaster symbolized by the red rose, and that of York, symbolized by the white rose, from 1455 to 1485. ?Henry Tudor, Henry VII, descendant of Duke of Lancaster won victory in 1485 and put the country under the rule of the Tudors (都铎王 1. The War of the Roses (1455-1485) ? From these Wars, English feudalism received its death blow. The great medieval nobility was much weakened; ? The king’s power became supreme, preparing for centralized government; ? But the interests of the majority of the common people were not deeply involved. ? He was handsome and wore fine clothes ? He loved games, horse-riding and hunting ? He spoke four languages, wrote poetry and played music ? He wanted a firm hold on the throne, so he wanted a son to succeed him II. Transition to the Modern Age a. Religious Reformation Causes: ?The privilege and wealth of the church were also resented; ?Henry VIII determined to divorce his wife but failed because of the opposition of the church. ?Purpose: ?1.to get rid of the English Church’s connection with Roman Catholic Church and the Pope; ?2.to make an independent Church of England. Catherine of Aragon ? Married 1509 ? She was daughter to the king of Spain and ex-wife of Arthur, Henry's brother ? She had a daughter, Mary, but no sons ? She was too old for more children ? In 1533, Henry divorced her ? God does threaten childlessness if a man marries his brother’s widow ? Married 1533 ? She was young, pretty and witty ? She had one daughter, Elizabeth ? She was beheaded in 1536 ? Married in 1536 (11 days after execution of Anne) ? She had a son, Edward, but died soon after (1537) ? Henry probably loved her best of all his wives Anne of Cleves ? Married 1540 ? The marriage made a link between England and Germany ? Henry thought she was ugly ? Divorced 1540 – the same year! ? Married 1540 ? She was 20, Henry was 49 ? She was unfaithful ? Executed in 1542 ? Married 1543 ? She liked family life and looked after Henry’s children ? She outlived Henry The House of Tudor Content: 1. Act of Supremacy (1534), established the king the status of “the only supreme head of the church of England”. Influence: ?Strengthened Henry VIII’s position; ?England was moving away from Catholicism towards Protestantism. The English Reformation Mary I ? repealed Act of Supremacy(1554) ? re-established unity with Rome ? executed 284 protestants and the Archbishop of Canterbury ? The Virgin Queen ? “I know I have the body of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a king of England.” Elizabeth I ?reinstated Act of Supremacy (1558) ?declared herself Supreme Governor of the Church of England Moderate Protestantism ?Thirty-Nine Articles and Acts of Uniformity, which described its church as both Catholic and Reformed ?A moderate Protestant appointed as Archbishop of Canterbury Changes of the Church Changes of the Church The Virgin Queen ? She remained single throughout her life, and thus called “The Virgin Queen ” ? Her 45-year reign is considered one of the most glorious in English history. During this time, the arts flourished. ? Golden Age of English History ? England advanced in such areas as foreign trade, literature, and the arts. ? The age of exploration began: claiming new lands for England and introducing new materials and foods. ? The American State, Virginia, is named after Queen Elizabeth. ? East India Company The Civil War (1642-1651) also called the Puritan Revolution, as the King’s opponents were mainly Puritans Cause: conflict between Parliament and the King, and also as a conflict between the economic interests of the urban middle class and the traditional economic interests of the Crown. Two parties: Royalists / Cavaliers vs Parliamentarians / Roundheads Consequences The Civil War led to the trial and execution of Charles I in 1649, the exile of his son, Charles II, and replacement of English monarchy with the Commonwealth of England; The English Civil Wars not only overthrew feudal system in England but also shook the foundation of feudal rule in Europe; It is generally regarded as the beginning of modern world history. ? The takeover was relatively smooth, with no bloodshed, nor any execution of the king. This was known as the Glorious Revolution. ? The beginning of the age of constitutional monarchy, of a monarchy with powers limited by Parliament. Restoration and Glorious Revolution Restoration: Charles II was invited to return from his exile in France as the King in 1661. In 1665, his brother James II succeeded the throne, but he was not accepted by the bourgeoisie. Glorious Revolution: ?William of Orange, James II’s Dutch nephew and husband of Mary, James II’s daughter, was invited to take the English throne for joint rule in 1688. 3. Bourgeois Revolution in the 17th Century The Bill of Rights of 1689 ? In 1689, William and Mary accepted the Bill of Rights to be crowned jointly. ? The bill excluded any Roman Catholic from the succession; ? Confirmed the principle of parliamentary supremacy; ? Guaranteed free speech within both the two Houses; ? Thus the age of constitutional monarchy began. Industrial Revolution（1760-1830） What is the Revolution? background of the Industrial Which industry began the Industrial Revolution first? What are the representative inventions in the Industrial Revolution? What are the achievements of the Industrial Revolution in transportation? ? The Industrial Revolution can be defined as the application of powerdriven machinery to manufacturing. ? What are the influences of the Industrial Revolution? ? Dramatically increased the productivity ? Promoted the process of urbanization ? The change of social class: the capitalist and the working class The British Empire When was the first British Empire formed? Where were the colonies of the first British Empire distributed? When was the second British Empire formed? When did the second British Empire disintegrate and when was the Commonwealth of Nations formed? 1931, the Commonwealth of Nations was founded. The second British Empire (1837-1931) The Victoria Age: an age of national development and great prosperity. . More colorful and convenient life: Electricity, telegraph, telephone, electric light, electric trams . Transportation: bicycle/ London had the first electric underground railway in 1891 . Victoria: the grandmother of Europe (9 children and 40 grandchildren) The Formation of the Second British Empire Queen Victoria Memorial Queen Victoria (1819—1901) The Formation of the Empire 1.She encouraged further industrialization. 2.The British government adopted New Imperialism. 3. The British government sent the British fleet anywhere in the world. At end of the 19 century,British Empire included a quarter of the global population and nearly a quarter of world’s landmass. 1,Canda ,Australia ,New Zealand (dominion英联邦自 治领域) 2, India (―brightest jewel‖ on the English Crown) 3,Hong Kong (Opium War, Treaty of Nanking) 4,Burma,SriLanka,Singapore,Malaya,Brunei, small states in the West Indies and Asia. 5,took control of Suez Canal and conquered Egypt. 6,the Gold Coast, Niger, Sudan, Kenya,Uganda,Zambia,Upper Nigeria .British Commonwealth is a loosely organized community of former British Colonies, showing that they share common values and goals, and a common history with Britain.1/3 of the world’s population belongs to the Commonwealth. .It was founded in 1931, until 1990, there were 53 members. .In 1949 the word ―British‖ was dropped from the title of the Commonwealth. . Almost all members (except Madagascar and Algeria) of the Commonwealth were once ruled by Britain as part of the Britain Empire. ? Britain and World War I -----1914—1918 1. before the war: two military camps Central Powers in 1882 the Allies in 1907 2. during the war: The British navy played a very important role in the ultimate triumph of the Allies. 3. the end of the war: a. lost about 2,700,000 casualties, b. 70% of her merchant ships c. became a debtor nation d. London was replaced by New York as the world’s leading banking center. e. At the Peace Conference at Versailles, Britain got most of what he wanted. ? Britain between the Two Wars George V---Edward VIII(1936)---George VI the most important maritime and industrial power in Europe the largest navy and air force in the world the third largest army the industry was aging under the Depression, strikes and labor unrest, colonial ties became weakened Reasons for WWII ? Japan was unsatisfied with the Washington treaty. ? Italy was angry about Britain and France. ? The unfair Versailles treaty arouse the German’s strong emotion of revenge. ? The Great Depression ? World War II broke ROOT CAUSE out because of the imbalance in political and economic development. And 1929 - 1933, the economic crisis hit Germany seriously. To overcome the crisis and distract people's attention, Germany launched the Second World War. Axis vs Allies ? Axis: Germany, Italy, Japan ? Allies: America, UK, China, Soviet Union 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 Germany Invades Poland blitz Japan attacks Pearl Harbor Stalingrad Battle Italy surrenders Allied forces landed on Normandy Atomic Bombing of Japan ? Britain and World War II -------1939—1945 1.There are many countries which had a great loss in the second world war , The Britain was one of the biggest victims. 2. result: fewer casualties than the first world war and great economic losses ? Greatest British leader of the 20th century ? Courage, decisiveness, political experience, vitality ? I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, … You ask, What is our aim? I can answer in one word: Victory – victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival … and I say, Come, then, let us go forward together with our united strength. We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills. We shall never surrender! ? The postwar Britain 1. Domestic—high taxation result: a great increase in the standard of living of the working classes 2. Foreign policy—close link with the US result: Britain ceased to be a great power and numerous colonies were granted independence and Commonwealth status. With the Commonwealth: Gradually reduced its involvement in the Commonwealth Circle. With the Western Europe: an isolationist policy after the WWII; Joined EU in 1973 With the United States: cooperated closely with the United States copyright ©right 2010-2020。

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Herpes simplex virus type-2 (HSV-2) and -1 (HSV-1) are among the most common infections in the world and may persist in a latent form to reactivate throughout life.1 HSV-2 is typically transmitted sexually, asymptomatic, and infects anogenital sites causing clinical and subclinical localized sores, while HSV-1 is generally transmitted via nongenital contact, is clinically associated with orolabial infection, but is also capable of infecting anogenital sites.2 Genital HSV-2 infections have greater clinical importance than HSV-1 infections because of more frequent clinical recurrences1 and viral shedding.3 A number of epidemiologic studies of HSV-2 seroprevalence4–6 have been limited by the use of nonspecific serologic assays, which cannot clearly differentiate antibodies produced against HSV-2 versus HSV-1.7 In recent years, several HSV-2 surveys have used type-specific serology,8 but comparison of HSV-2 seroprevalence across countries has been difficult due to differences in testing methodology, sampling, and other factors. Use of current gold standard Western blot assays,9 combined with a standardized protocol and laboratory methods, would allow for valid global comparisons of HSV-2 seroprevalence and associated risk factors in women. Previously-identified risk factors for genital HSV-2 infection in women include older age,8 early age of sexual debut,10 higher number of lifetime sexual partners,6and presence of other sexually transmitted infections (STI).11 With few exceptions,10,12 studies examining male characteristics as risk factors of HSV-2 infection in women have relied on data elicited from women regarding their male partners’ behaviors rather than direct interview of the men.13 Type-specific Western blot was used for HSV-2 serologic testing in case–control studies of invasive cervical cancer conducted by International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) to examine the role of HSV-2 infection as a cofactor of human papillomavirus infection in the etiology of invasive cervical cancer worldwide.14 The present analysis aims to compare HSV-2 seroprevalence and risk factors in control women from 6 countries: Colombia, Peru, Mali, Morocco, Thailand, and Spain. Materials and Methods Population and Design The study population constituted women who were controls in 6 case–control studies of invasive cervical cancer coordinated by IARC from 1985–1997 in Colombia,15 Peru,16 Mali,17 Morocco,18 Thailand,19 and Spain15 as previously described. In brief, a central standard protocol and questionnaire were used for recruitment and data collection at each site. Controls were population-based in Spain and Colombia and hospital-based at other sites. Hospital controls were excluded if they had any condition that shared risk factors with cervical cancer, including neoplasia of the breast, reproductive or respiratory organs, anus, oral cavity, esophagus, bladder, or liver, or other conditions such as cardiovascular or cerebrovascular diseases, chronic bronchitis, or emphysema. Participants were selected by frequency-matching to case patients by 5-year age-groups and presence of type-specific HSV-2 Western blot serology data. Study participants were interviewed by trained personnel on demographics, smoking habits, and sexual and reproductive history. Regular sexual partners included any men with whom the participant had had a sexual relationship for at least 6 months, regardless of marital status or cohabitation. Men who were sexual partners for less than 6 months were considered casual partners. All participants were asked to provide 10 mL of blood for detection of infections, including type-specific serum antibodies to HSV-2 and HSV-1. Blood samples were processed by centrifugation for 10 minutes at 2000 rpm at the site of collection. The separated serum was then aliquotted, frozen at −20°C, and shipped to Lyon, France for storage before serological testing in Seattle, WA. HSV-2 Antibody Detection Serologic testing for the presence of type-specific antibodies to HSV-2 was conducted using Western blot, the reference gold standard,9,20–22 at the University of Washington Virology Laboratory (Seattle, WA). All laboratory personnel were masked to the case or control status of blood samples tested.14 All women who agreed to participate in the original study provided written informed consent to have their sera tested for infectious agents, including HSV-1 and HSV-2. Study protocols were approved by the Institutional Review Boards in each site in Colombia, Mali, Morocco, Peru, Spain, and Thailand and the IARC in accordance with the revised Helsinki Declaration of 1983. Frequency distributions in each geographic setting were used to determine country-specific prevalence of HSV-2 and HSV-1 serum antibodies. For each country, risk factors for HSV-2 were initially identified through bivariate analyses using χ2 tests. In addition, for each country, age-adjusted odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) were determined as approximations of relative risks using unconditional, multiple logistic regression. Multivariate analyses were then conducted to determine adjusted OR (AOR) and 95% CI for HSV-2-seropositivity, controlling for age, marital status, total number of sexual partners in lifetime, and history of oral contraceptive use. In addition, multivariate analyses pooled across the 6 countries were adjusted for country. Observations with missing values were excluded from analyses. All analyses were conducted using Stata. In Colombia, Spain, and Thailand, responses elicited from the current regular male partner of female participants were available.15,19 These data were used to examine selected male sexual characteristics as risk factors for HSV-2 in their female partner. Women in our study were somewhat younger in the African countries (median age 40 years in Morocco and 45 years in Mali) and 6 to 12 years older in Thailand and Spain (Table 1). In all sites, except in Colombia and Peru, the majority of women were married. Median number of lifetime sexual partners, including regular and casual partners, was 2 in Mali and Peru, and 1 in all other countries. Reported history of hormonal (primarily oral) contraceptive use was low across all countries with the exception of Morocco (57.2%) (Table 1). HSV-2 seropositivity was highest in Colombia (57%) and Mali (43%) and was lowest in Spain (9%) (Table 2). HSV-2 seroprevalence was similar in magnitude among women in Peru (36%) and Thailand (37%) and was 26% in Morocco. Overall, HSV-2 seroprevalence pooled across the 6 countries was 33%. In contrast, overall HSV-1 seropositivity was 90% and nearly 90% or higher in all study sites, ranging from 89% in Colombia to 100% in Spain, with the exception of Songkla, Thailand (51%). Risk Factors for HSV-2 Seropositivity In the analysis pooling data across all countries, a greater number of reported lifetime sexual partners emerged as a strong and significant risk factor for HSV-2-seroprevalence (AOR, 2.1; 95% CI, 1.5–3.1). The association was stronger in Thailand (AOR, 4.4; 95% CI, 1.3–15.4) and Morocco (AOR, 2.7; 95% CI, 1.2–6.1) (Table 3). Compared to women with 1 lifetime sex partner, those with more than 1 lifetime partner had a higher risk of HSV-2 in Peru (AOR, 1.6; 95% CI, 0.8–3.1) and Spain (AOR, 3.2; 95% CI, 0.2–52.6), although these associations were not statistically significant. Similarly, not being married was a significant risk factor for HSV-2-seropositivity in the combined analysis (AOR, 2.7; 95% CI, 1.8–3.9). Positive associations were detected in Peru, Colombia, and Spain, but not in Thailand and Morocco (Table 3). In Mali, unmarried women were nearly twice as likely to be HSV-2 seropositive, compared to their married counterparts, although the associations was not statistically significant (AOR, 1.9; 95% CI, 0.7–4.8). In pooled analyses, women who were at least 40 years old were 50% more likely to be HSV-2 seropositive compared to younger women (AOR,1.5; 95% CI, 1.0–2.2). Older age was associated with higher HSV-2 seroprevalence in Mali and Morocco where women who were 40 years or older were nearly twice as likely to be HSV-2 seropositive (Table 3). This association was not statistically significant in any individual country. No significant association was found between history of using hormonal (primarily oral) contraceptives and HSV-2 seroprevalence in pooled estimates or in any country except Spain where the association was strong, but imprecise (AOR, 11.8; 95% CI, 1.1–129.9) (Table 3). Overall, women whose sexual debut occurred before age 17 years (age- and country-adjusted OR, 1.9; 95% CI, 1.4–2.7) and women who had never used a condom (age- and country-adjusted OR, 1.8; 95% CI, 1.0–3.1) were more likely to be HSV-2 seropositive than their counterparts, but these associations did not remain after adjustment for additional factors in all analyses (data not shown). Similarly, type-specific Chlamydia trachomatis serum antibodies were associated with HSV-2 seropositivity in age- and country-adjusted analyses, but not after adjusting for behavioral factors in the multivariate model (data not shown). Human papillomavirus DNA was not associated with HSV-2 seropositivity in country-specific and adjusted pooled analyses (data not shown). History of smoking and douching were not associated with HSV-2 positivity in any analyses. Women’s regular male partners were interviewed in a subset of women in Colombia, Spain and Thailand (N = 128; 56% of women from these countries). In multivariate analyses of male characteristics as risk factors for HSV-2 seropositivity in women, men with sexual debut at 17 years or earlier were significantly more likely to have female partners with HSV-2 (OR, 4.3; 95% CI, 1.3–13.7) (Table 2). Having a male partner who was unmarried (OR, 14.6; 95% CI, 2.8–75.0), had a history of sex with a prostitute (OR, 5.5; 95% CI, 1.7–18.1), or had a history of anal intercourse (OR, 4.3; 95% CI, 1.3–13.7) were risk factors for HSV-2 in women, though these associations were not significant after controlling for other factors (Table 4). This is the first study, to our knowledge, to measure type-specific seroprevalence of HSV-2 and HSV-1 in women from 6 countries across 3 continents using the gold-standard Western blot assay as well as centralized study protocols and laboratory testing to reliably compare HSV-2 and -1 prevalence across countries. HSV-2 seroprevalence was variable across countries (9% in Spain to 57% in Colombia), whereas HSV-1 seroprevalence was consistently high (>89%) in all countries except Thailand (51%). Having multiple sexual partners over a lifetime was a significant risk factor for HSV-2 infection overall and specifically in Morocco and Thailand, whereas being unmarried was an important factor in Peru, Colombia, Spain. Older age (≥40 years) was associated with HSV-2 seropositivity in Mali and Morocco though associations were not statistically significant. Sexual behavior of the male partners was also associated with HSV-2 seropositivity in women, particularly men’s early age at sexual debut (17 years or earlier). Few data are currently available on the effect of men’s self-reported sexual behavior on HSV-2 risk in their female partners. Consistent with previous studies,10,23 we found a higher risk of HSV-2 in women having a male sexual partner with riskier sexual behavior. In a study in Brazil, women whose male partners had higher numbers of lifetime sexual partners and a history of anal sex were at a higher risk for HSV-2 infection.10 Although male circumcision was shown to reduce the risk of C. trachomatis infection in female sexual partners,24 a similar protective effect of male circumcision on HSV-2 seropositivity in women was not found in our analyses. Although the lack of association with male circumcision in our study may have resulted from our small sample of men (most of whom were uncircumcised), a recent systematic review of the protective effect of male circumcision on STI in men supports our findings by demonstrating that although male circumcision is associated with lower levels of ulcerative STI such as syphilis and chancroid, the relationship for male circumcision is weaker and less consistent for HSV-2 infection in men.25 Women with male sexual partners who reported an earlier age of sexual debut (≤17 years) had a higher HSV-2 risk. Earlier sexual debut in men may be a proxy for a higher number of sexual partners over a lifetime; men reporting an age of intercourse less than or equal to 17 years of age had a higher mean number of partners (4.7) than those reporting sexual debut over 17 years of age (2.6). It is plausible that men’s report of age of sexual debut may be a more valid measure than reports of lifetime sexual partners. A large variation in HSV-2 seroprevalence was found in participating women in the 6 different countries, despite relatively small differences in women’s reported prevalence of lifetime sexual partners. In areas where women had higher HSV-2 seroprevalence (e.g., Colombia), the proportion of male partners who reported high numbers of lifetime sexual partners (6 or more) was higher (93%) than in countries with lower HSV-2 seroprevalence (e.g., Thailand and Spain), where the proportion of male partners reporting 6 or more lifetime partners was notably lower (48% and 35%, respectively). Other male characteristics (e.g., history of sex with a prostitute; history of anal intercourse; being divorced, separated, widowed, or single) were not statistically significant risk factors for HSV-2 risk in their female partners in the multivariate models, possibly due to the relatively small sample size in analyses among male partners in our study. Larger studies of these associations may reveal stronger relationships between male characteristics on the risk of HSV-2 infection in their female partners. Additional data on previous male sexual partners, rather than the current partner only, would be informative. A high prevalence (≥89%) in Western-blot confirmed HSV-1-seropositivity was observed at 5 of the 6 study sites. In general, published data on type-specific HSV-1 seroprevalence in middle-aged women from developing countries are scarce.8 The exceptional finding in our study was that HSV-1 seroprevalence of only 51% among women in Thailand. The unexpectedly low HSV-1 seroprevalence in Hat-Yai, southern Thailand is consistent with another study that found a Focus ELISA HSV-1 seroprevalence of 65% among women aged at least 15 years in Songkla.26 The low HSV-1 seroprevalence in a less-developed country setting is contrary to expectations of a higher adult HSV-1 as found in other countries.27 HSV-2 seroprevalence estimates found in this study are consistent with those reported in the global literature. Our estimates in Colombia were similar to type-specific ELISA seroprevalence previously measured in random samples of middle-aged Colombian women (50%–60%).6 A seroprevalence of 43% in Malian women in our study was in agreement with other studies of type-specific HSV-2 seroprevalence in sub-Saharan African countries that have among the highest levels of HSV-2 infection in the world.8,28 Our HSV-2 seroprevalence of 36% in Peruvian women is consistent with a Western blot-based seroprevalence of 38% in a previous study of middle-aged Peruvian women in Lima.29 High seroprevalence of HSV-2 in specific geographical areas may be explained by other epidemiologic factors such as dynamics of sexual mixing patterns, lower mean age of sexual debut, barriers to condom use, and a relatively high prevalence of other sexually transmitted infections. Specifically, in Mali and Morocco, factors such as early age of marriage to older men, polygamy, and sexual partnerships with female sex workers24,25 may be contributing to the HSV-2 seroprevalence. However, our estimate of 37% HSV-2 seroprevalence in Thailand is higher than in other Asian countries reported in a global review of HSV-2 prevalence,8 such as the Philippines10 and China.30 Our low HSV-2 seroprevalence estimate of 9% in Spain is consistent with the 6% type-specific HSV-2 seroprevalence reported in a past study of Spanish middle-aged women6and is not easily explained by demographic, behavioral, biologic or cultural factors although it has been suggested that men in Spain may be relatively monogamous.31 Multiple lifetime sexual partners emerged as a strong independent risk factor for HSV-2 infection in our study population overall, notably in Thailand and Morocco. Previous studies have similarly shown that a greater number of lifetime sexual partners was associated with a higher risk of Western blot-confirmed HSV-2 seropositivity in middle-aged women in Mexico,32 Brazil,10 and the Philippines.10 Further, associations of type-specific HSV-2 seropositivity with multiple lifetime sexual partners in women aged 15 to 49 years have been found in Kenya,28 Zambia,28 Cameroon,28 Benin,28 and Tanzania.11 Being unmarried was the most important demographic risk factor for HSV-2 seropositivity in 4 of the 6 countries surveyed and in pooled analyses. Previous reports in Kenya and Zambia indicate that women who were widowed, divorced, or separated were at greater risk of being HSV-2 seropositive.28 Women who are single, divorced, separated, widowed, or cohabiting with their current partner may be more likely to have multiple sexual partners when compared to married women. Unlike past studies,8,10,28,33 older age (at least 40 years) was associated with HSV-2 only weakly and inconsistently in our study, possibly due to the relatively narrow age range of middle-aged women that constituted our study population. The lack of association of hormonal contraceptive use with HSV-2-seropositivity across all sites in this study was consistent with previous findings in Colombia,6 Spain,6 and Brazil.10 Lack of an association between contraceptive use and HSV-2 seropositivity in some countries like Mali and Spain may have been partially attributable to small numbers of women who reported ever having used contraceptives. These data are in contrast to the association of oral contraceptive use and HSV-2 risk reported in the Philippines10 where HSV-2 seropositivity was low (10%). Limitations of our study included small sample sizes in some stratified analyses, which led to imprecise estimates. Hospital-based controls from countries other than Colombia and Spain16–19 may have had underlying illnesses associated with HSV-2, which may have overestimated seroprevalence at the population level. However, the likelihood of a selection bias due to hospital controls was considered minimal because controls had a broad range of diagnoses and were enrolled at large tertiary public hospitals with far-reaching catchment areas and extensive reference populations. The multicenter design of this study allowed for augmentation of sample size by pooling data across 6 countries. Additional strengths of our study include the use of a standardized protocol across 6 diverse countries located in 3 continents. Further, our study used a high-quality central laboratory for systematic testing of specimens using the gold standard University of Washington Western Blot assay. Our study is also among the few studies on HSV-2 seroprevalence in women, which assess the effect of partners’ sexual behaviors as reported directly from current male partners of female participants. This multicenter study highlights the high levels of HSV-2 seroprevalence and related behavioral risk factors in middle-aged women in Latin American, African, and Southeast Asian countries. 1. Whitley RJ. Herpes simplex viruses. In: Knipe DM, Howley PM, eds. Fields Virology, 5th ed. Philadelphia: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins, 2001:2462–2484. Chapter 73. 2. Holmes KK, Sparling FP, Mardh P, et al. Sexually Transmitted Diseases, 3rd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1999. 3. Wald A, Zeh J, Selke S, et al. Virologic characteristics of subclinical and symptomatic genital herpes infections. N Engl J Med 1995; 333:770–775. 4. Ferrera A, Baay MF, Herbrink P, et al. A sero-epidemiological study of the relationship between sexually transmitted agents and cervical cancer in Honduras. Int J Cancer 1997; 73:781–785. 5. Munoz N, Kato I, Bosch FX, et al. Cervical cancer and herpes simplex virus type 2: Case-control studies in Spain and Colombia, with special reference to immunoglobulin-G sub-classes. Int J Cancer 1995; 60:438–442. 6. de Sanjose S, Munoz N, Bosch FX, et al. Sexually transmitted agents and cervical neoplasia in Colombia and Spain. Int J Cancer 1994; 56:358–363. 7. Ashley R, Cent A, Maggs V, et al. Inability of enzyme immunoassays to discriminate between infections with herpes simplex virus types 1 and 2. Ann Intern Med 1991; 115:520–526. 8. Smith JS, Robinson NJ. Age-specific prevalence of infection with herpes simplex virus types 2 and 1: A global review. J Infect Dis 2002; 186(suppl 1):S3–28. 9. Ashley RL, Wald A. Genital herpes: Review of the epidemic and potential use of type-specific serology. Clin Microbiol Rev 1999; 12:1–8. 10. Smith JS, Herrero R, Munoz N, et al. Prevalence and risk factors for herpes simplex virus type 2 infection among middle-age women in Brazil and the Philippines. Sex Transm Dis 2001; 28:187–194. 11. Msuya SE, Mbizvo E, Hussain A, et al. Seroprevalence and correlates of herpes simplex virus type 2 among urban Tanzanian women. Sex Transm Dis 2003; 30:588–592. 12. Halton KRA, Morison L, West B, et al. Herpes simplex 2 risk among women in a polygamous setting in rural West Africa. AIDS 2003; 17:97–103. 13. Kapiga SH, Sam NE, Shao JF, et al. Herpes simplex virus type 2 infection among bar and hotel workers in northern Tanzania: Prevalence and risk factors. Sex Transm Dis 2003; 30: 187–192. 14. Smith JS, Herrero R, Bosetti C, et al. Herpes simplex virus-2 as a human papillomavirus cofactor in the etiology of invasive cervical cancer. J Natl Cancer Inst 2002; 94:1604–1613. 15. Munoz N, Bosch FX, de Sanjose S, et al. The causal link between human papillomavirus and invasive cervical cancer: A population-based case-control study in Colombia and Spain. Int J Cancer 1992; 52:743–749. 16. Santos C, Munoz N, Klug S, et al. HPV types and cofactors causing cervical cancer in Peru. Br J Cancer 2001; 85:966–971. 17. Bayo S, Bosch FX, de Sanjose S, et al. Risk factors of invasive cervical cancer in Mali. Int J Epidemiol 2002; 31:202–209. 18. Chaouki N, Bosch FX, Munoz N, et al. The viral origin of cervical cancer in Rabat, Morocco. Int J Cancer 1998; 75:546–554. 19. Chichareon S, Herrero R, Munoz N, et al. Risk factors for cervical cancer in Thailand: A case-control study. J Natl Cancer Inst 1998; 90:50–57. 20. Ashley R, Militoni J, Lee F, et al. Comparison of Western blot (immunoblot) and glycoprotein G-specific immunodot enzyme assay for detecting antibodies to herpes simplex virus types 1 and 2 in human sera. J Clin Microbiol 1988; 26:662–667. 21. Ashley R. Type-specific antibodies to HSV-1 and -2: Review of methodology. Herpes 1998; 5:33–38. 22. Ashley RL. Genital herpes. Type-specific antibodies for diagnosis and management. Dermatol Clin 1998; 16:789–793, xiii–xiv. 23. Cherpes TL, Meyn LA, Krohn MA, et al. Risk factors for infection with herpes simplex virus type 2: Role of smoking, douching, uncircumcised males, and vaginal flora. Sex Transm Dis 2003; 30:405–410. 24. Castellsague X, Peeling RW, Franceschi S, et al. Chlamydia trachomatis infection in female partners of circumcised and uncircumcised adult men. Am J Epidemiol 2005; 162:907–916. 25. Weiss H, Thomas S, Munabi S, et al. Male circumcision and risk of syphilis, chancroid, and genital herpes: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Sex Transm Infect 2006; 82:101–110. 26. Ashley-Morrow R, Nollkamper J, Robinson NJ, et al. Performance of Focus ELISA tests for herpes simplex virus type 1 (HSV-1) and HSV-2 antibodies among women in ten diverse geographical locations. Clin Microbiol Infect 2004; 10:530–536. 27. Wagner HU, Van Dyck E, Roggen E, et al. Seroprevalence and incidence of sexually transmitted diseases in a rural Ugandan population. Int J STD AIDS 1994; 5:332–337. 28. Weiss HA, Buve A, Robinson NJ, et al. The epidemiology of HSV-2 infection and its association with HIV infection in four urban African populations. AIDS 2001; 15(suppl 4):S97–108. 29. Sanchez J, Gotuzzo E, Escamilla J, et al. Gender differences in sexual practices and sexually transmitted infections among adults in Lima, Peru. Am J Public Health 1996; 86:1098–1107. 30. Peng HQ, Liu SL, Mann V, et al. Human papillomavirus types 16 and 33, herpes simplex virus type 2 and other risk factors for cervical cancer in Sichuan Province, China. Int J Cancer 1991; 47:711–716. 31. Castellsague X, Ghaffari A, Daniel R, et al. Prevalence of penile human papillomavirus DNA in husbands of women with and without cervical neoplasia: A study in Spain and Colombia. J Infect Dis 1997; 176:353–361. 32. Lazcano-Ponce E, Smith JS, Munoz N, et al. High prevalence of antibodies to herpes simplex virus type 2 among middle-aged women in Mexico City, Mexico: A population-based study. Sex Transm Dis 2001; 28:270–276. 33. Wald A. Herpes simplex virus type 2 transmission: Risk factors and virus shedding. Herpes 2004; 11(suppl 3):130A–137A.

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zoological Gardens ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS, sometimes called Zoological Parks, institutions in which wild animals are kept in captivity. Their primary object is to gratify the pleasure most persons take in viewing at close range the curious and beautiful living products of nature, but they serve also as means of instruction in natural history, providing material for museums and for investigations in comparative anatomy and pathology, while they may have a commercial value as pleasure resorts, or as show grounds for the display of animals that have been imported or bred for sale. According to Captain Stanley Flower, director of the Zoological Gardens at Giza, Cairo, Egypt, the ancient Egyptians kept various species of wild animals in captivity, but the first Zoological Garden of which there is definite knowledge was founded in China by the first emperor of the Chou dynasty, who reigned about iioo B.C. This was called the "Intelligence Park," and appears to have had a scientific and educational object. The ancient Greeks and Romans kept in captivity large numbers of such animals as leopards, lions, bears, elephants, antelopes, giraffes, camels, rhinoceroses and hippopotamuses, as well as ostriches and crocodiles, but these were destined for slaughter at the gladiatorial shows. In later times royal persons and great feudal magnates frequently kept menageries of wild animals, aviaries and aquaria, and it is from these that modern public Gardens have taken their origin. Henry I. (1100-1135) established a menagerie at Woodstock, Oxfordshire, England. This was transferred to the Tower of London, apparently in the reign of Henry III., and kept up there until at least 1828. Philip VI. had a menagerie in the Louvre at Paris in 1333, Charles V. maintained collections at Conflans, Tournelles and in Paris, and Louis XI. formed a menagerie at Plessis les Tours in Touraine, which after his death was re-established at the Louvre in Paris and enlarged by collections obtained in North Africa. It was destroyed by Henry III. Henry IV. had a small collection, which included an elephant. Louis XIII. kept some animals at Versailles, whilst his son Louis XIV. founded the famous "Menagerie du Parc" at Versailles, which received many animals from Cairo, was maintained for over a century, and furnished much valuable material to French naturalists and anatomists. It gradually decayed, however, and was almost extinguished by the mob in 1789. In 1793 the Paris Museum of Natural History was re-established by law, and Buffon's idea of attaching to it a menagerie was carried out; the latter, as the collection in the Jardin des Plantes, still survives. In Germany the elector Augustus I. founded a menagerie at Dresden in 1 554. In the New World, according to Prescott, King Nezahualcoyotl had zoological gardens at Tezcuco in Mexico in the middle of the 15th century, whilst in the next century Cortes found aviaries and fishponds at Iztapalapan and Montezuma II., emperor of Mexico in the beginning of the 16th century, maintained large collections of animals in the gardens of his capital. Most of the modern zoological gardens date from comparatively recent years, and there are a larger number stocked with a finer collection of animals, more suitably housed, than at any past time in the history of the world. According to a reference list compiled by Captain Stanley Flower, there were 102 actually existing public gardens or parks containing collections of wild animals in 1910, while there are also a considerable number of private collections. It is possible to refer here only to the more important of these. Africa.—The Zoological Gardens at Giza, Cairo, are a government institution administered by the Public Works Department. The grounds are beautifully laid out and the collection is particularly rich in African animals, to which the climate is well adapted. The Khartum Zoological Gardens are free to the public and are under the control of the municipality, but the collection of animals is under the Game Preservation Department. The Transvaal Zoological Gardens at Pretoria are a government institution, and are associated with the Museum. America, North.—The Zoological Park at Bronx Borough, New York City, opened in 1899, is one of the largest in the world. It is controlled by the Zoological Society of New York, with representatives of the municipality of the City of New York, and is financed largely out of municipal funds, and is open free to the public five days a week. The Park occupies nearly 300 acres, of great natural beauty, which has been increased by the judicious arts of the landscape gardener. It contains many fine buildings, designed on the most modern lines, but its special feature is a series of spacious enlosures for large herds of bison and deer. In a sense it serves also as a national reserve, and has already been an important factor in the preservation of the American bison. The National Zoological Park at Washington, D.C., was founded by Congress in 1889-1890 "for the advancement of science and the instruction and recreation of the people." The site was purchased by the United States government, and all the expenses come from national funds, the management being vested in the Smithsonian Institution. The Park consists of about 265 acres of undulating land with natural woods and rocks, traversed by a gorge cut by Rock Creek, a tributary of the Potomac. The river and gorge extend into the country far beyond the Park, and in addition to the animals that have been introduced, there are many wild creatures living in their native freedom, such as musk rats in the creek, grey squirrels, crested cardinals and turkey buzzards. The varied natural conditions form an almost ideal site for a collection of animals; great care and skill have been expended on the designing and construction of the houses, the collection receives many accessions from various government departments, including the foreign consular service, and the whole institution is rapidly becoming a model of what is possible. The Zoological Gardens in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, resemble the gardens of the Zoological Society of London, on which they were modelled. They are controlled by the Zoological Society of Philadelphia, founded in 1859, and are supported partly by subscriptions of members, partly by gate-money and partly by an allowance from the city of Philadelphia. They contain an admirable collection, well housed and carefully managed, a specially interesting feature being the careful quarantine system of new arrivals and the post-mortem examinations of animals that have died. There are many smaller collections in the United States and several in Canada, but none of these present features of special interest. America, South.—The Zoological Gardens at Buenos Aires are supported by the municipality, and contain many interesting animals, well housed in beautiful surroundings. The director issues a popular illustrated guide and a valuable quarterly scientific journal. At Para, Brazil, is a good collection attached to the Museum Goeldi, and there are unimportant collections at Rio de Janeiro and Bahia. Asia.—There are many small collections in different parts of Asia, but the only garden of great interest is at Alipore, Calcutta, supported chiefly by gate-money and a contribution from government, and managed by an honorary committee. It was established in 1875 by the government of Bengal, in co-operation with the public, and is 33 acres in area. An extremely interesting collection is maintained, the variety of bird life, both feral and in captivity, being notable. Australia and New Zealand.—There are Zoological Gardens at Melbourne (founded in 1857), Adelaide, Sydney and Perth, and small gardens at Wellington, New Zealand, supported partly by private societies and partly by the municipalities. These collections are not specially rich in the very interesting and peculiar native fauna, but devote themselves preponderatingly to imported animals. Europe.—There are a large number of zoological gardens in Europe, but those of real importance are not numerous. The Imperial Menagerie of the palace of Schonbrunn, Vienna, was founded about 1752. The public are admitted free to the greater part of the grounds, but the gardens and collection are the property of and are supported by the emperor of Austria. The collection is fine and well cared for in beautiful surroundings. The garden and large menagerie of the Royal Zoological Society of Antwerp were founded in 1843, and have been maintained at a very high level. The collection is not usually very rich in species, but there have been great and long-continued successes in the breeding of large animals such as hippopotamuses, lions and antelopes, and a very large business is done in domesticated birds, water-fowl and cage birds. The annual sales of wild animals, held in the Gardens, chiefly surplus stock from various European Gardens, are famous. The revenue is derived partly from subscriptions, partly from gate-money, from the fine concert-hall and refreshment pavilions, and from sales. The Gardens of the Zoological Society of London in Regent's Park, founded in 1828, extend to only about 35 acres, but the collection, if species and rare animals be considered rather than the number of individuals, has always been the finest in existence. The Society is not assisted by the state or the municipality, but derives its revenue from the subscriptions of Fellows, gate-money, Garden receipts and so forth. In addition to the menagerie, there is an infirmary and operating room, an anatomical and pathological laboratory, and the Society holds scientific meetings and publishes stately volumes containing the results of zoological research. Partly because of its long and successful existence, and partly because of the extensive possessions of Great Britain throughout the world, the Zoological Society of London has been able to exhibit for the first time in captivity a greater number of species of wild animals than probably the total of those shown by all other collections. The Royal Zoological Society of Ireland, founded in 1830, maintains a fine collection in the Phoenix Park at Dublin, and has been specially successful in the breeding of lions. The Bath, Clifton and West of England Zoological Society owns small but extremely well-managed Zoological Gardens, well situated on the edge of Clifton Downs. Messrs Jennison have maintained since 1831 a Zoological Collection in their pleasure Park at Belle Vue, Manchester. The animals exhibited are selected chiefly because of their popular interest, but the arrangements for housing are specially ingenious and successful, those for monkeys and snakes being notable. The Zoologisk Have at Copenhagen, founded in 1859, contains a good collection, with a specially well-designed monkey-house. At Lyons and at Marseilles in France there are beautifully situated Gardens with small collections, in each case owned and controlled by the municipalities. In Paris there are two well-known Gardens. That of the Jardin des Plantes was founded in 1793 and is under the control of the Museum authorities. It is open free to the public and generally contains a good collection of mammals. The larger and better known Jardin d'Acclimatation in the Bois de Boulogne is owned and conducted by a private company. It was founded in 1858 and is beautifully situated and well laid out. In addition to wild animals it usually contains many domesticated creatures of commercial value. In recent years it has been somewhat neglected and presents no features of special interest, but efforts are being made to revive its prosperity. Germany contained in 1910 nineteen Zoological Gardens in active existence whilst several others were in process of formation. In most cases they are associated with concert-halls and open-air restaurants, which account for much of their material prosperity, but the natural taste of the people for wild animals, and the increasing scientific and commercial enterprise of the nation have combined to make the collections rich and interesting. The great Gardens at Berlin were founded in 1844, and belong to a private company, but owe much to the interest and beneficence of the Royal House. The collection is extremely good, the houses are well constructed and sumptuously decorated, and the general management is conducted on the most adequate scientific lines. The Zoological Gardens at Breslau, founded in 1863 and owned by a private company, although not large, contain many fine buildings and are a notably well-managed institution. They possessed a fine gorilla, keeping it alive for a longer period than has been done in any other zoological collection. The beautiful Gardens at Cologne, founded in 1860, contain many interesting features and in particular one of the finest aviaries in Europe. The Gardens of the Zoological Society of Hamburg, founded in 1863, always contain a large and fine collection and display many ingenious devices for the housing of the animals. More recently C. Hagenbeck has constructed a remarkable zoological park at Stellingen, near Hamburg. The chief feature of this is a magnificent panorama, from the central point of which large collections of wild animals are visible without any intervening bars. The background consists of artificial rockwork, supported on huge wooden scaffoldings. The surface is formed of cement moulded over metal gimmel-work, and arranged to form ledges and boulders, peaks and escarpments, and faced with coloured sand and paint. It is made sufficiently strong to bear the weight of the animals, which are confined within their bounds by undercut overhanging ridges, and by deep and wide ditches, masked by rockwork. The arrangement is extremely successful from the spectacular point of view, and very suitable where most of the animals are young and in process of training. The chief gardens in Holland are at Amsterdam, owned by the society "Natura Artis Magistra." In addition to the menagerie, founded in 1838, and since then remaining one of the chief collections of the world, the Society owns a fine aquarium, and supports a museum and library. The garden at Rotterdam is also of high interest. The zoological collections of other European countries are of little importance. Certain general remarks may be made on the efficient management of the zoological gardens. Finance.—Disbursements for rent, rates and taxes naturally vary according to the special conditions; in a large number of cases public land is provided free of cost, and in a smaller number of cases the institutions, in view of their useful public functions, are relieved of the ordinary burden of taxation. In London, where rent, rates and taxes have all to be paid, precisely as if the gardens were a profit-distributing private institution, the annual expenditure under these headings amounts to about £ 2000. The staff, excluding purely scientific departments, costs about £6000 per annum; gardening department, about £1500 per annum; maintenance of buildings, enclosures, paths and so forth, about £4000 per annum; provisions for animals, about £5000 per annum; litter, water, heating and general menagerie expenses about £3000 per annum. These figures are based chiefly on the London expenditure and relate to a collection which is probably more varied than any other, but not specially large in numbers, containing on an average a little over 3000 individuals. The cost of maintaining the collection depends on the numbers received by purchase, in exchange, or presented, but for an average of about £ 2000 per annum a collection such as that in London can be adequately maintained. The cost of new buildings varies too much to make any individual figures useful. Many of the zoological gardens are owned by private companies and derive their income entirely from gate-money, menagerie sales, rent of refreshment rooms, concert-halls and other auxiliary public attractions, any profits being distributed amongst the members of the company. In other cases the gardens are assisted by public authorities, in return for which a certain number of free days are given. In other cases again, as in the case of London, the income is derived partly from the subscriptions of members, who in return receive privilege§ as to admission, and partly from gate-money and menagerie receipts, all the income being expended on the maintenance of the institution and on scientific purposes. Nature of Collection.—This depends to a certain extent on the object of the institution. The species and varieties of mammals and birds that have a commercial value as farmyard stock or as pets, are for the most part easy to keep, are attractive to the public and may be a source of profit. Some of the smaller gardens in Europe, and perhaps a majority of those in other parts of the world, pay much attention to this side, but the more important collections are as much as possible limited to natural species and wild animals. In theory every wild species has its place in a zoological collection, but the actual choice is limited by so many practical considerations that the better-known collections are remarkably alike. Birds and mammals take the first place; the leading collections devote a good deal of attention to reptiles and batrachians; fishes and aquatic invertebrata are most often to be found only when there are special aquaria, whilst non-aquatic invertebrates are seldom to be seen and at most consist of a few moths and butterflies, spiders, scorpions and centipedes, molluscs and crustaceans. Within these limits, the first choice falls on large and well-known creatures which every one can recognize and desires to see. The large Carnivora, lions, tigers, jaguars and leopards are the first favourites; then follow monkeys, then the large ungulates, elephants, rhinoceroses and hippopotamuses, camels and giraffes, deer and antelopes and equine animals, whilst birds are appreciated chiefly for plumage and song. Animals vary very greatly in viability (see Longevity), and practical experience has shown that certain species bear captivity well, whilst others for reasons that appear to be psychological as well as physical quickly succumb. Many animals of great zoological interest, from their nocturnal habits, or natural disposition, display themselves so seldom that their possession is valueless from the point of view of the public, whilst closely allied species are not distinguished except by trained observers. If the object of a collection is simply to provide a hardy and popular exhibition, it is neither difficult nor very costly to get together and to maintain. But if the object be, as in the case of the greater zoological institutions, to get together as many species as possible, and to exhibit animals that have not been hitherto obtained, the possible range is enormous and the cost very great. Sources of Animals.—A certain number of wild animals are born in captivity and from time to time the possession of a successful stock enables one collection to supply many others. At one time London was able to supply many Continental gardens with giraffes, and Dublin and Antwerp have had great successes with lions, whilst antelopes, sheep and cattle, deer and equine animals are always to be found breeding in one collection or another. Such stocks, however, usually fail in time, partly from too close interbreeding, partly from the ordinary chances of mortality, and partly from the cumulative effects of strange conditions. Fresh-caught wild animals have to be obtained to replenish the stock. In the majority of cases the conditions of success are that the wild creatures should be obtained as young as possible, kept in their native localities until they have become accustomed to man and to such food as they can be given at their ultimate destinations. The percentage of failure is greatest when fresh-caught adults are hurried to Europe or America. Individuals, moreover, vary greatly in their capacity to respond successfully to new conditions of life, and it is less costly and more practical if the selection be made in their natural homes. The most promising sources of new animals for collections are young creatures which have been partly tamed by hunters, traders or natives, and which have been acquired by travellers. Many of these find their way to the great shipping-ports, where there have grown up establishments that trade in wild animals. Occasionally special expeditions are arranged to procure numbers of particular birds or mammals, but these are extremely costly and the mortality is usually high. Area and Site.—The areas occupied vary from about 300 acres (New York) to about 8 acres (Bristol, England). In the larger gardens, however, the greater part of the space is engaged by a few extensive enclosures for herds of herbivorous animals, and where no attempt is made to associate the function of a game reserve with that of a menagerie a smaller area is quite satisfactory. From the point of view of public convenience, too large a space is fatiguing and makes it more difficult to see the animals, whilst the expenses of maintenance, drainage and supervision increase out of proportion to the advantages. The older gardens have followed too closely the idea of small cages, designed to guard an animal securely rather than to display it in a fitting environment, but if exercise, light and air are provided, animals do better in a relatively small than in a relatively large enclosure. With regard to situation, the ideal would be to have the collection placed in the open country, far from centres of population. But as menageries are supported for the public and in most cases by the public, such a site is impractical, and if the soil, drainage and exposure are reasonably good, experience shows that a thriving collection may be maintained in the immediate vicinity of large towns. Hygiene.—The first requisite is strict attention to cleanliness. A collection of animals must be compared with public institutions such as barracks, or infirmaries. There must be an abundant supply of fresh air and of water, and a drainage system as complete as possible. The soil of yards and the floors and walls of houses rapidly become contaminated, and the ideal condition would be to have an impermeable flooring covering the whole area, and supplied with suitable layers of sand, sawdust, peat-moss or other absorbent substances which can be changed at frequent intervals. The buildings should be constructed on the most modern hospital lines, with smooth walls and rounded corners, so that complete cleansing and disinfecting are possible. It has been shown abundantly, however, that even the best designed and best cared for buildings rapidly become contaminated, and it is probable that the costly and massive buildings of the more modern Gardens are erroneous in principle, and should be replaced by light and cheap structures not intended to last longer than a few years. In most temperate climates, artificial heating is necessary, at least occasionally, in many cases, but the tendency has been to be more sedulous of warmth than of ventilation. Cold-blooded animals, such as reptiles and batrachians, thrive best in an equable temperature, and, especially in the case of snakes, frequently can be induced to feed only when their temperature has been raised to a certain point. But the vast majority of birds and mammals not only can endure a large range of temperature, but thrive best when they are subjected to it. Protection from violent draught and shelter from extremes of heat and cold are necessary, but in most cases the choice is best left to the animals themselves, and the most successful arrangements consist of free exposure to the open air, with access to warmth and shelter. All collections of living beings are subject to epidemics, and in an ideal menagerie special precautions should be taken. New arrivals should be quarantined, until it is certain that they are in a satisfactory condition of health. Sickly animals should be at once isolated, and their cages and enclosures disinfected, whilst as a matter of routine the enclosure in which any animal has died should be cleansed, and according to the results of post-mortem examination, which should be made in every case, appropriate measures of disinfection employed. Feeding.—The food must be as varied as possible, and special attention should be given to the frequency and quantity of the supply. It is important that no more should be supplied at a time than is necessary, as most animals rapidly foul their food, and except in a few special cases, wild animals are peculiarly liable to the evil results of stale or putrid substances. Quantities can be learned from experience, and from watching individual cases; frequency varies within very wide limits, from reptiles which at most may feed once a week and fast for long periods, to the smaller insectivorous birds which require to be fed every two or three hours, and which in the winter dark of northern latitudes must be lighted up once or twice in the night to have the opportunity of feeding. Knowledge of the habits of animals and experience are the best guides to the nature of food to be supplied, but the keepers should be required to observe the droppings of their charges and to judge from these of the extent to which any particular substances are being digested. The feeding of carnivores is on the whole the most easy; the chief pitfall being the extreme liability of all except the larger forms to fatal digestive disturbances from food that is not quite fresh. The more powerful creatures in a state of nature are accustomed to kill a prey too large to be devoured at once, and to return to it again and again, long after it has become putrid; the smaller forms, for the most part, devour nothing but small creatures immediately after they have been captured and killed, and consequently in an absolutely fresh condition. The chief danger with herbivorous and frugivorous creatures is that their constitutions are not adapted to the richness of cultivated fruits and cereals, and, in captivity, they may suffer mechanically from the want of bulk in their food supply, or if they eat a quantity sufficient in bulk, it contains an excess of nutritive material. A minor problem in menageries is injudicious feeding by visitors. Many authorities attempt to restrain visitors from feeding the animals in their charge, but such a restriction, even if practicable, is not all gain, for animals in captivity are less inclined to mope, and are more intelligent and tamer, if they become accustomed to regard visitors as pleasant sources of tit-bits. Literature.—S. S. Flower, Notes on Zoological Collections visited in Europe in 1907 (Public Works Dept., Cairo); Reference List of the Zoological Gardens of the World (1910); C. V. A. Peel, The Zoological Gardens of Europe (London, 1903); "Bulletins of the Zoological Society of New York" (with many photographs and plans of buildings and enclosures); Annual Reports of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington; G. Loisel, Rapport sur une mission scientifique dans les jardins et établissements zoologiques publics et privés du Royaume-Uni, de la Belgique et des Pays-Bas, et des États-Unis et du Canada, et conclusions générales (Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1907, 1908; with many photographs and plans). (P. C. M.)

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Unlike those available for painting, the opportunities to exhibit sculpture in the United-States around the turn of the twentieth century were quite scarce. There was almost no room for sculpture at the influential Fine Arts Society's 57th Street Galleries Line in New York. As late as 1905, the Monumental News, a journal dedicated to the 5 promotion of sculpture, lamented, "Exhibitions of sculptors' works are so comparatively rare." In response to this dire predicament, (he sculptor Frederick W. Ruckstull and Charles de Kay, art editor of the newspaper The New York Times, founded the National Sculpture Society (NSS) in 1893, the first organization dedicated solely to the advancement of sculpture. 10 Incorporated in 1896 to promote sculptural production and encourage the exhibition and sale of the plastic arts, the National Sculpture Society (NSS) elected John Quincy Adams Ward (1830-1910), the prestigious sculptor of public monuments, to serve as its first president, an office he held from 1893 to 1905. During the last twenty years of his life, ward dedicated much time to public and private organizations that promoted public 15 art. To the end, he headed the NSS committee that oversaw the sculptural decoration of the Library of Congress Reading Room in Washington D.C. as well as the building and decorating of the Dewey Arch—a monument in New York to honor Admiral George Dewey. He was a champion of the City Beautiful Movement— an effort to increase the presence of urban art—and defended the central role that sculpture played in its national The National Sculpture Society promoted the production of sculpture by standardizing procedures for competitions, enhancing the professional status of sculptors, and encouraging commissions for American sculpture in homes, public buildings, parks, and squares. Moreover, ii included members in its organization who were not sculptors, 25 hoping to close the gap between artists and the great body of the people, not merely well-to-do patrons, bui the working public. The NSS encouraged the commission and purchase of sculptures for both private consumption—home and garden—and for public enjoyment—parks and squares. Through this campaign, small-scale sculptures—either reductions of monumental artworks or smaller-sized originals—were brought to the attention of an interested public. 【題組】 1. What does the passage mainly discuss (A) The establishment and goals of the National Sculpture Society (B) Why artists of the twentieth century wanted to jojn the National Sculpture Society (C) The effects of the National Sculpture Society on twentieth-century art (D) The relationship between the National Sculpture Society and national arts groups 2.【題組】2. The word "scarce" in line 2 is closest in meaning to 3.【題組】3. The word "lamented" in line 5 is closest in meaning to 4.【題組】4. What is (he "dire predicament" mentioned by the author in line 6 ? (A) The limited professional opportunities for sculptors (B) The failure of the Fine Arts Society to include paintings in its exhibitions (C) The founding of the National Sculpture Society (D) The production of the Monumental News 5.【題組】5. The passage suggests which of the following about early-twentielh-century art? (A) Many New Yorkers were not interested in painting. (B) Newspapers and journals rarely discussed painting. (C) People saw more public displays of painting than of sculpture. (D) An appearance in galleries of the Fine Arts Society guaranteed financial success. 6.【題組】6. According to the passage, who was the first president of the National Sculpture Society? (A) Frederick W. Rucksmll (B) John Quincy Adams Ward (C) Charles de Kay (D) Admire! George Dewey 7.【題組】7. The phrase "that end" in line 15 refers to (A) the last twenty years of his life. (B) much time (C) promoting public art (D) the NSS committee 8.【題組】8. The word "champion" in line 18 is closest in meaning to 9.【題組】9. According to the passage, what was a goal of the City Beautiful Movement? (A) To increase national sales of Sculpture (B) To encourage sculptors to create more monuments (C) To improve to appearance of the city with art (D) To convince more sculptors to work in New York 10.【題組】10. According to the passage, the National Sculpture Society promoted the production of sculpture by doing which of the following? (A) Carrying oui activities that increased the public's respect for sculptors (B) Replacing old sculptures in public places with new ones (C) Increasing the number of sculptural competitions (D) Encouraging private sculpture lessons in homes In the United States, many social reformers in the late nineteenth century demonstrated a concern for improved housing conditions for workers, George Pullman (1831-1897), the wealthy industrialist who introduced luxury railway cars with beds, built his model tine city called Pullman in 1880 to address housing problems caused by Chicago's 5 industrialization. Constructing the town, Pullman hoped to produce an ideal environment that would help attract workers of a superior type to [he railway car industry and retain them. Pullman inhabitants were expected to embody values of thrift, industry, and morality. They were taught to develop propriety and good manners, cleanliness and neatness of appearance, diligence, and self-improvement through education and savings. 10 Like the brick clock tower that dominated [he town center, Pullman kept a regulatory eye on his workers. In its first five yean, this new experiment in industrial life received little criticism, except from radical political groups. Crediting the town of Pullman with producing a new type of dependable and ambitious worker in a rationally ordered environment, reformers, 15 at first, praised it as a successful model for modern industrial life. However, after 1885, with the high gloss of the experiment dulled, it became clear that the residents of Pullman had honest grievances about the overcharging of rent and other services. In 1893, The World's Columbian Exposition, an exhibition that aimed to promote American cultural, economical, and technological development, and in which George 20 Pullman was a major investor, was held in Chicago. The town of Pullman became a popular tourist stop, attracting more than its share of curious travelers. There were 10,000 foreign viators-alone during the exposition year. In fact, the first Baedeker Travel Guide to the United States advised visitors to tour Pullman. Frequent trains and trolley cars connected the fairgrounds of the exposition with the town, and on several occasions, 25 George Pullman himself guided the tours. Constructing a fantastic environment for the benefit of tourists, he made sure that any real tensions between bis office and the working inhabitants of the town were rendered invisible to the tourist gaze. 【題組】11. What does the passage mainly discuss? (A) The effect of industrialization on Ihe city of Pullman (B) The model city built by George Pullman (C) The career of George Pullman (D) Housing problems in the nineteenth century ' 12.【題組】12. According to the passage, which L the following led to the creation of the town of Pullman? (A) A surplus of railway workers in Chicago (B) Housing problems caused by industrialization (C) George Pullman's decision to slop producing railway cars (D) The opening of the World's Columbian Exposition 13.【題組】14. According to the passage, George Pullman expected that the city of Pullman would (A) impress social reformers (B) satisfy radical political groups (C) soon develop housing problems (D) draw workers Co the railway car industry 14.【題組】15. According to the passage. Pullman inhabitants were taught to do all of Ihe following (A) have good manners (B) become active in town politics (C) value education (D) save money 15.【題組】13. The word "retain" in line 6 is closest in meaning to 16.【題組】16. What does the author imply about George Pullman's attitude toward his workers in lines 10-11 ? (A) Pullman believed that his workers should follow a strict daily schedule. (B) Pullman felt that his workers required careful monitoring and supervision. (C) Pullman thought that individual workers could be taught to work together as a team. (D) Pullman believed that his workers had trouble keeping track of the time they spent on a task. 17.【題組】17. The word "grievances" in line 17 is closest in meaning to 18.【題組】18. The passage suggests that George Pullman worked to hide which of the following from tourists? (A) His role as an investor in the World's Columbian Exposition (B) His conflicts with the inhabitants of the town of Pullman (C) His efforts to promote the town of Pullman (D) His lack Of knowledge about how the Inhabitants of Pullman really lived 19.【題組】19. According to the passage, what did George Pullman do to promote tourism in the town of Pullman? (A) He personally showed tourists around the town. (B) He published a travel guide to the town. (C) He started to invest in the town's cultural development. (D) He built a new road connecting it to the World's Columbian Exposition. 20.【題組】20. Why does the author mention the first Baedeker Travel Guide to the United States? (A) To explain where tourists could find train and trolley schedules (B) To identify a way used by George Pullman to attract tourists to Pullman (C) To indicate how a large number of foreign tourists became interested in visiting the town of Pullman (D) To provide evidence that tourists were often more interested in visiting Pullman than in seeing the World's Columbian Exposition Face masks are commonly used in rituals and performances. They not only hide the real face of the mask wearer but they often evoke powerful emotions in the audience-danger, fear, sadness, joy. You might think, because so many things vary Line cross-culturally, that the ways in which emotions are displayed and recognized in the 5 face vary too. Apparently they do not. Recent research on masks from different cultures supports the conclusion that masks, like faces, tend to represent certain emotions in the some ways. We now have some evidence that the symbolism used in masks is often universal The research on masks builds on work done by anthropologists, who used photographs 10 of individuals experiencing various emotions. These photographs were shown to members of different cultural groups who were asked to identify the emotions displayed in the photographs. Emotions were identified correctly by most viewers, whatever the viewer's native culture. Coding schemes were developed to enable researchers to compare the detailed facial 15 positions of individual portions of die face (eyebrows, mouth, etc.) for different emotions, What exactly do we do when we scowl? We contract the eyebrows and lower the comers of the mouth; in geometric terms, we make angles and diagonals on our faces. When we smile, we raise the corners of the mouth; we make it curved. Psychologist Joel Arnoff and his colleagues compared two types of wooden face masks 20 from many different societies—masks described as threatening versus masks associated with nonthreatening functions. As suspected, the two sets of masks had significant differences in certain facial elements. The threatening masks had eyebrows and eyes facing inward and downward and a downward-facing mouth. In more abstract or geometrical terms, threatening features generally tend to be angular or diagonal and 25 nonthrcatening features tend to be curved or rounded, A face with a pointed beard is threatening; a baby's face is not. The theory is that humans express and recognize basic emotions in uniform ways because all human faces are quite similar, skeletally and muscularly. 【題組】21. What does the passage mainly discuss? (A) The techniques for comparing facial expressions across cultures (B) The photography of faces (C) Cultural variations in mask (D) The uniformity of facial expressions in revealing emotions 22.【題組】22. According to the passage, masks are used in performances to (A) disguise the real emotions of the performers (B) cause members of the audience to have strong emotional (C) remind the audience that an illusion is being created (D) identify the cultural background of the performers 23.【題組】23. The word "they" in line 2 refers to 24.【題組】24. The word "evidence" in line 7 is closest in meaning to 25.【題組】25. What does the author mean by stating, "the symbolism used in masks is often universal" (lines 7-8)? (A) Masks are sometimes used to hide emotions. (B) Performers often need help conveying emotions to an audience. (C) Not all societies use masks in their rituals and (D) People from different cultures generally express certain emotions in similar ways. 26.【題組】26. The word "schemes" in line 14 is closest in meaning to 27.【題組】27. What does the author suggest by Stating, "in geometric terms, we make angles and diagonals on our faces" (line 17)? (A) Different portions of the face are used to show specific emotions. (B) It is difficult to use objective terminology to describe facial expressions. (C) Facial expressions can be described in terms of shapes. (D) Precise methods of classifying emotions have not been developed. 28.【題組】28. The wood "significant" in line 21 is closest in meaning to 29.【題組】29. The passage mentions-"* baby's face" in line 26 as an example ofa (A) typical human face (B) source of inspiration in the creation of masks (C) nonthreatening face (D) face that expresses few emotions The response of most animals when suddenly faced with a predator is to flee. Natural selection has acted in a variety of ways in different species to enhance the efficacy of the behaviors, known as "flight behaviors" or escape behaviors that are used by prey in Line fleeing predators: Perhaps the most direct adaptation is enhanced flight speed and agility. 5 Adaptations for speed. However, are likely to require sacrifices biter attributes, so we might expect only some species to adopt a simple fast flight strategy. Another way of enhancing the effectiveness of flight is to move in an erratic and unpredictable way. Many species, like ptarmigans, snipes, and various antelopes and gazelles, flee from predators in a characteristic zigzag fashion. Rapid unexpected changes in flight direction make it 10 difficult for a predator to track prey. In some species, like the European hare, erratic zigzag flight might be more effective in the presence of predators that aie faster than they are and straight flight more effective against predators that are slower. One observation lhat supports this suggestion is the recorded tendency for slow-flying black-headed gulls, which are normally able to escape predators by means of direct flight, to show frequent 15 changes in flight direction when they spot a peregrine falcon (peregrines are adept at capturing flying birds). A quite different way of enhancing escape by flight is to USB so-called "flash" behavior. Here, the alarmed prey flees for a short distance and then "freezes." Some predators are unexcited by immobile prey, and a startling flash of activity followed 20 by immobility may confuse them. "Flash" behavior is used in particular by frogs and orthopteran insects, which make conspicuous jumps and then sit immobile. In some species, "flash" behavior is enhanced by the display of bright body markings. Good examples of insects with colorful markings are the red and yellow underwing moths. At rest, both species are a cryptic brown color. When they fly, however, brightly colored 25 hind wings are exposed, which render the moths highly conspicuous. Similarly, some frogs and lizards have brightly colored patches or frills that may serve a 'flash" function when they move quickly, Some species even appear to possess "flash" sounds. The loud buzzing and clicking noises made by some grasshoppers when they jump may serve to emphasize the movement. 【題組】30. The word "enhance" in line2 is closest in meaning to 31.【題組】31. The description of the prey's movement as "zigzag" in line 9 suggests that the movement is 32.【題組】32. It can be inferred from the passage that the European hare (A) is faster than most of its predators (B) is capable of two kinds of flight (C) is more likely to escape using straight flight (D) is preyed upon by gulls and falcons 33.【題組】33. The behavior of black-beaded gulls is most comparable to that of (B) European hares (C) peregrine falcons 34.【題組】34. It can be inferred that black-headed gulls change direction when they spot a peregrine falcon for which of the following reasons? (A) The falcons are faster than the gulls. (B) The gulls want to capture the falcons. (C) The falcons are unpredictable. (D) The gulls depend on the falcons for protection. 35.【題組】35. The word "alarmed" in line 18 is closest in meaning to 36.【題組】36. All of the following are mentioned as characteristics of "flash" behavior EXCEPT (A) brief conspicuous activity (C) bright body markings (D) aggressive fighting 37.【題組】37. The phrase "in particular" in line 20 is closest in meaning to (B) with difficulty 38.【題組】38. The hind wings of red and yellow underwing moths function in a way that is most similar to (A) the hind wings of peregrine falcons (B) the zigzag flight of European hares (C) the colored patches on frogs (D) the clicking of grasshoppers 39.【題組】39. Why does the author mention grasshopper* in line 28? (A) To contrast animals that "flash" with animals that “freeze” (B) As an example of an animal whose "flash" behavior is a sound? (C) To compare the jumping behavior of insects and reptiles (D) As an example of a predator that moths escape by using "flash" behavior In the nineteenth century, oceanography benefited from the new desire to study phenomena on a global scale. Many scientists collected information on the chemical composition, temperature, and pressure of the ocean at various depths and in different Line regions. The difficulty of gathering information about the ocean depths was immense. 5 At first ii was believed that the temperatures in the depths never fell below 4 degrees Celsius, until it was shown that the figures were distorted by the effect of pressures on the thermometers. There was intensive study of tides and ocean currents; and a number of physicists examined the forces responsible for the movements of the water. For example, James Reonell provided the first accurate map of the currents in the Atlantic. 10 Ocean, and the United Slates Coast Survey made extensive studies of the Gulf Stream. The zoologist Edward Forbes argued that no lire existed below a depth of 300 fathoms (about 600 meters) a view widely accepted until disproved by the voyage of the British research vessel HMS Challenger(1872-1876)The HMS Challenger expedition provided valuable information about the seabed, including the discovery of manganese nodules IS that are now being seen as a potentially valuable source of minerals. The first detailed map of the seabed was provided for the Atlantic by the American geographer Matthew F. Maury- He devised new techniques for measuring ocean depths, and his work proved of great value in laying the first transatlantic telegraph cables. He also studied global wind patterns and was able to provide sailors with guides that 20 significantly reduced die time taken on many routes. Some oceanographers believed that the winds were responsible for producing ocean currents such as the Gulf Stream, but Maury disagreed. He argued that they were produced by changes in the density of seawater due to temperature, which Bet up systems of movement between warm and cool regions of the world. Maury believed that the circulation of a warm current would 25 produce ice-free sea around the North Pole, a claim not disproved until Fridtjof Nansen allowed his vessel The Pram to be carded to within a few degrees of the pole in the years 1893-1896. 【題組】40. What does this passage mainly discuss? (A) Exploration of the Atlantic Ocean seabed (B) Differences between the Gulf Stream and other ocean currents (C) Oceanography in the nineteenth century (D) The reaction of water to temperature changes 41.【題組】41. According to the passage, what led to advances in the study of oceans? (A) An interest in conducting ocean research on a worldwide level (B) A disagreement between American and British (C) The development of new global weather patterns (D) The use of thermometers that could withstand deep ocean pressures 42.【題組】42. The word "accurate" in line 9 is closest in meaning to 43.【題組】43. According to the passage, Edward Forbes held which of the following opinions? (A) The Golf Stream did not extend below 300 fathoms. (B) Nothing lived in the ocean below 300 fathoms. (C) The discoveries of the HMS Challenger were false. (D) Manganese nodules were a potentially valuable source of minerals. 44.【題組】44. The word "expedition" in line 13 is closest in meaning to 45.【題組】45. The word "devised" in line 17 is closest in meaning to 46.【題組】46. According to the passage, which of the following is ture of the discoveries of the HMS Challenger? (A) They Jed zoologists to argue that there were no 300 fathoms, (B) They confirmed theories about (C) They provided no new information about the seabed (D) They revealed an important new mineral source. 47.【題組】47. The word "they" in line 22 refers to 48.【題組】48. According to the passage, which of the following is true about Matthew F. Maury? (A) His ship traveled to the North Pole in 1893. (B) He believed winds to be the source of currents. (C) His studies or wind patterns enabled sailors to shorten their travel times. (D) He believed that currents flowed only from warmer regions to cooler ones. 49.【題組】49. The passage suggests which of the following about the visit of The Fram to the North Pole? (A) Matthew F. Maury was aboard The Fram when it traveled to the North Pole. (B) During The Pram's visit to the North Pole. Matthew F. Maury's belief about the North Pole's sea was tested. (C) The discoveries of The Pram were later refuted by Matthew F. Maury's discoveries. (D) The Pram found that the water surrounding the North Pole was ice free. 50.【題組】50. What did the voyages of HMS Challenger (line 13) and The Pram (line 26) have (A) Both provided new scientific data about the Gulf Stream. (B) Both disproved previously accepted scientific beliefs. (C) Both voyages took place at the same time. (D) Both voyages produced maps of the seabed.

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A new protocol using the viscous remanent magnetization (VRM) of boulders to date cataclysmic geological events such as tsunamis, glacial floods, and landslides is presented and its performance is assessed against two jökulhlaups (glacial floods) of known age in Iceland. High-intensity jökulhlaups have the ability to break off large boulders from bedrock and emplace and rotate them. These rocks originally carried a remanent magnetization parallel to the geomagnetic field during their formation. After being rotated by the flood, they acquire a VRM parallel with Earth’s magnetic field. In continuous thermal demagnetization experiments the unblocking temperature of the VRM can be determined, and subsequent rock magnetic VRM acquisition experiments can be used to establish a relationship between the unblocking temperature and the acquisition time, from which the time since the flood can be determined. The protocol was tested on 44 boulders from 2 historical jökulhlaups in Iceland and found to yield good order-of-magnitude estimates: 72 yr (confidence limits 11–360 yr) versus known 155 yr at the Sólheimajökull jökulhlaup and 290 yr (confidence limits 80–2300 yr) versus known 288 yr for the Kotarjökull jökulhlaup. The method can therefore be a valuable tool for future dating of cataclysmic events. Floods with recurrence periods on historic time scales may pose an important natural hazard. These include not only storm floods and tsunamis, but also jökulhlaups, i.e., sudden high-volume glacial meltwater outbursts, which are common in Iceland, where they may have affected early settlement in medieval time (Smith and Dugmore, 2006). For risk management and planning, it is imperative to understand the history and recurrence of these and similar events. Dating methods exist, but have various shortcomings. Radiocarbon dating relies on the presence of organic material, cosmogenic radionuclide dating of flood deposits relies on fresh exposed surfaces (Icelandic rocks are mostly covered by snow), lichenometry relies on environmental conditions (e.g., air pollution), and tephrochronology relies on frequent close-by volcanic eruptions. Most rocks, however, contain small magnetic minerals that acquire a natural remanent magnetization (NRM) in the direction of Earth’s magnetic field at the time of their formation (Fig. 1). If it is subsequently reoriented during a flood, the NRM will in general no longer be aligned with the Earth’s magnetic field; the magnetic minerals then gradually acquire a new viscous remanent magnetization (VRM) in the direction of the ambient field that partially overprints the original NRM (Néel, 1949). For magnetically uniform, single-domain (SD) particles, the size of a VRM is a function of time, temperature, mineralogy, and grain-size distribution (Néel, 1949). Both the VRM and the original NRM can be recovered by demagnetizing the samples to progressively higher temperatures and measuring the remaining remanent magnetization vector: first, removing and identifying the VRM, and then the NRM. The temperature at which the VRM is completely removed is a function of VRM acquisition time and can be used to date the movement of the rock (e.g., Heller and Markert, 1973). Unlike other methods, VRM dating intrinsically reliant on the rocks, and is independent of external factors. Until now, there was no generally accepted VRM dating method: Heller and Markert (1973) used alternating-field (AF) demagnetization to date the construction age of Hadrian’s Wall in northern England, Borradaile (1996) and Borradaile and Almqvist (2006) determined empirical calibration curves from dated archaeological material to date events of unknown age, and Kent (1985) and Smith and Verosub (1994) used a combination of stepwise thermal heating and room-temperature measurements to study limestone burial and landslides. Sato et al. (2014) applied the same technique to two tsunami-emplaced coral boulders: one yielded a paleomagnetic age of 1700 yr versus a radiocarbon age of 243 yr, and the other yielded 14 ka versus a maximum of 6 ka age of the formation of the reef. Muxworthy et al. (2015) measured the remanences of basalt boulders emplaced by floods in Iceland and Lake Bonneville (North America) at elevated temperatures as they were continuously heated and demagnetized. One estimate was accurate (80 yr versus a historically recorded 91 yr, Iceland), one was accurate to order of magnitude (15 ka versus a poorly constrained age estimate of 2.5 ka, Iceland), and one was incorrect (3.2 Ma versus 15 ka, Lake Bonneville), possibly due to large ambient temperature variations. Crider et al. (2015), using stepwise thermal demagnetization, could distinguish ages of four glacial moraines from Icicle Creek (Washington State, USA), with three ages in good agreement with cosmogenic ages (between 12 and 72 ka) and the oldest one (105 ka) being overestimated by VRM dating. In this paper we develop a new robust protocol based on an objective and quantitative framework for VRM dating, and test its performance on two historical glacial floods (jökulhlaups) in Iceland. SAMPLING AND METHODS A total of 44 boulders between ∼1 and 2 m diameter (Item DR1 in the GSA Data Repository1) were sampled from 2 locations in Iceland in August 2013 (Fig. 2), Sólheimajökull, and Kotarjökull. Sólheimajökull is a glacial tongue at the southern tip of Mýrdalsjökull that overlies Katla volcano, which erupted multiple times throughout recorded history, causing large-scale jökulhlaups, the last time in A.D. 1860 (Eliasson et al., 2006). At Kotarjökull, which is part of Vatnajökull, the last jökulhlaup occurred in 1727 (Thorarinsson, 1958). Jökulhlaups recur at irregular intervals, but we assume that the boulders that are still onshore were only moved during the last event (moreover, the most recent remagnetization likely completely or almost completely overprinted any previous VRM). The expected ages at the time of collection are 155 yr (Sólheimajökull) and 288 yr (Kotarjökull). For each boulder, 5–8 independently oriented 1 cm cores were taken using a drill, and immediately stored in magnetically shielded containers until sample preparation and thermal demagnetization on Orion three-axis, high-temperature, low-field vibrating sample magnetometers (VSM) at Imperial College London and the Geomagnetic Observatory Borok, Russia. This instrument demagnetizes and measures strongly magnetic samples such as basalts of up to 1 cm in size, and was calibrated using a thermocouple cemented into a sample to ±1 °C accuracy. Hysteresis loops, backfield curves, and first-order reversal curves (FORC) were measured for sample characterization on high-field Princeton VSMs at Imperial College and at the Institute of Rock Magnetism, University of Minnesota, USA. THEORY OF VRM DATING The principle of VRM dating is to relate the demagnetization temperature of the viscous remagnetization to the acquisition time post-flood. For SD particles, there is an expression to relate the temperature at the field location TA and the time tA of VRM acquisition to the demagnetization temperature TD in the laboratory experiment and the time scale tD of the experiment (Pullaiah et al. 1975). Assuming shape anisotropy dominating the magnetic remanence, this can be writtenwhere TC is the Curie temperature of the magnetic mineral and τ0 is a material constant that is 10−8 to 10−12 s, but remains poorly constrained (Berndt et al., 2015); Sato et al. (2014) used 10−10 s and Muxworthy et al. (2015) used 10−9 s. Other works (e.g., Kent, 1985; Smith and Verosub, 1994) assessed a modified version of Equation 1 by Middleton and Schmidt (1982) that is now known to be inappropriate for VRM dating (see Item DR2). For VRM dating, one must determine all the parameters in Equation 1 and solve for tA, the age of the flood (or more generally, the redeposited material). Demagnetization Temperature TD in Curved Demagnetization Plots The demagnetization temperature TD is the unblocking temperature of the VRM, i.e., the inflection point in a demagnetization plot where the viscous remagnetization is fully removed. Often demagnetization plots do not show a clear single unblocking temperature, but can show significant curvature. In these cases, selecting the unblocking temperature visually as done by other VRM dating attempts is highly subjective (e.g., Muxworthy et al., 2015). Therefore, the selection of this point has been automated, following an approach similar to that in Crider et al. (2015): first, the demagnetization data are smoothed with a spline fit; second, the differential direction of the demagnetization vector is calculated; and third, the point of intermediate direction between the original magnetization and the viscous remagnetization is chosen as the unblocking temperature TD. This way, unblocking temperatures could be obtained even from strongly curved plots. We consider the point of intermediate direction the best choice for theoretical reasons outlined in Item DR3. Demagnetization Time tD for Continuous Thermal Demagnetization In conventional stepwise thermal demagnetization experiments, a sample is heated in zero-field to some temperature TD, and kept for a time tD (typically a few tens of minutes), after which the sample is cooled to room temperature again and its remaining remanence is measured. The grains with blocking temperatures below TD are thereby demagnetized and the process is repeated at successively higher temperatures. In this case the time tD can be directly inserted into Equation 1. This procedure, however, is not practical to use with temperature increments <10 °C, due to time intensiveness and instrumental accuracies. A difference in 10 °C in temperature, however, implies an order of magnitude in the age due to the logarithmic nature of the equation. Therefore, we used an Orion VSM capable of continuously heating in zero magnetic field (residual field < 100 nT), while continuously measuring the remanent magnetization, allowing for a 1 °C temperature resolution. As Equation 1 assumes a constant temperature over the time tD, a correction for the continuous heating is developed in Item DR4, yielding an effective time scale teff withwhere r is the heating rate and W is the Lambert W function, which is defined as the solution of x = W(x)exp[W(x)]. Two rock magnetic quantities are required: (1) the Curie temperature TC, and (2) the attempt time τ0. The Curie temperature is easily determined by measuring thermomagnetic curves of the spontaneous magnetization MS(T) and determining the point of greatest curvature (Ade-Hall et al., 1965). Viscosity Parameter: Effective Attempt Time t0,eff Various approaches have been proposed to determine the attempt time τ0 (Berndt et al., 2015), yet it remains poorly constrained. As the age estimate is directly proportional to τ0, it is critical to determine it accurately. For this purpose, it is not the actual physical value of τ0 (the period between two successive thermal excitations) that is of interest, but rather an effective τ0,eff that accurately relates TD obtained from vector demagnetization plots to tA. These plots often include non-SD effects like multidomain (MD) behavior, magnetostatic interactions, and thermal alterations; therefore we have developed a method to empirically determine τ0,eff that when used with TD obtained from these plots best predicts the corresponding tA. Even though Equation 1 strictly only applies to ideal SD grains, using an effective τ0,eff partially corrects for errors introduced by pseudo-SD, MD, and interacting grains as the way τ0,eff is obtained realistically recreates the post-flood remagnetization process in the laboratory: First, the sample is heated in the Orion VSM to above TC and cooled in a small-applied field similar to Earth’s magnetic field, creating a new thermoremanent magnetization (TRM). Second, the sample is thermally demagnetized by heating in zero field, continuously measuring the remanent magnetization MTRM(T). Third, the demagnetized sample is cooled in zero field to some temperature TA (between 100 and 300 °C), a small field applied, and the sample left in the field for a time tA (between 10 min and 1 day). During this procedure the sample acquires a VRM at known temperature TA and time tA. Fourth, the sample is again demagnetized, measuring the remanent magnetization MVRM(T) of the VRM. The last two steps were repeated (4–9 times) for different acquisition times tA and temperatures TA. For each of these experiments, a synthetic orthogonal-projection vector demagnetization plot was constructed plotting the TRM on one axis and the VRM on a perpendicular axis (Fig. 3). The demagnetization temperatures TD for the VRMs were determined using the algorithm described here. Equation 2 is used to obtain the demagnetization time tD from the known heating rate r. The quantities TA, tA, TD, and tD are then used in Equation 1 to solve for τ0 (as the experiment is repeated several times per sample, the τ0 value that minimizes the least-square errors is chosen). As the experiment approximates the natural TRM and post-flood VRM acquisition in the field, the natural and laboratory curvatures should be similar and the determined demagnetization temperatures comparable. Field Temperature TA The temperature TA in the field (post-flood) is taken from mean annual temperatures from climate data from A.D. 1961 to 2013 available from the Icelandic Meteorological Office (http://en.vedur.is/): 5.5 °C for the station Vík í Mýrda 20 km from Sólheimajökull, and 4.8 °C for the station Fagurhólsmýri 8 km from Kotarjökull. SELECTION CRITERIA FOR VRM DATING Not all of samples are equally well suited for the dating. Rocks may have been realigned, but they may have also been affected by other events, e.g., weathering and lightning strikes. They may also contain a large variety of magnetic mineralogies with complex (un)blocking spectra from which it is difficult to recover the VRM. An objective set of criteria is needed to identify suitable samples and reject unsuitable ones, and to analyze the accuracy of resulting age estimates. An emplaced boulder is expected to carry an original NRM in a random direction (high temperature) and a northward VRM (low temperature) (Fig. 1). Several samples were taken for each boulder, directions obtained from principal component analysis (Kirschvink, 1980), and the mean directions per boulder using Fisher (1953) statistics. The following criteria must be met. Northward trend of VRM: the direction of the VRM should tend northward; if not, then the VRM is likely a pre-flood remagnetization (Muxworthy et al., 2015). The direction rarely aligns perfectly with the north, because of (1) paleo–secular variation, (2) distortion of directions on continuous thermal demagnetization technique due to the temperature variation of MS(T), (3) the slow statistical process of VRM acquisition that tends to give less clear directions than TRMs, and (4) non-SD behavior (e.g., overlapping MD tails; Dunlop and Özdemir, 2000). Therefore, we accept boulders having mean VRM directions that are closer to the present-day geomagnetic north than their primary NRM direction. Clustering of VRM (Muxworthy et al., 2015): all the samples of one boulder should have roughly the same VRM direction, otherwise some samples may have altered, been subjected to elevated temperatures, or have complex mineralogies that do not reliably record a VRM (an α95 of 60° was used as a cutoff value). Clustering of original NRM: we introduce the new criterion that all independently oriented samples of one boulder should have roughly the same original NRM; otherwise, it would indicate that some samples were altered significantly (α95 of 60°). Mineralogical Quality Criterion Equation 1 is valid only for rocks containing a single type of magnetic mineral, but not for rocks containing a variety of different magnetic minerals, as those would acquire VRMs at different rates. A simple test is used to identify mineralogically suitable samples: the MS(T) plots should show a clear and unique Curie temperature. Samples with blurred out and/or exceptionally low TC (<300 °C) likely contain titanomagnetite assemblages of varying titanium content (our independent study), and were rejected. Most samples showed two magnetic components (a VRM and an original NRM), either with a clear inflection point or with a strong curvature in the demagnetization experiments (Fig. 3, inset; Item DR5). In both cases, unblocking temperatures were obtained using the intermediate direction algorithm described here. Directional analysis found that most boulders carried a primary non-north clustering magnetization and a secondary northward clustering remagnetization, i.e., a VRM (Item DR5), but 9 of 44 boulders were rejected because their VRMs did not carry a secondary northward clustering remagnetization. Most samples had a TC close to 580 °C, indicating magnetite, but 8 boulders were rejected for their blurred and low Curie temperatures, ∼200 °C (Item DR6). Hysteresis and FORC diagrams measured for most boulders generally indicated that samples from Sólheimajökull were more SD like, whereas those from Kotarjökull were more pseudo-SD and MD like, but no correlation between suitability for VRM dating and domain state was found (Item DR6). Viscosity experiments yielded median τ0,eff values of 5 × 10−8 s for Sólheimajökull (19 boulders) and 3 × 10−12 s for Kotarjökull (19 boulders), but showed no correlation with domain state (Fig. 3; Item DR7). Using the τ0,eff value for each boulder in Equation 1 allowed for the calculation of post-flood acquisition times for each sample (Fig. 4). Of 20 boulders from Sólheimajökull, 12 passed the criteria outlined here; of 24 boulders from Kotarjökull, 14 passed (Item DR8). Age Estimate and Statistical Error Analysis Age estimates from individually dated samples yielded a large variance covering various orders of magnitude, including both overestimates and underestimates, which may be due to domain states, TA and TD uncertainties, or thermal or chemical alterations. While some of these ages are clearly incorrect (extreme values being 9 h and 1015 yr, i.e., larger than the age of the source rock or smaller than the time between sampling and measuring), no sample was rejected on the basis of the resulting age estimate, as this is the very quantity we aim to determine (doing so would introduce a sampling or confirmation bias); samples were selected purely on the basis of the selection criteria. How uncertainties propagate into the age estimate was investigated in Muxworthy et al. (2015); however, a full statistical treatment of sample variation is difficult because the variation is unlikely to be normally distributed: Equation 1 depends exponentially on TF and TL, but linearly on tL, and in a nontrivial way on the parameters used to calculate τ0. The underlying distribution is unknown; we therefore use a two-step bootstrap method similar to the one developed by Tarduno et al. (1990) to obtain both a flood-age estimate and uncertainty limits. The method (Item DR9) is based on (1) taking random resamples from the samples of each boulder to estimate the intersample variation for each boulder, and then (2) taking random resamples from all boulders to estimate the interboulder variation. From the resulting distribution, a median age and error limits corresponding to one standard deviation (i.e., the 16% and 84% quantiles) are obtained. The final age estimate thus obtained is 72 yr for the Sólheimajökull flood, the actual known age of which is 155 yr, and 290 yr for the Kotarjökull flood, which has a known age of 288 yr. The confidence limits are 11–360 yr for the Sólheimajökull flood and 80–2300 yr for the Kotarjökull flood. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS We have shown that our new protocol has the potential to successfully reconstruct the age of historic floods, with median ages closely approaching the real ages in the two test cases. It is more rigorous and has a more sophisticated error analysis than previous methods (e.g., Sato et al., 2014; Muxworthy et al., 2015). It is critical to have a sufficiently large sampling size because age estimates obtained from individual boulders can yield vastly different results; ∼20 boulders with 5 samples each is enough to obtain an order-of-magnitude estimate, but larger sampling sizes may reduce uncertainties. The method has been put on a sound theoretical foundation compared to previous studies, taking into account the heating-rate effect and correct choice of the rock magnetic parameters (effective attempt time, Curie temperature), controlling the VRM acquisition rate, and setting out a protocol for sampling, experimental procedure, data treatment, quality control, and error analysis. This should be a key step in establishing VRM dating as a tool for flood dating and subsequent risk assessment and mitigation. We are grateful to V. Shcherbakov for use of the vibrating sample magnetometer at the Geomagnetic Observatory Borok, Russia, and for the visiting researcher fellowship to the Institute of Rock Magnetism (University of Minnesota), supported through the U.S. National Science Foundation and the Keck Foundation. - Received 13 September 2016. - Revision received 19 December 2016. - Accepted 22 December 2016. - © The Authors Gold Open Access: This paper is published under the terms of the CC-BY license.

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Cyclic Vomiting Syndrome What is cyclic vomiting syndrome? Cyclic vomiting syndrome, sometimes referred to as CVS, is an increasingly recognized disorder with sudden, repeated attacks—also called episodes—of severe nausea, vomiting, and physical exhaustion that occur with no apparent cause. The episodes can last from a few hours to several days. Episodes can be so severe that a person has to stay in bed for days, unable to go to school or work. A person may need treatment at an emergency room or a hospital during episodes. After an episode, a person usually experiences symptom-free periods lasting a few weeks to several months. To people who have the disorder, as well as their family members and friends, cyclic vomiting syndrome can be disruptive and frightening. The disorder can affect a person for months, years, or decades. Each episode of cyclic vomiting syndrome is usually similar to previous ones, meaning that episodes tend to start at the same time of day, last the same length of time, and occur with the same symptoms and level of intensity. What is the gastrointestinal (GI) tract? The GI tract is a series of hollow organs joined in a long, twisting tube from the mouth to the anus—the opening through which stool leaves the body. The body digests food using the movement of muscles in the GI tract, along with the release of hormones and enzymes. Cyclic vomiting syndrome affects the upper GI tract, which includes the mouth, esophagus, stomach, small intestine, and duodenum, the first part of the small intestine. The esophagus is the muscular tube that carries food and liquids from the mouth to the stomach. The stomach slowly pumps the food and liquids through the duodenum and into the rest of the small intestine, which absorbs nutrients from food particles. This process is automatic and people are usually not aware of it, though people sometimes feel food in their esophagus when they swallow something too large, try to eat too quickly, or drink hot or cold liquids. What causes cyclic vomiting syndrome? The cause of cyclic vomiting syndrome is unknown. However, some experts believe that some possible problems with bodily functions may contribute to the cause, such as the following: - gastrointestinal motility—the way food moves through the digestive system - central nervous system function—includes the brain, spinal cord, and nerves that control bodily responses - autonomic nervous system function—nerves that control internal organs such as the heart - hormone imbalances—hormones are a chemical produced in one part of the body and released into the blood to trigger or regulate particular bodily functions - in children, an abnormal inherited gene may also contribute to the condition Specific conditions or events may trigger an episode of cyclic vomiting: - emotional stress, anxiety, or panic attacks—for example, in children, common triggers of anticipatory anxiety are school exams or events, birthday parties, holidays, family conflicts, or travel - infections, such as a sinus infection, a respiratory infection, or the flu - eating certain foods, such as chocolate or cheese, or additives such as caffeine, nitrites—commonly found in cured meats such as hot dogs—and monosodium glutamate, also called MSG - hot weather - menstrual periods - motion sickness - overeating, fasting, or eating right before bedtime - physical exhaustion or too much exercise How common is cyclic vomiting syndrome? Cyclic vomiting syndrome is more common in children than adults, although reports of the syndrome in adults have increased in recent years.1 Usually, children are about 5 years old when diagnosed with cyclic vomiting syndrome, which occurs in every three out of 100,000 children.2 Who is more likely to develop cyclic vomiting syndrome? Children who suffer from migraines—severe, throbbing headaches with nausea, vomiting, and sensitivity to light and sound—are more likely to develop cyclic vomiting syndrome. Up to 80 percent of children and 25 percent of adults who develop cyclic vomiting syndrome also get migraine headaches.1 People with a family history of migraines may be more likely to develop the syndrome. People with a history of chronic marijuana use may also be more likely to develop cyclic vomiting syndrome. What are the symptoms of cyclic vomiting syndrome? The main symptoms of cyclic vomiting syndrome are severe nausea and sudden vomiting lasting hours to days. A person may also experience one or more of the following symptoms: - retching, or making an attempt to vomit - heaving or gagging - lack of appetite - abdominal pain - sensitivity to light Intensity of symptoms will vary as a person cycles through four distinct phases of an episode: - Prodrome phase. During the prodrome phase, the person feels that an episode of nausea and vomiting is about to start. Often marked by intense sweating and nausea—with or without abdominal pain—this phase can last from a few minutes to several hours. The person may appear unusually pale. - Vomiting phase. This phase consists of intense nausea, vomiting, and retching. Periods of vomiting and retching can last 20 to 30 minutes at a time. The person may be subdued and responsive, immobile and unresponsive, or writhing and moaning with intense abdominal pain. An episode can last from hours to days. - Recovery phase. This phase begins when the vomiting and retching stop and the nausea subsides. Improvement of symptoms during the recovery phase can vary. Healthy color, appetite, and energy return gradually or right away. - Well phase. This phase occurs between episodes when no symptoms are present. What are the complications of cyclic vomiting syndrome? The severe vomiting and retching that define cyclic vomiting syndrome increase the chance of developing several complications, including dehydration, esophagitis, a Mallory-Weiss tear, and tooth decay. - Dehydration may occur when a person does not replace fluids that were lost because of vomiting and diarrhea. When dehydrated, the body lacks enough fluid and electrolytes—minerals in salts, including sodium, potassium, and chloride—to function properly. Severe dehydration may require intravenous (IV) fluids and hospitalization. - Esophagitis—inflammation or irritation of the esophagus—can result from the stomach acid that exits through the esophagus during vomiting. - A Mallory-Weiss tear—a tear in the lower end of the esophagus—is caused by severe vomiting. A person with bloody vomit and stool should see a health care provider right away. - Tooth decay or corroding tooth enamel is damage caused by stomach acid. How is cyclic vomiting syndrome diagnosed? A specific test to diagnose cyclic vomiting syndrome does not exist; instead, a health care provider will rule out other conditions and diagnose the syndrome based upon - a medical and family history - a physical exam - a pattern or cycle of symptoms - blood tests - urine tests - imaging tests - upper GI endoscopy - a gastric emptying test Often, it is suspected that one of the following is causing their symptoms: - gastroparesis—a disorder that slows or stops the movement of food from the stomach to the small intestine - gastroenteritis—inflammation of the lining of the stomach, small intestine, and large intestine A diagnosis of cyclic vomiting syndrome may be difficult to make until the person sees a health care provider. A health care provider will suspect cyclic vomiting syndrome if the person suffers from repeat episodes of vomiting. Medical and Family History Taking a medical and family history is one of the first things a health care provider may do to help diagnose cyclic vomiting syndrome. He or she will ask the patient to provide a medical and family history. A physical exam may help diagnose other conditions besides cyclic vomiting syndrome. During a physical exam, a health care provider usually - examines a patient’s body - taps on specific areas of the patient’s body Pattern or Cycle of Symptoms in Children3 A health care provider will often suspect cyclic vomiting syndrome in a child when the child - has at least five separate episodes, or at least three separate episodes over 6 months - has episodes of intense nausea and vomiting lasting 1 hour to 10 days and occurring at least 1 week apart - has episodes that are similar to previous ones—they tend to start at the same time of day, last the same length of time, and occur with the same symptoms and level of intensity - vomits during episodes at least four times per hour for at least 1 hour - vomits and it is not attributed to another disorder - has absence of nausea and vomiting between episodes Pattern or Cycle of Symptoms in Adults4,5 A health care provider will often suspect cyclic vomiting syndrome in adults when the following is present for at least 3 months and the symptoms started more than 6 months ago: - Each episode of cyclic vomiting syndrome is usually similar to previous ones, meaning that episodes tend to start at the same time of day and last the same length of time—less than 1 week. - Three or more separate episodes in the past year. - Absence of nausea or vomiting between episodes. A nurse or technician will draw blood samples at a health care provider’s office or a commercial facility and send the samples to a lab for analysis. The blood test can tell the health care provider if the patient has any signs of dehydration or other problems. Urinalysis involves testing a urine sample. The patient collects a urine sample in a special container in a health care provider’s office or a commercial facility. A health care provider tests the sample in the same location or sends the sample to a lab for analysis. A urinalysis can rule out kidney problems or an infection. The health care provider decides which test to order based on the symptoms, medical history, and physical exam. Upper GI series. A health care provider may order an upper GI series to look at the upper GI tract. A radiologist—a doctor who specializes in medical imaging—performs this test at a hospital or an outpatient center. This test does not require anesthesia. The patient should not eat or drink for 8 hours before the procedure, if possible. During the procedure, the patient will stand or sit in front of an x-ray machine and drink barium, a chalky liquid. Infants lie on a table and a health care provider gives them barium through a tiny tube placed in the nose that runs into the stomach. Barium coats the GI tract, making signs of obstruction or other problems that can cause vomiting show up more clearly on x rays. A patient may experience bloating and nausea for a short time after the test. The upper GI series can show other problems that may be causing symptoms, such as an ulcer or obstruction. Abdominal ultrasound. A health care provider may order an ultrasound to look at the organs in the abdomen. A technician uses a device, called a transducer, that bounces safe, painless sound waves off organs to create an image of their structure. The technician performs the procedure in a health care provider’s office, an outpatient center, or a hospital. A radiologist interprets the images. A patient does not need anesthesia. The abdominal ultrasound can show other problems that may be causing symptoms, such as gallstones. Upper Gastrointestinal Endoscopy This procedure involves using an endoscope—a small, flexible tube with a light—to see the upper GI tract. A gastroenterologist—a doctor who specializes in digestive diseases—performs the test at a hospital or an outpatient center. A health care provider may give a patient a liquid anesthetic to gargle or may spray anesthetic on the back of the patient’s throat. A nurse or technician will place an IV needle in a vein in the arm to administer sedation or anesthesia. Sedatives or anesthesia help a patient stay relaxed and comfortable. The gastroenterologist carefully inserts the endoscope into the mouth and feeds the endoscope down the esophagus and into the stomach and duodenum. A small camera mounted on the endoscope transmits a video image to a monitor, allowing close examination of the intestinal lining. The upper GI endoscopy can show other problems that may be causing symptoms, such as an ulcer. A gastroenterologist may obtain a biopsy—a procedure that involves taking a small piece of tissue for examination with a microscope—of the small-intestinal lining during an upper GI endoscopy. The patient will not feel the biopsy. Gastric Emptying Test Also called gastric emptying scintigraphy, this test involves eating a bland meal—such as eggs or an egg substitute—that contains a small amount of radioactive material. A specially trained technician performs the test in a radiology center or hospital, and a radiologist interprets the results; the patient does not need anesthesia. An external camera scans the abdomen to show where the radioactive material is located. The radiologist is then able to measure the rate of gastric emptying at 1, 2, 3, and 4 hours after the meal. How is cyclic vomiting syndrome treated? A health care provider may refer patients to a gastroenterologist for treatment. People with cyclic vomiting syndrome should get plenty of rest and take medications to prevent a vomiting episode, stop an episode in progress, speed up recovery, or relieve associated symptoms. The health care team tailors treatment to the symptoms experienced during each of the four cyclic vomiting syndrome phases: - Prodrome phase treatment. The goal during the prodrome phase is to stop an episode before it progresses. Taking medication early in the phase can help stop an episode from moving to the vomiting phase or becoming severe; however, people do not always realize an episode is coming. For example, a person may wake up in the morning and begin vomiting. A health care provider may recommend the following medications for both children and adults: - ondansetron (Zofran) or lorazepam (Ativan) for nausea - ibuprofen for abdominal pain - ranitidine (Zantac), lansoprazole (Prevacid), or omeprazole (Prilosec, Zegerid) to control stomach acid production - sumatriptan (Imitrex)—prescribed as a nasal spray, an injection, or a pill that dissolves under the tongue—for migraines - Vomiting phase treatment. Once vomiting begins, people should call or see a health care provider as soon as possible. Treatment usually requires the person to stay in bed and sleep in a dark, quiet room. A health care provider may recommend the following for both children and adults: - medication for pain, nausea, and reducing stomach acid and anxiety - anti-migraine medications such as sumatriptan to stop symptoms of a migraine or possibly stop an episode in progress - hospitalization for severe nausea and vomiting - IV fluids and medications to prevent dehydration and treat symptoms - IV nutrition if an episode continues for several days - Recovery phase treatment. During the recovery phase, drinking and eating will replace lost electrolytes. A person may need IV fluids for a period of time. Some people find their appetite returns to normal right away, while others start by drinking clear liquids and then moving slowly to other liquids and solid food. A health care provider may prescribe medications during the recovery phase and well phase to prevent future episodes. - Well phase treatment. During the well phase, a health care provider may use medications to treat people whose episodes are frequent and long lasting in an effort to prevent or ease future episodes. A person may need to take a medication daily for 1 to 2 months before evaluating whether it helps prevent episodes. A health care provider may prescribe the following medications for both children and adults during the well phase to prevent cyclic vomiting syndrome episodes, lessen their severity, and reduce their frequency: - amitriptyline (Elavil) - propranolol (Inderal) - cyproheptadine (Periactin) How can a person prevent cyclic vomiting syndrome? A person should stay away from known triggers, especially during the well phase, as well as - get adequate sleep to prevent exhaustion - treat sinus problems or allergies - seek help on reducing stress and anxiety - avoid foods that trigger episodes or foods with additives A health care provider may refer people with cyclic vomiting syndrome and anxiety to a stress management specialist for relaxation therapy or other treatments. A health care provider may prescribe medications to prevent migraines for people with cyclic vomiting syndrome. Eating, Diet, and Nutrition During the prodrome and vomiting phases of cyclic vomiting syndrome, a person will generally take in little or no nutrition by mouth. During the recovery phase, the person may be quite hungry as soon as the vomiting stops. As eating resumes, a person or his or her family should watch for the return of nausea. In some cases, a person can start with clear liquids and proceed slowly to a regular diet. During the well phase, a balanced diet and regular meals are important. People should avoid any trigger foods and foods with additives. Eating small, carbohydrate-containing snacks between meals, before exercise, and at bedtime may help prevent future attacks. A health care provider will assist with planning a return to a regular diet. Points to Remember - Cyclic vomiting syndrome, sometimes referred to as CVS, is an increasingly recognized disorder with sudden, repeated attacks—also called episodes—of severe nausea, vomiting, and physical exhaustion that occur with no apparent cause. - The disorder can affect a person for months, years, or decades. - The cause of cyclic vomiting syndrome is unknown. - The severe vomiting and retching that define cyclic vomiting syndrome increase the chance of developing several complications, including dehydration, esophagitis, a Mallory-Weiss tear, and tooth decay. - Intensity of symptoms will vary as a person cycles through four distinct phases of an episode. - The main symptoms of cyclic vomiting syndrome are severe nausea and sudden vomiting lasting hours to days. - People with cyclic vomiting syndrome should get plenty of rest and take medications to prevent a vomiting episode, stop an episode in progress, speed up recovery, or relieve associated symptoms. - During the well phase, a balanced diet and regular meals are important. A health care provider will assist with planning a return to a regular diet. The National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK) and other components of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) conduct and support research into many diseases and conditions. What are clinical trials, and are they right for you? Clinical trials are part of clinical research and at the heart of all medical advances. Clinical trials look at new ways to prevent, detect, or treat disease. Researchers also use clinical trials to look at other aspects of care, such as improving the quality of life for people with chronic illnesses. Find out if clinical trials are right for you. What clinical trials are open? Clinical trials that are currently open and are recruiting can be viewed at www.ClinicalTrials.gov. - PDF Version (594 KB) This content is provided as a service of the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK), part of the National Institutes of Health. The NIDDK translates and disseminates research findings through its clearinghouses and education programs to increase knowledge and understanding about health and disease among patients, health professionals, and the public. Content produced by the NIDDK is carefully reviewed by NIDDK scientists and other experts. The NIDDK would like to thank: David R. Fleisher, M.D., Children’s Hospital, University of Missouri Health Care; Henry P. Parkman, M.D., Temple University School of Medicine

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GI VR/AR 2012 Imitation learning is a promising approach for generating life-like behaviors of virtual humans and humanoid robots. So far, however, imitation learning has been mostly restricted to single agent settings where observed motions are adapted to new environment conditions but not to the dynamic behavior of interaction partners. In this paper, we introduce a new imitation learning approach that is based on the simultaneous motion capture of two human interaction partners. From the observed interactions, low-dimensional motion models are extracted and a mapping between these motion models is learned. This interaction model allows the real-time generation of agent behaviors that are responsive to the body movements of an interaction partner. The interaction model can be applied both to the animation of virtual characters as well as to the behavior generation for humanoid robots. Keywords: Imitation learning, motor learning, motion adaptation, interaction learning, virtual characters, humanoid robots Keywords: imitation learning, motor learning, motion adaptation, interaction learning, virtual characters, humanoid robots SWD: Motorisches Lernen, Humanoider Roboter Generating natural behavior for synthetic humanoids such as virtual characters and humanoid robots in interactive settings is a difficult task. Many degrees of freedom have to be controlled and coordinated so as to realize smooth movements and convincing reactions to the environment and interaction partners. A common approach for the generation of human-like behaviors is based on motion capture data. Movements recorded from human demonstrators are replayed and possibly slightly altered to fit the current situation. So far, however, approaches based on real-time adaptation of motion capture data have been mostly restricted to settings in which the behavior of only one agent is recorded during the data acquisition phase. As a result, the mutual dependencies inherent to the interaction between two agents cannot be represented and, thus, reproduced. During a live interaction, a synthetic humanoid may not be able to appropriately respond to the behavior of a human interaction partner. Moreover, due to recent developments in cheap motion capture technologies, e.g. the Kinect camera, there is an increasing need for algorithms that can generate responses to perceived body movements of a human interaction partner. E.g. in gaming, a virtual character should recognize the behavior of the human player and respond with an appropriate reaction. In this paper, we present a novel approach for realizing responsive synthetic humanoids, that can learn to react to the body movements of a human interaction partner. The approach extends traditional imitation learning [ BCDS08 ] to settings involving two persons. Using motion capture technology, the movements of a pair of persons are first recorded and then processed using machine learning algorithms. The resulting interaction model encodes which postures of the passive interaction partner have been obtained depending on postures of the active interaction partner. Once a model is learned, it can be used by a synthetic humanoid (passive interaction partner) to engage in a similar interaction with a human counter part. The presented interaction learning approach addresses not only the question of what to imitate, but also when to imitate (c.f. [ DN02 ]). This paper is organized as follows: In Section 2 we discuss related work. In Section 3 we introduce two-person interaction models and describe how to learn them from the simultaneous motion capture of two interaction partners. Section 4 shows examples how two-person interaction models can be applied to the behavior generation of virtual characters. In Section 5, we discuss two alternative machine learning algorithms for training our two-person interaction models. In section 6 we discuss the applicability of two-person interaction models to humanoid robots briefly before we finally conclude in Section 7. Motion capture has been widely used for animating virtual characters. However, adapting the acquired motion data to new situations is a difficult task that is usually performed offline. In contrast, interactive settings as considered in our approach require the real-time adaptation of motion capture data. Some of the previous approaches for this are discussed in the following. In [ YL10 ], for example, feedback controllers are constructed that can be used to adapt motion capture data sequences to physical pertubations and changes in the virtual environment. The approach formulates motion tracking as an optimal control problem whereby optimization methods derive parameters of a controller for real-time generation of full-body motions. Multon and colleagues [ MKHK09 ] present a framework for animating virtual characters, where motion capture data is adapted in real-time based on a morphology-independent representation of motion and space-time constraints. Ishigaki et al. [ IWZL09 ] introduced a control mechanism that utilizes example motions as well as live user movements to drive a kinematic controller. Here, a physics model generates a character's reactive motions. Generating natural looking motions is also a focal point in the field of humanoid robotics. Researchers have extended the concept of motion capture by introducing imitation learning techniques, which can learn a compact representation of the observed behavior [ BCDS08 ]. Once a motion representation is learned, it can be used to synthesize new movements similar to the shown behavior while at the same time adapting them to the current environmental conditions. Imitation learning, thus, aims to combine the advantages of model-driven approaches, such as adaptability to unknown execution contexts, with benefits of data-driven approaches, such as synthesis of more natural-looking motions. In an motion generation approach presented by Calinon et al. [ CDS10 ] Gaussian Mixture Regression models and Hidden Markov models (HMMs) are used to learn new gestures from multiple human demonstrations. In doing so time-independent models are built to reproduce the dynamics of observed movements. In [ YT08 ] the authors utilize recurrent neural networks to learn abstract task representations, e.g. pick and place. During offline training a robots' arms are guided to desired positions and the teachers' demonstrations are captured. Figure 1. Use of two-person interaction models: Two humans' live-motions are captured, e.g. using the Kinect depth camera, and projected to a low-dimensional posture space. This space is used to learn a model of the shown interaction which is then utilized for motion generation for a synthetic humanoid in real-time. In recent years, various attempts have been under- taken for using machine learning in human-robot-interaction scenarios. In [ WDA12 ], an extension of the Gaussian Process Dynamics Model was used to infer the intention of a human player during a table-tennis game. Through the analysis of the human player's movement, a robot player was able to determine the position to which the ball will be returned. This predictive ability allowed the robot to initiate its movements even before the human hit the ball. In [ IAM12 ], Gaussian mixture models were used to adapt the timing of a humanoid robot to that of a human partner in close-contact interaction scenarios. The parameters of the interaction model were updated using binary evaluation information obtained from the human. While the approach allowed for human-in-the-loop learning and adaptation, it did not include any imitation of observed interactions. In a similar vein, the work in [ LN10 ] showed how a robot can be actively involved in learning how to interact with a human partner. The robot performed a previously learned motion pattern and observed the partner's reaction to it. Learning was realized by recognizing the observed reaction and by encoding the action-reaction patterns in a HMM. The HMM was then used to synthesize similar interactions. However, in all of the above approaches, the synthetic humanoid's motion is generated from motion demonstrations by only one actor. In contrast, the approach presented below draws on the simultaneous motion capture of two actors that demonstrate example human-human interactions. In this section, a novel interaction learning method is introduced that allows virtual characters as well as humanoid robots to responsively react to the on-going movements of a human interaction partner (see Figure 1). At the core of our approach is an interaction model which is learned from example interactions of two human actors. The interaction model is built in three steps: (1) Interactions between two persons are recorded via motion capture; (2) the dimensionality of the recorded motions is reduced; and, (3) a mapping between the two low-dimensional motions is learned. In the first step, the movements of two people interacting with each other are captured. In general, the presented interaction learning approach is independent of particular motion capture systems. For development and testing, we used the Kinect sensor to record joint angles. The precision of the calculated joint angles depends on the sampling rate. In general, low sampling rates lead to small datasets lacking accuracy whereas high sampling rates result in larger datasets with increased precision. Also, higher sampling rates may lead to redundant joint angle values for slow motions. For the behaviors used in this paper a sampling rate of 30fps is used. Recorded motions are very high dimensional as 48 joint angles are captured per actor. A problem that arises when recording such motions is that not all measured variables are important in order to understand the underlying phenomena [ EL04 ]. Hence, dimensionality reduction should be applied to remove the redundant information, producing a more economic representation of the recorded motion. To this end, we use Principal Component Analysis (PCA) for construction of a low-dimensional posture space [ Amo10 ] which will be explained further in the following section. Principal Component Analysis (PCA) is applied to the high-dimensional motion capture data to yield a low-dimensional posture space [ Amo10 ]. PCA reduces the dimensionality of a dataset based on the covariance matrix of modeled variables. Dimensionality reduction is achieved by finding a small set of orthogonal linear combinations (the principal components) of the original variables depending on the largest variance. Previous results indicate that for most skills 90% of the original information can be retained with two to four principal components [ ABVJ09 ]. Each point in the posture space corresponds to a pose of the synthetic humanoid as illustrated in figure 2. Accordingly, a trajectory in posture space corresponds to a continuous movement. Hence, new behaviors can be created by generating trajectories in the posture space and projecting these back to the original high-dimensional space of joint angle values [ Amo10 ]. Figure 2. A low-dimensional posture space for a kick behavior reduced to two dimensions with principal component analysis. Every point in this space corresponds to a posture which can be reprojected to its original dimensionality and adopted by a virtual human or humanoid robot. A two-person interaction model is the combination of two low-dimensional posture spaces with a mapping function from one posture space to the other. It is important that every point in the input posture space can be mapped to the output posture space and not just a subset of points, e.g.points lying on the low-dimensional trajectory of the demonstrated movement. In this way, the interaction model can also map postures that are similar to but not exactly like postures seen during training. Learning input-output relationships from recorded motion data can be considered as the problem of approximating an unknown function. A Feedforward Neural Net (FNN) is known to be well suited for this task [ MC01 ]. Figure 3. Multiple human postures are mapped on single robot/virtual human posture. Input to both nets (Left: FNN; Right: RNN) are the low-dimensional postures from a sliding window over time, i.e. the current posture with a history of preceeding postures. The output is the low-dimensional posture that represents the robot's/virtual human's response to the currently observed posture. In our experiments, we use a simple FNN consisting of three layers, i.e. an input, a hidden and an output layer. How many neurons the hidden layer consists of and which connectivity value has to be used, depends on the recorded motion data. In general, the net should just have enough neurons to fit the data adequately while providing enough generalization capabilities for complex functions. We use 10 neurons in the hidden layer since we found that this fits the data adequately while retaining generalization capabilities for unseen low dimensional points. More neurons could increase generalization but also increase the risk of overfitting the data. For the training of a FNN Levenberg-Marquardt backpropagation is utilized and all points from the low-dimensional trajectory of the active interaction partner are used as training data. Overfitting is avoided by using early stopping. For that low dimensional data is divided into two subsets: for training and testing. The training data is used to adapt the nets weights and biases. The test data is utilized to monitor the validation error. This error normally decreases for a number of iterations. When it starts increasing again, this indicates overfitting and the training is stopped. Generally, not only the current posture but also its history is necessary to determine an appropriate response. As FNNs have no short-term memory, the input to the FNN cannot be limited to the current posture. Instead, theFNN takes as input a sequence of low-dimensional postures, i.e. the current posture and a number of history postures. The labels (output) of the net are all low-dimensional points on the low-dimensional trajectory of the second, reactive interaction partner. Figure 3 shows how a sequence of postures is mapped onto a single output posture using an FNN. Strict feedforward neural nets have no short term memory and cannot store history postures. Desired memory effects are only created due to the way how past inputs are represented in the net. Hence, a sliding window has to be used. And, thus, the amount of input neurons increases with each additional pose by the number of dimensions of the low-dimensional posture space. To circumvent this problem we utilize layered recurrent neural nets (RNN) [ Elm90 ] which have proven to be well suited for modeling various temporal sequences [ FS02,YT08,NNT08 ]. RNNs have a feedback activation in the hidden layer where each hidden neuron feeds back to all hidden neurons. This embodies the desired short term memory. The hidden layer is updated not only with the current external input but also with activations from the previous time-step. This allows the usage of smaller sliding windows and, therefore, less input neurons. In our experiments the amount of neurons in the hidden layer is the same as for feedforward neural nets. Figure 4. Two different punches and defenses have been used to learn an interaction model. Left: A low punch is defended with both arms pointing downwards. Right: A high punch is defended by pulling both arms up for defense. For training, we use Bayesian regulation backpropagation. Training examples are low-dimensional points of the active partner's movements and their mapping onto low-dimensional points on the trajectory of the reactive interaction partner (see figure 3). The trained RNN defines a continuous mapping from the input posture space to the output posture space while preserving the temporal context of the recorded interaction. In the following, we describe two examples where two persons are recorded while performing martial arts. The first interaction is a combination of punches varying in height with proper defenses. The second scenario consists of different kicks also with suitable defenses. For both behaviors, a virtual human learns to block the attacks with the trained defenses. In the first example a two person interaction model is used to generalize various punches and continuously compute motions for a defending virtual character. For that, two behaviors have been recorded. The first is a sequence of low punches at stomach level where the defender stretches his arms forward to block the attack. The second behavior consists of high punches at face level where the defender had to pull up both arms for a proper defense. In the center of figure 4 both punches with their defense motion are shown. The training of the mapping algorithms is based on these two recordings. For each behavior, three repetitions of the respective punching style and their defense are captured. Then, the motions are projected into low dimensional space which can be seen in figure 4 for both interaction partners. Figure 5. The image shows three punches for a user driven avatar (red skeleton) and the calculated virtual characters defense motion (blue skeleton). The user's motion on the left and right were similar to the ones used for model learning. However, the punch height in the middle has not been trained explicitly. Still, the learned model can calculate plausible motions. For live-interaction with a virtual character, the user's current posture is captured at 30fps and projected into the previously created low-dimensional posture space. In combination with previous points a sequence of history poses is used as input for the mapping algorithm which predicts a low-dimensional point in the virtual character's posture space. The resulting point is then projected back to its original dimension and used as target pose for the virtual character. Figure 5 shows how the learned two person interaction model calculates the postures of a virtual character (blue skeleton) depending on postures obtained by a user driven avatar (red skeleton). The left and right of the figure display a newly recorded user motion similar to the ones used to train the mapping algorithm. However, the motion displayed in the center of the figure exhibits a punch height that has not been trained explicitly. Nevertheless, the interaction model can calculate suitable motions for the defending virtual character. With the learned mappings, the virtual character can defend itself against the trained attacks. A clear differentiation between punching heights has been learned. Even for varying punch heights, the virtual human can still respond with correct defense motions. Figure 7. A learned interaction model is used to calculate a virtual character's defend motions (blue character) based on a user controlled avatar (red character). The kick heights on the left and right are similar to the ones obtained during training. However, the kick height in the center was not present in any recording. Nevertheless, the two-person interaction model can generate suitable motions for the defending virtual character. In the second example a two-person interaction model is learned from various kicks allowing a virtual character to defend itself with suitable defenses. For that two different kicks have been recorded. The first is a low kick where the defender needed to bend its knees in order to reach the attackers' foot. The second is a higher kick which was defended with an upright position (see figure 6). For model learning both attack styles were performed three times and combined in a single animation. Since each motion started and ended in an upright position, an enclosed trajectory is created in low-dimensional space, as can be seen in figure 6. This 4-dimensional posture space contains enough information to reconstruct animations with a negligible error. The neural nets were configured to consist of a hidden layer with 10 neurons. Addtionally, the size of the pose history has been set to 5 for FNNs and 2 for RNNs respectively. For a live interaction with the character, the user's current posture is once again fed into the mapping algorithm and an appropriate pose for the defending character is predicted. Figure 7 shows a user controlled character repeating various kicks which where similar to the ones used to drive the nets training. Additionally, a kick height (figure 7 center) not present in the recordings was performed. Since, varying kick heights of the attacker result in different low dimensional points, the virtual characters trajectories are located in the range of the previously recorded motion. Figure 8. Euclidean distances are used to validate both mapping algorithm's qualities. Here, the graph shows distances for a novel punch data set. As it can be seen RNNs exhibit a smaller overall error. For all three kick heights the virtual character learned when to defend itself using a crouched defense and when to block in an upright posture. In both cases the arms need to block the attacker's leg at the right time. For similar kicks, yet with different heights, proper defenses are generated by both FNN and RNN. The interaction model that has been learned during this example allows the control of a virtual character based on demonstrations of only two variants of the behavior. The character is controlled continuously in a low-dimensional space and the model is robust to unseen user postures. Since the executed behaviors are based on human motion data, a life-like appeal of virtual characters can been produced. The interaction models for the examples were learned with both mapping algorithms described above, i.e. FNN and RNN. In order to evaluate the quality of the mappings, the Euclidean distances between desired and trained low-dimensional points are measured, e.g. the training error. For that we recorded another punching example that is similar to the original human motion. A comparison of the resulting error is shown in figure 8 for the punching example. Overall, we found that both mapping algorithms produce similar results. However, FNNs tend to exhibit weaker generalization capabilities. With varying interaction learning scenarios, differing net sizes were used in order to minimize the training error. Since the required size is hard to determine beforehand a cumbersome, trial and error process is inevitable. Figure 9. A pose history improves the overall mappingquality. The figure illustrates how various sizes influence smoothness and response time for the punch behavior of a RNN. With increasing history sizes the net's prediction is shifted to the left, leading to larger response times but at the same time smoother motions are generated. We found that three points, i.e. the original point and two previous points in the posture history produced the best results. Figure 10. Utilizing a two-person interaction model, a humanoid robot can react to the on-going behavior of a human interaction partner. The robot's motion is controlled by a low-dimensional mapping which preserves temporal coherences of the trained behavior. In contrast, RNNs are more tolerant towards untrained inputs and no architecture changes have been required throughout the examples. Furthermore, RNNs maintain a short term memory, which renders posture histories unnecessary. However, we found that by the inclusion of a small number history poses, i.e. two additional postures, smoother responses are generated by the RNN. Figure 9 shows the prediction for training data with various history sizes. As can be seen, the overall response time of the synthetic humanoid increases if additional postures are used to predict the character's pose. We found that 2-point histories, i.e. the original point and two previous points, represent a good compromise between fast response times and high smoothness of the generated movements. This corresponds to the works of Ziemke et al. [ Zie96 ] which came to a similar conclusion. The combination of recurrence and a small sliding window tends to work best. Two person interaction models can also be used to control humanoid robots, although an additional processing step to adapt the resulting motion is necessary. It is generally known that human motion cannot be transfered to robots without further optimization and is generally referred to as the correspondence problem [ ANDA03 ]. To overcome this the low-dimensional trajectory of the defender has to be altered to fit the robot's kinematic chain and stability constraints. For that we utilize an inverse kinematics solver. The two-person interaction model thus maps the original low-dimensional movement of the attacker to the adopted low-dimensional movement of the defender (robot). The learned interaction model is then used to predict robot postures depending on observed user postures. As can be seen in figure 10 a Nao robot successfully mimics the demonstrated defense behavior. In this paper we presented a new approach for teaching synthetic humanoids, such as virtual characters and humanoid robots, how to react to human behavior. A recorded example of the interaction between two persons is used to learn an interaction model specifying how to move in a particular situation. Two machine learning algorithms have been implemented to establish a mapping between (low-dimensional) movements of the two persons: Simple feedforward neural networks (FNN) and layered recurrent neural networks (RNN). While the FNN requires a large sliding window of current and recent body postures as input, the RNN can store previous poses in its internal state and thus can produce appropriate responses with a small sliding window of history poses. In our experiments, the RNN performed slightly better than the FNN. In contrast to previous approaches to interaction modeling found in computer animation and game theory, no explicit segmentation of the seen behavior into separate parts is required. The responses of the synthetic humanoid are calculated continuously, based on learned mapping between the body postures of the observed humans. As a result, the interaction model can generalize to different situations while at the same time producing, smooth continuous movements. Our method can be used to learn how to control synthetic humanoids from observation of similar situations between two humans. This can help to significantly increase the realism in the interaction between a robot and a human, or a virtual character and a human. So far, however, our approach is based on joint angle data and, hence, response generation is based on similarities in joint-space. However, in order to more accurately reflect critical spatial relationships between the body parts of the interaction partners, motion synthesis could also be based on optimizations in task-space. By doing so, we could also better account for varying body heights of both interactants. An interesting addition to the current approach would be a higher-level component for planning and strategic decision making. This could, for example, be realized through a combination of our approach and the approach of Wampler et al. [ WAH10 ]. We also hope to model multiple possible responses per stimulus. In our current setup each movement of the human can trigger only one possible response of the virtual character. A mixture-of-experts approach [ RP06 ], in which several interaction models are combined, can help to overcome this problem. [ABVJ09] Kinesthetic bootstrapping: teaching motor skills to humanoid robots through physical interaction Proceedings of the 32nd annual German conference on advances in artificial intelligence, Springer-Verlag Berlin, Heidelberg KI'09 2009 pp. 492—499 978-3-642-04616-2 [Amo10] Imitation Learning of Motor Skills for Synthetic Humanoids Technische Universität Bergakademie Freiberg 2010. [ANDA03] Solving the Correspondence Problem between Dissimilarly Embodied Robotic Arms Using the ALICE Imitation Mechanism Proceedings of the second international symposium on imitation in animals and artifacts, pp. 79—92 2003. [BCDS08] 59: Robot Programming by Demonstration Handbook of Robotics, Bruno Siciliano Oussama Khatib (Eds.) MIT Press 2008 pp. 1371—1389 978-3-540-23957-4 [CDS10] Evaluation of a probabilistic approach to learn and reproduce gestures by imitation 2010 IEEE International Conference on Robotics and Automation (ICRA), 2010 pp. 2671—2676 1050-4729 [DN02] Kerstin Dautenhahn Chrystopher L. Nehaniv Imitation in animals and artifacts The agent-based perspective on imitation, MIT Press Cambridge, MA, USA 2002 0-262-04203-7 [EL04] Inferring 3D Body Pose from Silhouettes Using Activity Manifold Learning IEEE Computer Society Conference on Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition, IEEE Computer Society Los Alamitos, CA, USA pp. 681—688 2004 0-7695-2158-4 [Elm90] Finding structure in time Cognitive Science, 1990 2 179—211 0364-0213 [FS02] Recurrent network: neurophysiological modeling The Hand Book of Brain Theory and Neural Network, Michael A. Arbib (Ed.) MIT Press Cambridge 2002 pp. 860—863 0262011972 [IAM12] Physical Human-Robot Interaction: Mutual Learning and Adaptation Robotics Automation Magazine, IEEE, 2012 4 24—35 1070-9932 [IWZL09] Performance-based control interface for character animation ACM SIGGRAPH 2009 papers, ACM New York, NY, USA 2009 Article no. 61, 978-1-60558-726-4 [KHL05] Animating reactive motion using momentum-based inverse kinematics: Motion Capture and Retrieval Comput. Animat. Virtual Worlds, 2005 3-4 213—223 1546-4261 [LN10] Mimesis Model from Partial Observations for a Humanoid Robot Int. J. Rob. Res., 2010 1 60—80 0278-3649 [MC01] Recurrent neural networks for prediction: learning algorithms, architectures and stability John Wiley and Sons, Inc. New York, NY, USA Adaptive and learning systems for signal processing, communications, and control, 2001 0471495174 [MKHK09] Interactive animation of virtual humans based on motion capture data Comput. Animat. Virtual Worlds, 2009 5-6 491—500 1546-4261 [MM05] Adapting motion capture data using weighted real-time inverse kinematics Comput. Entertain., 2005 1 5—5 1544-3574 [NNT08] Learning Multiple Goal-Directed Actions Through Self-Organization of a Dynamic Neural Network Model: A Humanoid Robot Experiment Adaptive Behavior, 2008 2-3 166-181 1059-7123 [RP06] Multi-Classifier Systems: Review and a roadmap for developers Int. J. Hybrid Intell. Syst., 2006 1 35—61 1448-5869 [WAH10] Character animation in two-player adversarial games ACM Trans. Graph., 2010 3 Article no. 26, 0730-0301 [WDA12] Probabilistic Modeling of Human Movements for Intention Inference Proceedings of Robotics: Science and Systems (R:SS), 2012 [YL10] Optimal feedback control for character animation using an abstract model ACM Trans. Graph., 2010 4 74:1—74:9 0730-0301 [YT08] Emergence of Functional Hierarchy in a Multiple Timescale Neural Network Model: A Humanoid Robot Experiment PLoS Comput Biol, 2008 3 e1000220 0730-0301 [Zie96] Radar Image Segmentation using Recurrent Artificial Neural Networks Pattern Recognition Letters, 1996 4 319—334 0167-8655 Fulltext as PDF. ( Size 5.8 MB ) Any party may pass on this Work by electronic means and make it available for download under the terms and conditions of the Digital Peer Publishing License. The text of the license may be accessed and retrieved at http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/dppl/DPPL_v2_en_06-2004.html. Recommended citation ¶ David Vogt, Heni Ben Amor, Erik Berger, and Bernhard Jung, Learning Two-Person Interaction Models for Responsive Synthetic Humanoids. Journal of Virtual Reality and Broadcastings, 11(2014), no. 1. (urn:nbn:de:0009-6-38565) Please provide the exact URL and date of your last visit when citing this article.

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My aim in this research paper is to investigate whether the current monetary arrangement has achieved the promised stability, and if not, what other options can we look to solve the problem from an Austrian School perspective. We can summarize the current monetary arrangement as an interdependent relationship between the central bank, fractional-reserve banks and fiat money. Even though this kind of arrangement was originally put forward by independent influential bankers, its contemporary adherents mainly come from the camps of Keynesianism and that of Chicago’s monetarists. Both schools believe the free market is incapable of properly handling the supply and demand for money, and therefore they say, the management of money should be centralized under the control of a monopoly institution with direct ties to the state. In United States, for example, the said monetary arrangement has come into place in 1913 when the Federal Reserve system was created. Before the Fed, America had two central banks which were later abolished. What persisted, however, was a proto fractional-reserve banking system instituted in 1837 to start a period known as the “Free Banking” era which lasted until 1862. During that period, banks were free to issue notes against their specie, while the states regulated their reserve requirements as well as interest rates for loans and deposits. This changed in 1864 with the National Banking Act, one of the purposes of which was to create a uniform currency, forcing banks to accept each other’s currencies at par value, as well as finance the American Civil War that was going on. This system was characterized with expansions and contractions which led to several economic slumps. None was more serious, however, than the Panic of 1907. During this recession, the government allowed the banks to suspend their specie payments temporarily as it had done before. The crisis was a strong consolidation of previous claims from businessmen and politicians alike to create a European-style central bank to serve as “a lender of last resort” (Rothbard, 2002, p. 240). Its function would be to provide the fractional-reserve banking system with the desired liquidity in order to prevent any future crises such as that of 1907. In 1910, representatives of influential bankers, those of the J.P. Morgan and the Rockefeller families, gathered in a secret meeting in Jekyll Island, New York. They drafted an agreement, later known as the Federal Reserve Act, which was presented in Senate through their representatives and friends, culminating in the Fed that we know today. Supporters of the central bank believed that recessions came as a result of liquidity shortage needed to supply the banks who engaged in fractional-reserve banking. To them, the creation of the Fed meant that those problems were solved because whenever banks were in short of cash, Fed would be there to print it. II. Has Monetary Stability Been Achieved? Since the creation of the Fed in 1913, the U.S. alone has experienced 19 recessions (National Bureau of Economic Research, 2008). The most recent one which started in 2007 is being compared to the Great Depression. After many insolvencies, especially on part of the banks, the unemployment rate continues to rise despite the Fed’s endeavors to mitigate the crisis. The Fed chairman Ben Bernanke has decreased interest rates to almost 0% for the first time in the U.S. history, yet many say that the recession is far from over. Fearing that the economy has fallen in “the liquidity trap,” the U.S. government pressured Congress into accepting the $700bn stimulus plan as part of the fiscal policy to revive the economy. The stimulus along with the previous monetary policy actions haven’t showed any considerable signs of improvement, and so far lending in particular remains depressed. Now maybe it’s unfair to criticize the Fed, as one may argue that if it wasn’t for them the recession would have been even worse, and the total number of recessions after its creation would surpass 19. Some may argue that Bernanke & co. need more time to get the economy going, so people have to be patient and trust them. These arguments, however, appear dim in the light that there is already a school of economic thinking that has presented strong theories in contradiction with the aims and practices of centralizing the monetary system. Meet the Austrian School of economics. Austrian School economists say that Fed’s attempts to restore “price stability” are in vain. According to them, attempts to achieve such a thing are based on flawed understanding of money. At the root of price stability is the idea that money is “neutral” (Shostak, 2003). By neutral, it is meant that changes in the quantity of money have no effects whatsoever in the real economy. Proponents of the idea of neutral money believe that changes in the quantity of money only affect its purchasing power, and do so proportionately. What is ignored, however, is the importance of relative prices of goods (Mises, 1938). For example, if a tomato’s exchange rate is two apples, then one apple is half of a tomato. Let’s say the price of tomato is $1, making the price of apple $0.5. Now if the quantity of money is doubled, prices will increase by 50%, making tomato cost $2 whereas the apple $1. According to this view of thinking, the increase in the money supply didn’t alter the fact that the trader can still exchange apples to tomatoes at a ratio of 2:1. However, this does not reflect the reality, for when the Fed increases or decreases the money supply, prices don’t change uniformly but rather fluctuate in different ways. It is therefore important to realize that the effects of supply and demand for goods are intertwined with the effects of supply and demand for money when it comes to prices. These effects cannot be separated, because if the price of tomatoes increases by 10% and those of apples by 2%, knowing the overall increase in the quantity of money will not help to single out these isolated effects (Shostak, 2003). This makes price stability simply futile, and any attempt to achieve it will only distort the capital production structure by misleading economic agents into misallocating resources. Economy is in a continuous perpetual change, in which human action exposes preferences concerning money in the same way that it affects the demand and supply for other goods. The quantification of prices by adding different goods together and then dividing that number by the number of goods can only lead to arbitrary assumptions about any “level” of prices. Goods such as shirts or TV sets cannot be added together, because human judgment is subjective in evaluating goods that are even homogenous. Secondly, there is no “level” of prices which changes proportionately, because in reality, goods of prices change in different ways both absolutely and relatively. This kind of flawed thinking is in contrast with the definition of price itself; which is the units of currency paid for a particular unit of good or service at a definite point in time, at a definite place. In this the great Austrian scholar Ludwig von Mises said, “Human action originates change. As far as there is human action there is no stability, but ceaseless alteration” (1996, p. 223). Therefore, the Fed’s goal of achieving price stability is impossible because in a changing, dynamic world, money cannot remain neutral. What made the concept of “price stability” important among economists who support this monetary arrangement are only the shortcomings of the centralized monetary system. It is the failure of managing money that historically caused massive fluctuations in prices and therefore spawned the need for “stability” (Mises, 1996, p. 219). III. The Case for Gold Standard If the current monetary arrangement hasn’t achieved stability, what options are there to provide it? The classical gold standard has garnered as many advocates in its favor as much as it has turned people away from it. Some see it as an imperative for the stability of the currency system; others see it as the cause of Great Depression. Austrian School economists support the concept of sound money. First, sound money is the ethical position that people ought to be free to choose their desired medium of exchange, devoid of any coercion or regulation such as the contemporary legal tender laws. In this Mises claimed, “It is impossible to grasp the meaning of the idea of sound money if one does not realize that it was devised as an instrument for the protection of civil liberties against despotic inroads on the part of governments. Ideologically it belongs in the same class with political constitutions and bills of right” (1981, p. 454). Second, sound money implies the recognition of the fact that when people are free, they tend to choose commodity money as a medium of exchange, such as gold or silver, just like they have done for centuries. Economists have tried to explain the reason why money has value (purchasing power) and why people use it, mainly through either the idea of government decree forcing people to use it or through “social convention” (Varian, 2004). However, in order to understand the benefits of a gold standard as Austrian economists maintain, it is important to understand the origins of money first. The first to explain the origins of money in Austrian circles was Carl Menger, the alleged founder of the School. Other economists, particularly W. Stanley Jevons, contributed to the debate of origins too. Many questions regarding the value of money, however, were still left unanswered and what surfaced was merely circular reasoning. “Money has value because it is accepted. And why is it accepted? Because it is accepted!” (Shostak, 2004). This was the case until 1912, when Mises introduced the famous regression theorem in his book The Theory of Money and Credit. In order to understand regression theorem, it is important to make a distinction between the value of money and that of other goods. Using the subjective theory of value, Austrian economists maintain that people make different evaluations of goods based on the goods’ abilities to satisfy peoples’ unique demands. In the case of money, the only demand is its purchasing power, but since that is the issue in question, explaining the value of money through “its value” is merely circular reasoning. In turn, Mises implies, money has value today based on the purchasing power it had yesterday. And money had value yesterday, based on its value of 2 days ago. In this time dimension, one can regress the value of money until it reaches a specific point. That specific point is the moment where money was linked to a commodity, such as the dollar which was essentially only a unit of measure for gold. When we reach the point of a commodity, then its value can be explained by the simple law of supply and demand, i.e. in a barter economy (1996, p. 409). In this, Rothbard elaborates, “In contrast to directly used consumers' or producers' goods, money must have pre-existing prices on which to ground a demand. But the only way this can happen is by beginning with a useful commodity under barter, and then adding demand for a medium to the previous demand for direct use (e.g., for ornaments, in the case of gold)” (1990, p. 13). Having clarified the origins of money, we can see that there’s an established natural link between people’s desire to hold some pieces of paper and their inevitable link to some commodity at some point in time. It is in this breath that we can determine that a stable currency system can only stem from this natural link with commodities that human behavior has established throughout centuries. Any escape from this reality will only throw us into the realm of the current monetary arrangement, a sea of ceaseless fluctuations in the value of money, yielded by the lack of capacity to manage it. People have used gold for thousands of years, voluntarily, and ironically; the only reason that they use government-mandated paper-money today is because that very money once upon a time had a direct link to gold. In addition to protection from the flawed monetary policies of the central bank, the gold standard would also protect from the fractional-reserve banking system, inhibiting banks from expanding beyond their means. In middle ages, when no central bank existed and a proto free-market banking scenario was in place, banks were unable to expand their credit beyond the specie in their deposits, or else they’d go bankrupt. Establishing a 100-percent gold standard today would provide the same guarantee and secure people’s deposits as well as overwhelmingly reduce bank insolvencies. However, it is important to reflect on the properties of something by inviting others to express their criticisms, and then see whether that something can be justified. IV. Its Critique and Austrian School Responses In order to see whether the gold standard is useful or not, it’s important to answer to its critics in an attempt to justify it. The critics of gold standard are usually the Keynesians, who lament it for inhibiting the government from using the tools of monetary and fiscal policy to correct the “inefficiencies” of the market. On the other side, Chicago’s monetarists directly blame the gold standard for the Great Depression as well as its restrictions on what they believe should be a fixed, steady, monetary growth rate. One critique is that if the gold standard had been useful, it would have been in place today. And because it was abolished, there’s strong evidence that in general people were against it. To answer to this critique, it’s crucial to realize when the gold standard was repealed. Countries went on and off gold standard in different periods throughout their history, but they never did it as uniformly and as massively as in World War I. It is this period that is usually marked in history as a point in which the governments abandoned their monetary ties to any commodity. But was gold’s ineffectiveness the problem? No. The problem was war. Governments’ military campaigns soon drained their funding, which could only be supplemented by further taxes or borrowing. Since wars generally bring economic turmoil, governments knew that raising taxes to shore up the budget was out of question. Borrowing was also not a viable option since many governments were involved in the war themselves, so there were only a very reluctant few willing to lend. The only option left was inflation, and in gold standard, that wasn’t possible. It was therefore the political need to maintain such a destructive war that brought about the end of the gold standard. On this, Mises recalls, “The gold standard did not collapse. Governments abolished it in order to pave the way for inflation. The whole grim apparatus of oppression and coercion, policemen, customs guards, penal courts, prisons, in some countries even executioners, had to be put into action in order to destroy the gold standard” (1981, p. 461). Another critique is that the increases in the quantity of gold will have the same effect on prices as increases in the quantity of money. Though, critics maintain, this won’t be as severe as in an unbacked-money system, it will still cause fluctuations. Mises explains that an increase in the quantity of gold doesn’t necessarily mean an increase in the riches of the owners of the mines. “For them, the annual output of the mines does not mean an increase in riches and does not impel them to offer higher prices. They will continue to live at the standard at which they used to live before” (Mises, 1996, p. 414). According to him, the incoming of gold in the market cannot start up a process of depreciation, as this new quantity is neutral with regard to prices, and if anything, prices have a general tendency to fall over time. In addition, the average increases of gold per annum range only from 1 to 2% (Blumen, 2009). Compare this to the increases in the paper money supply. Only from February 2008 up to December 2008, Fed’s yearly-rate growth of its balance sheet jumped to 153% (Shostak, 2009). Another critique of the gold standard comes from Milton Friedman, but this time not because it overrides his “3% rule for the Fed,” but because using gold “requires the use of real resource to add to the stock of money” (1962, p. 40). He said that people have to “work hard to dig the gold out,” and that this “establishes a strong incentive for people to find ways to achieve the same result without employing these resources” (1962, p. 40). It is, therefore, Friedman’s fear of economic waste that makes the use of real resources for money inadequate. Preceding this statement, Friedman had cherished the importance of gold before, saying, “The (classical) liberal is suspicious of assigning to government any functions that can be per formed through the market, both because this substitutes coercion for voluntary cooperation in the area in question and because by giving government an increased role, it threatens freedom in other areas” (1999, p. 17). This shows considerable acknowledgement on his part for the importance of gold in the liberty of individuals. However, when you take these two claims for comparison, you realize that Friedman is implying that there is a tradeoff between liberty and efficiency. In addition, Austrian School economist Walter Block raised another counter-argument by asking “why did then people use gold as money if it was resource costly?” (Block, 1999, p. 17). The rest of Friedman’s argument is a bit confusing, however, when one considers his statement made on the same subject, “If people will accept as money pieces of paper on which is printed ‘I promise to pay - units of the commodity standard,’ these pieces of paper can perform the same function as the physical pieces of gold or silver, and they require very much less in resources to produce.” (1962, p. 40). It is unclear how that paper money will perform the same action as the commodity-backed money, unless what Friedman meant was that paper money would be used physically in transactions, whereas that couldn’t be the case with gold. The proponents of gold standard don’t advocate the use of gold physically in transactions; they simply say that all the paper money in circulation should be backed by a market-chosen commodity (it doesn’t have to be gold necessarily). Nevertheless, the usage of gold in everyday transactions is inconvenient. There are other arguments against the gold standard, but there are other responses on its defense too. Discussing them, as well as other consequences of using or not using gold, would drive us into many different fields of economics. It is therefore impossible to cover more of them in this paper. After conducting the research, I concluded that there is vast evidence that the current monetary arrangement has failed to achieve the stability it promised us. This may be partly because of the flawed understanding of money by the bureaucrats managing it, and partly because what can’t be known (or understood), can’t be managed. In consideration with other viable options, the gold standard remains a candidate with satisfactory results from the past as well as good economic theories in its defense. The more that individuals leave to the government, the less they get to decide for themselves, so implicitly they centralize decisions on the hands of a few. In addition, government has a rich history of abuses by special interests at the expense of the people it was conceived to protect. Maybe the time has come for radical changes, especially in the monetary system. Congressman from Texas, Dr. Ron Paul, recently wrote a book titled End the Fed, claiming that the Fed has failed Americans and that it should be abolished if the economy wants to pursuit a path of stability. For those who agree and have been direct victims of the government’s manipulation of currency, their motto may well be “FED up!” Block, Walter. (1999). The Gold Standard: A critique of Friedman, Mundell, Hayek and Greenspan from the free enterprise perspective. Ludwig von Mises Institute, 17. Blumen, Robert. (2009). Does gold mining matter? Mises Daily. Retrieved Dec. 9, 2009, from http://mises.org/daily/3593 Friedman, Milton. (1962). Capitalism and freedom. The University of Chicago Press, 40. Mises, Ludwig. (1938). The non-neutrality of money. Springer. Mises, Ludwig. (1996). Human action. Fox & Wilkes, 223. 219. 409. 414. Mises, Ludwig. (1981). Theory of money and credit. Liberty Press, 454. 461. National Bureau of Economic Research. (2008). List of business cycles. Retrieved Dec. 6, 2009, from http://www.nber.org/cycles/cyclesmain.html Rothbard, Murray. (2002). A history of money and banking in United States. Ludwig von Mises Institute, 240. Rothbard, Murray. (1990). What has the government done to our money? Ludwig von Mises Institute, 13. Varian, Hal. (2004). Why is that dollar in your pocket worth anything? New York Times. Retrieved Dec. 5, 2009, from http://people.ischool.berkeley.edu/~hal/people/hal/NYTimes/2004-01- 15.html Shostak, Frank. (2004). How does money acquire its value? Mises Daily. Retrieved Dec. 7, 2009, from http://mises.org/daily/1430 Shostak, Frank. (2003). The myth of price stability. Mises Daily. Retrieved Dec. 4, 2009, from http://mises.org/daily/1303 Shostak, Frank. (2009). Where is the U.S. economy heading? Mises Daily. Retrieved Dec. 5, 2009, from http://mises.org/daily/3898

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William West of Scituate Rhode IslandWilliam West of Scituate, R.I.: Farmer, Soldier, Statesman George M. West (St. Andrews, FL: Panama City Publishing, 1919). The silent influence of the primeval forests, and the everlasting granite hills that rise, terrace above terrace, from the wonderful bay that bisects Rhode Island, had much to do with the formation of the character of the early settlers of that State, knitting into their inmost fibre that stability and ruggedness for which they were noted. While the yearning for a greater personal and religious liberty may have been the prevailing motive for the migration of many of these pioneers from the Massachusetts colonies, inseparable from it was that longing for the ownership of land which was their heritage from a long line of forbears in Old England, where the condition of the farmer and laborer forbade their acquiring the lands they worked, which were under the control of the Lords of Manor, and the Monasteries. Undboutedly such were the impelling impulses that caused many of the descendants of Francis West, of Duxbury, Mass., to remove to the western shores of Narragansetts Bay, in Rhode Island, and westward along the Providence and Hartford Pike, into Windham and Tolland counties, in Connecticut. But the emigrant remained at Duxbury throughout his life. Peter West, the third son of Francis, resided at Duxbury, and cared for his father in his old age, and his father's estate, which amounted to but sixteen pounds and fifteen shillings, was given him by the Probate court. Peter West had nine children, all born in Duxbury. His first son, the fifth child, was named William. He was born May 4th, 1683. This son William was married in 1709 to Abiah Sprague, of Hingham, Mass. Either before his marriage, or soon after, he removed to North Kingston, R.I. , where he probably resided the remainder of his life. The North Kingston records show that he and his wife, Abiah, signed a deed to land on November 28th, 1711, and again in April 173. Other deeds made by William West about 1721 have no wife's name attached, and it is possible that Abiah had died previous to that date. The descendants of Almy (West) Battey, a daughter of William West, Jr., state that Almy had told them that her grandmother's name was Sarah. There is a record in the North Kingston marriages of --West and Sarah Baker being married in 1731. This might have been William West, Sr., but the Christian name is not legible, nor is there any proof that this was the Sarah he married, if he married a Sarah, as he might have married earlier than this date, and this statement handed down by the daughter Almy is the only evidence at hand of William West of Kingston marrying other than Abiah Sprague. Family records of various descendants of the family show that William West, Jr. of North Kingston, was the son of William West, son of Peter, was born in North Kingston, and lived 83 years. As Beaman, on authority of those who attended his funeral, states that he died about 1816, that would place his birth in North Kingston at about 1733, which is probably not far from the correct date. He had evidently acquired land in North Kingston at an early date, as he afterwards sold land owned by him in that town, as is shown by deeds on record there. In fact William West was a large land owner, and owned lands in various parts of Connecticut as well as Rhode Island. When he became financially embarrassed in 1785, he applied to the legislature, and was granted leave to carry on a lottery to dispose of some of his property, which was scheduled as being a farm of 200 acres at Point Judith, in South Kingston, with 20 acres of salt marsh near; one farm in Killingly, Conn., in Thompson parish, containing 400 acres; also 200 acres of timber land in Killingly, Connecticut; 380 acres in the town of Weston, Connecticut; and 450 acres in the town of Foster, Rhode Island. there were also 60 cows, 8 oxen, 5 hores, and 100 sheep listed. Lands in this lottery did not include his home farm of 500 acres, but show seven other tracts containing 1,950 acres. (Cyrus Walker, in Notes on Scituate) This energetic, popular, and prosperous young man undoubtedly, as was the custom in that day, married young, perhaps between his nineteenth and twenty-first year. He married Elener Brown, possibly a daughter of Charles Brown, though there were many families bearing the name Brown residing in North Kingston at that time, the census of 1774 enumerating nine, nearly all of which included children over 16 years of age at that date. The first authentic record we have of William West, is that he was licensed as an inn keeper in Scituate in 1758 (Beaman's Historical Address, 1876, pg. 36), and that must have been about the time he came to that town from North Kingston, at which date he would have been about 25 years of age. This inn is said to have been on Chopmist hill, on the Brooklyn pike. There appears to have been a large movement of settlers into Scituate between the years 1755 and 1774, as the census shows but 1,813 inhabitants in the former year, and 3,601 in the latter, an increase of over 98 per cent in the 19 years. Possibly this was the date of the opening of Hope furnace, which would have brought in quite a few settlers. On April 6th 1759 (Cyrus Walker, in Notes on Scituate), he bought a tract of land from Reuben Hopkins and Jonathan Aldrich, on the west side of Round Hill river (the Dolly Cole brook) near where it empties into the Ponaganset. Round Hill is the hill west of and adjoining Chopmist, and this tract must have been westerly on the pike, or near it, on which he was then living. This location is now in the Town of Foster. In August of the same year he purchased a fifty acre ight in common land from Richard Brown. This was followed by the purchase on February 19th, 1760, of thirty acres from William Wilkinson. This tract is described as follows: bounded on the north by land belonging to the heirs of Joseph Wilkinson, on the east by land of John Hulet, on the south by land of Bernard Haile, and on the west by land belonging to the heirs of John Hopkins. This made three pieces of land that William West had bought in Scituate in less than a year. On March 27th, 1761, (Beaman pg. 24 Notes on Scituate), he purchased the tract that became his homestead, and which is known even today as the "Big House Farm." This tract consisted of 500 acres, and was purchased of John Hulet who describes the property as "the same farm on which William West now liveth," and "is all that farm that I, the said grantor purchased of Capt. John Hopkins, and part of that lot of land that I, the said grantor, purchased of Richard Steere and Peter Cook." The eastern part of this tract, some 200 acres, being the part that Hulet bought of Stephen Hopkins, was the 150 acres selected by Major William Hopkins, in May, 1705, and fifty acres that he selected soon after, probably at the second division of the Providence Proprietors, being the purchase right of Thomas Suckling. As the deed from Hulet states that htis is the "same farm on which William West now liveth," he must have removed from his Chopmist hill location to some point on this tract, previous to the date of the deed, whcih was March 27th, 1761. He paid for this 500 acres forty thousand pounds in current bills of colony, of the "Old Tenor," a price that Beaman says is "not to accounted for, except we admit the great depreciation of the currency." At the same time John Hulet bought 230 acres in the same locality for which he paid but 1,800 Spanish milled dollars, or about $8 per acre. Walker says of the transaction: "At first glance this strikes on as a fabulous price, but on further examination appears quite reasonable. Beeman's conjecture as to the depreciation of the paper currency was correct, as a little examination would have revealed to him. As fixed by statute the value of a Spanish milled dollar was, in 1761, equivalent to six pounds and ten shillings in the "Old Tenor" currency. With this light to guide us we find that the actual cost was $6,153.85, ot $12.31 per acre." With a house full of growing boys and girls and three slaves, William West during the next few years was busily engaged in opening up his farm, which included stock raising and the operation of a dairy, and marketing its products. He is said to have kept one hundred milch cows, besides numerous oxen, horses and sheep. Scituate was noted for a very fine breed of horses, equalling those for which, at later date, Vermont gained fame. It was not unusual for him to take 1,000 to 1,500 pounds of cheese to Providence at one time. (Beaman, pg. 26). This was done over the rocky, hilly roads, by ox-teams. The care of the milk from a hundred cows; the washing, carding, spinning, and weaving of the wool from his large flock of sheep, kept his many boys and girls busy, and there could have been but little idling amidst such surroundings. From the occupations that they followed when grown, it would appear that the boys remained farmers, and that the girls married farmers, all remaining true to their early training. But it must not be taken for granted that it was"all work and no play" in their lives, or that there were no pleasures in such homes. Far from it. Almost every daughter had her favorite horse, and there was the best of hunting for the boys, gatherings at their own home and at those of other young people, with an occasional trip to Providence, twelve miles aways. Nuts, apples, cider, pop-corn, and maple-sugar maing in its season, aided in entertaining their own household of children, as well as those of the neighbors. William West was not, so far as known, a member of any church, but was a man whom his neighbors honored, and who, through his liberality, both in politics and religiou, acquired many friends. Schools were unknown in the community at that date, and children acquired their education from their parents, or an occasional private tutor. It is probable that some one of the rooms in the big house was used as a school room, with a private teacher in charge during some months of the year, probably in the winter. As an evidence of William West's popularity and the esteem in which he was held by neighbors, he had been a resident of Scituate but two years when he was elected as Deputy from that township, (each country township being entitled to two Deputies in the Colonial Legislature) a position to which he was elected twelve times, as follows (Beaman's list, appx. 2; RI Colonial Records, Vols. 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10) : 1760, 1761, 1766, 1768, 1770, 1771, 1773, 1776, 1779, 1780, 1784 and 1785. He was also selected as the Moderator of the town of Scituate twice in 1765, elections being held semi-annually, and he held the office of justice of the peace in 1774, 1775, and 1776. From 1760 until 1790 William West was intimately connected with the political and social life of Scituate and Rhode Island. To the many public offices he held no salary was attached, and from his activity throughout the Revolutionary period, it is evident that he served his county from patriotic motives alon, and when and wherever he could be of most service. In 1775 (Beaman, pg. 25) he built the "big house" on his home farm, a building that is still standing in a good state of preservation, showing the choice quality of the material used and high grade of workmanship. The wrought nails with which the clapboards were nailed to oak studding are holding as tightly today as when they were first placed, illustrating well the difference between the wrought nails of that day and the machine-made product of the present. The half-tones of the big house, presented herewith, give several views of this remarkable building. It was built after the then most improved style of country houses, with gambrel roof, wife and ornamented fron door, and framed with everlasting oak. Evidently William West had this house planned after the best styles in colonial architecture, and no expense was spared inits erection. It faces the south and, standing on a steep side hill or rocky projection, it has three full stories and a large attic on the east side, while showing but two stories in height on the fron or south side. The attic is as large as a public hall, and when visited by the writer in 1911, it contained many old spinning wheels, looms, etc. reminders of bygone days. One peculiar feature of the basement story on the east is that it is hewn out of the granite rocks on the west side, and one has but to step into a room on that side to draw water from the well, which is sunk in the rocks, and in which the water rises to near the level of the floor. On the north side of this basement is a circular hole dug in the rock, around which are steps leading down a short distance to the water, but just above the water are rows of shelves cut into the grantite, on which, it is claimed, choice wines were stored. The fire place in this basement is very wide and deep, and the crane is of such heavy iron that it would support a kettle three feet in diameter. Just what this large lwoer room, with its immense fire place was used for, is now mere conjecture. But fronting as it does upon the lower slope on the east side of the house, it would be very convenient for many household purposes. The fron door presents a study in colonial architecture that would be interesting if followed up, as it is but an example of many that may yet be found in the better class of old homes throughout the New England States. The sunburst effect over the door is one not often met with; the pillars, however, are quite common. The side supports in imitation of stone, with arching and keystone, also, are rarely seen. Like all old farm houses, there were various additions on the rear, probably used as wash rooms, for milk and cheese rooms, apple storage, wagon shed, and nearby the hen house and barns. Everything was close to the house, and all conveniently arranged to do the work with as few steps as possible. This was the house in which this leading character of Scituate, and all Rhode Island, met his many political friends, planned with them for the activities of the Rhode Island forces, to secure means and material to carry on the war, and, it is rumored, joined hands with others in the fitting out of privateers. If the old building could speak, it could undoubtedly tell an interesting story of these meetings, and ofmany others where pleasure took the place of business, for William West was a sportsman as well as a statesman, and in those days Scituate was well stocked with bear, deer, squirrels, and other varieties of game, and it is stated that many prominent citizens used to visit that section to hunt, among which Beeman names Governor Fenner, James Aldrich, William West, Joseph Wilkinson, John Hulet, Ricard Brown, and others. In view of the frequent visits of the governor and other prominent politicians to the neighborhood on these hunting trips, it may be concluded that when the hunt was over, the mistress of the bug house,, and her daughters, were promptly on hand to dispense its hospitality, and that many political schemes were then and there concocted. The inns of that date were the centres at which the local, state, and colonial news was gathered and disseminated. And that of William West undboutedly was no exception. In fact from his rapid rise in authority in Scituate, he must have been, from the first, a leader in the community. It has been stated that the War of the Revolution really began in 1763, and Rhode Island was one of the first colonies to actively object to the various oppressive acts of the Home Government in London. The citizens of Rhode Island have always claimed that the first offensive act of the patriotic colonists was the seizure and destruction of the British revenue cutter Gaspee in Narragansett bay, on June 10th, 1772. This daring deed was but an illustration of the sentiment and feeling in Rhode Island from 1768 until the outbreak of the war in 1774. A historian has characterized it as "the first bold, overt, organized stroke of the Revolution." That William West was even then taking a prominent part in matters pertaining to the safety and protection of the colonies, is shown by his appointment in September, 1774 (RI Colonial Records, Vol 7, pg. 283), to seve on a "Committee of Correspondence" for the town of Scituate, to meet with the committees of the neighboring towns, and it September, 1774, he was chosen with others as a committee relative to the Boston blockade. For seven years, during the period from 1760 to 1773, inclusive, he had been the Deputy for Scituate, and was the Justice of the Peace for the town in 1774, therefore it would be quite in line with his public work that he should have been thus chosen. From that time on until 1790, William West was one of the most distinguished men in public life in the state, especially representing his home town of Scituate. The numerous titles which he acquired during these years will, in themselves, give some idea of the work he was engaged in, and his standing in Scituate and throughout the state. He was a Deputy for 12 years in the Colonial Legislature; a Moderator for the town; a Justice of the Peace; Colonel of the 3rd R.I. Regiment; Brigadier General of the Rhode Island Militia; Brigadier General of the Providence County Brigade; Member of the Council of War for the State; Deputy Governor of Rhode Island; and one of the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assize, and General Gaol Delivery. Besides these official positions, he was often chosen to head committees connected with the prosecution of the war, or appointed individually to carry out war measures (Colonial Records of RI Vols. 7,8,9,10; Heitman's Historical Register of Officers of the Continental army, Beamn's Histroical Address, Walkers Notes on Scituate, Smith's Civil and Military List of RI, and contemporary RI newspapers, etc.) The following extract from Beeman is an illustration of the work he was thus called upon to do, and exhibits the patriotic spirit of the town and the confience of the citizens in Colonel West. It reads as follows: "At a Town Meeting held April 28th, 1777, it was Voted that Col. William West be appointed to use the utmost of his endeavors and ability, by giving direction to his under-officers, as well as by using his influence otherways, to raise soldiers by enlisting the number of men assigned to be raised in this town, by Act of Assemby aforesaid." On May 5th following, he was chosen chairman of a committee "to prepare and divide into classes the amel inhabitants of the town, liable to bear arms," (Beaman, pg. 27), seemingly somewhat of a selective conscription such as our Government adopted in raising the great National Army in 1917. Numerous and important must have been the meetings held in the "big house," and the gatherings there in the wolds of Scituate undoubtedly included many of the statesmen and army and navy officers of the State. It was a prominent and well known building, the residence of one of the state's leaders, but twelve miles from Providence, in a community whose patriotism was above question, yet so secluded in the wilderness that it would be a most fitting meeting place for the "rebels," as the patriots were then called. In the meantime his wife and children carried on the extensive farm work, did their part in preparing the wool and weaving the cloth from wich they made blankets and garments for the Scituate troops and to clothe themselves, and silently co-operated in the great work that was to bring into the world a new nation. One or more of the boys volunteered early in the war, John, as shown by his pension record, having lived in Scituate when first called into service, the date not given (US Pension Files, applied for 1832). He futher states that he enlisted in November, 1776, in Cpatain Stephen Kimball's company of RI Militia for one year. He was in the battle of Rhode Island in July, 1778, having enlisted in the spring of that year, for seven months, in Captain Jonathan Hopkins' company, Colonel Livingston's regiment from New York. There might have been other sons in the army, but of this there is no record. Another reason for the patriot leaders' meeting at the home of General West might have been that it was within seven or eight miles of Hope Furnace, where cannon and balls were being made for the army and navy. This furnace, like many others scattered about the country at an early day, secured its ore from nearby workings, and made various articles of rough ironware for the early settlers. But Hope Furnace was more than a mere melting pot; it made anchos, and bored out the cannot that were cast, so that they left there in a completed condition. Rufus Hopkins bought an interest in this furnace in 1766, and took charge of it. It must have furnished a goodly number of cannon, which were used not only in the army, but on the numerous privateers that were fitted out by Rhode Island citizens. [p17] In the year 1775 the Governor appointed Eseck Hopkins as General in command of troops to be raised for the defense of the shores of Narragansett Bay, and Colonel West was appointed second in command. (Beaman, pg. 25). In October of that year he was appointed by the General Assemby on the Committee to procure muskets for the use of the Continental army, and to enquire concering cannon for the use of the Colony (RI Col. Rec'ds Vol. 7) The military history, and account of the posititons held at this time by Colonel West are somewhat confused in the records handed down to us. Coincident with his appointment as second in command to General Hopkins is the statement, in the Colonial Records, that he was, in 1775, appointed Brigadier General of the Rhode Island Militia, and served until 1777. He resigned this position on January 20th, 1776, but this resignation does not appear to have been accepted until January, 1777, when, owing to there being two Brigadier Generals of the Rhode Island Militia to take command, he was dismissed from the service, and given a vote of thanks by the General Assembly. Information relative to this appointment is also found in Heitman's Historical Register of the Officers of the Continental Army. In May, 1776, he was appointed Colonel of the 3rd Regiment of Providence County Militia (RI Colonial Records & Smith's Civil and Military List of RI Vol.1), which position he appears to have held during the years 1776, 1777, and 1778. It is quite probable that the rank of Bridadier General of the Rhode Island Militia was more honorary than otherwise, and that his position as Colonel of the Providence County Regiment did not conflict with his higher rank as Brigadier General, and [p.18] which was abolished because there were two officers of the same grade, with work for but one. As the apoointment by the Governor, in 1775, of Colonel West as second in command to Hopkins, does not appear to have carried with it any title, it is possible that this was a Brigadier General's position, as Hopkins is listed as a General, with West second in command. However, these were not the only positions Colonel West was called upon to fill during the strenuous days of 1776. In February of that year he was appointed by the General Assembly on a committee for the town of Scituate to procure arms and accoutrements for the use of the Colony (RI Col. Records, Vol. 7), and in December of the same year, with General Varnum, he was appointed by the General assemby to assist Brigadier Francois Lellorquis DeMalmedy in plans of the latter for fortifying the state. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8). Beeman states that on January 12th, 1776, Governor (probably General) West sends an order from headquarters to Captain Knight for nine privates and a commissioned officer, for fatigue duty. Page 467 of the Colonial Records, Vol. 7, for that year states that General West had arrested spies, etc., and states the action taken by the General Assembly relative thereto. In December, 1776, the General Assemby voted that Generals Varnum and West be requested to forward such works....and get men and supplies. In April, 1777, he was appointed by the General Assemby for the town of Scituate, to advance 2,024 pounds for bounties. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8, pg. 201). The same month he was appointed by the General Assembly to procure blankets from the town of Scituate for the use of the Continental troops. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8). In May of that year he was appointed Governor's Assistant, (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8) and during the same month, chairman of a committee for the town of Scituate to ascertain the number of effective soldiers wanting to complete the Continental battalion then being raised by the state. (Beaman, pg. 25). He was also made the choice of the General Assembly for 7th Assistant in the House. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8, pg. 224) It will be noted that he was a Deputy in 1776, and in the appointments he received in that year he is referred to as Col. West, possibly from his having recieved the appointment of Colonel of the Third Rhode Island Regiment in May of that year. However, he was not a Deputy in 1777 or 1778, probably feeling that he had enough public duties to attend to without being a member of the legislature, with its two regular sessions a year, and frequently two additional ones. But he returned to the legislature again in 1779. In 1778 the General Assembly granted 3,021.05 pounds to Col. West as bounties to his regiment in the late expedition against Rhode Island. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8, pg. 493), it being a matter of record that General West's troops acted as reserves in that battle, and aided in covering the retreat. This is the only battle in which, as shown by the records, General West took part. His son, John, who was also in this battle, speaks of his father, General West, in his affidavit asking for a pension, as one of the generals engaged therein. Rhode Island seemed determined that he should be brigadier general, for in May, 1779, in the officers chosen by the General Assembly, he was made Brigadier General of the Providence County Brigade. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 8 & Smith's List, Vol. 1). This was but a little time before the British evacuated Rhode Island, and probably when the state was organizing addition forces to meet the invaders. In May 1780, he was made a member of the Council of War of the state of Rhode Island, (RI Col. Records, Vol. 9) and in the same month was elected Deputy Governor of Rhode Island (RI Col. Records, Vol. 9, pg. 52), serving from May, 1780, until May, 1781. With the close of this term of office came prospects of peace, and General West's connection with military affairs in Rhode Island apparently ended, but he was chosen a Deputy for Scituate for the years 1784 and 1785. Later on we find him leading the country people, as against the cities, when matters came up which divided these classes, and it appears that the country people were victorious and carried their point. But, like many another soldier and statesmen who had given his time and money to his country's cause, he now found himsel financially embarrassed, his farm neglected owing to his frequent enforced absences during the preceding six years, a currency that was worthless, having fallen from par, in 1776, to a point in 1782, where it would not be accepted at all, and, as has been said by a prominent writer, "There are scarcely any evils or dangers, of a political nature, and springing from political and social causes, to which a free people can be exposed, which the people of the United States did not experience during that period." Rhode Island suffered possibly more than other colonies because of her very poor financial system, and the emission of a large sum of paper money, which was never redeemed. As the financial stress became greater, the colony sought relief by issuing more paper money, thus adding fuel to the fire. Such were the conditions that confronted William West upon his return to the quiet retreat of his Scituate farm at the close of the war. However, he did not give up, but with the indomitable courage that had made him a leading figure through the dark days of the Colonies, he set about retrieving his badly broken fortune. In 1785 he sought relief from pressing financial embarrassment through securing from the legislature the privlege of conducting a lottery for the disposal of lands and personal property. (RI Col. Records, Vol. 10, and Walker's notes on Scituate) Messrs. Caleb Harris, Thomas Holder, James Aldrich and Daniel Owen, all prominent citizens, were appointed managers of this lottery. Such lotteries were quite common in that day, and were frequently authorized by the legislature. As has been stated in another portion of this memoir, some 1,950 acres of land, with cows, horses, oxen and sheep, were disposed of in this lottery. There are traditions in Rhode Island that William West was also interested in privateering, which was one of the most lucrative businesses of that maritime colony, relative to which it is stated that in less than five months in 1776, there were commissioned from Rhode Island sixty-five privateers. Fortunes were often made on one trip of these vessels, but again fortunes were lost with the loss of the vessels and cargo, and it is stated in the tradition connecting William West with this business, that he lost two vessels with cargoes, which still further damaged him financially. But Rhode Island was not yet through with the public services of William West. He was elected as on of the Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assize, and General Gaol Delivery, and served during that years 1787, 1788 and 1789 (RI Col. Records, Vol. 10). This closed his public career, and from thence on William West's life was one filled with disappointments and failures. He could not recover the ground lost through depreciation of the currency and his absence from his farm and business, and by 1792 his affairs had become so involved that he was forced to sell his home farm, which was done on July 19th, 1792, to his four sons-in-law, Jeremy Phillips of Gloucester, Job Randall and Gideon Smith of Scituate, and Joseph Baltey of Warwick, taking from them a bond of defeasance. At the time this sale was made, certain claims were bbeing pressed against General West which he contended were unjust, and which he stated that he would never pay. This bond was never redeemed. it was transferred by General West on the 10th of March, 1801, to Job Randall, who was given in that transfer an unlimited power of attorney to transact business connected with the property as though it were his own. From a reading of this bond it will be seen that there was then an execution in force against William West for the sum of $1,360, in favor of Benjamin Talbot, and that there were also various notes due and payable to William West, which the parties to the bond agreed to collect, being secured for any expenses they might incur in so doing by this bond of defeasance. This bond and its subsequent assignment, though executed in 1792 and 1801 respectively, were not recorded until June 21st, 1809. It is stated by some of William West's descendants that he never realized anything further from this property, which naturally engendered hard feelings. His sons and daughters had by this time married, and lived in homes of their own, and William West, now over seventy years of age, broken in forutne and deserted by friends, passed the remainder of his days in poverty. At one time he was incarcerated in the Providence jail for some time for debt, imprisonment for debt being a common thing in those days. He said that the claims against him were unjust and that he would die in jail before he would pay them. Mary West, daughter of Samuel, son of General West, who married Peleg angell, stated that she rode to Providence regularly each week to visit her grandfather while he was in jail, carrying things to him. Just when he was released, or how, is not ascertainable. However, he passed his last days at the residence of his son Samuel, and the daughter Mary, above spoken of, states that she cared for him during his last illness. This son Samuel lived on a north and south road which is, in a direct line, about two miles from the big house. this north and south road crosses the Brooklyn pike on Chopmist hill and by this road it is about three miles and a half from the General West homestead to that of his son Samuel. The old house of the latter was torn down some years ago. Just when William West died is not known. Beeman stated, in his address in 1876, (Beaman, pg. 26, Walker's Notes on Scituate) that "it occured about 60 years ago, " and that Elder Westcott attended the funeral. This would make the date about 1816. According to the statements of relatives who attended the funeral, his grand daughter Mary West being among them, he was buried at a point near his old home, where there are three unidentified graves, said to be those of William West, his wife, and a son. This spot is diagonally opposite from the big house in a southwesterly direction, on a little eminence that appears to have been used as a family burial place, and which includes the grave of at least one other person. There is naught but rough pieces of granite, standing at the head and foot of these three graves, to mark them. And there are none but similar field stones to mark the last resting place of William Hopkins and his wife, Ruth, the father and mother of Stephen Hopkins. Of the personal appearance of William West, Beeman says: "He was a man rather above the middle height, a bony sinew man, long favored, with a prominent nose." The promient nose, the so-called West nose, has been a characteristic feature of many of his descendants. William West was a man of great activity and energy, of a generous and friendly disposition, and a leader among men. Though a sportsman as well as a statesman, he was neither dissolute or dissipated, but such a man as his neighbors and the citizens of the state often honored by placing in positions of consequence. His associates in public life were of the governing classes, and he ranked high among them as is shown by the many positions of trust and importance that he was so often called upon to fill. He was an indefatigable worker, strong for the right as he saw it, willing to sacrifice self for the public good, a man of many sides, and one of those "thousands Caesars, whose labors for their country scarce outlive them half a year."

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“Lipidomics” refers to detailed, comprehensive profiling of lipid molecular species, often in relation to genotype. Comparison of the lipid profiles of wild-type plants with those of plants that have been subjected to forward- or reverse-genetic manipulation, in parallel with developmental and physiological phenotyping, can aid in characterization of the roles of the manipulated genes and enzymes [e.g. 1-9]. For example, analysis of lipid changes can provide clues as to the physiological substrates and products of genetically altered enzymes . In plant lipidomic analysis, quantitative information on numerous individual lipid species is typically acquired directly from organic extracts of plant material without chemical modification. Complex lipids, and especially membrane lipids, are particularly amenable to these direct, comprehensive analyses. Information related to plant lipidomics and similar to that in this article has recently been published online in The Arabidopsis Book . Although it is possible to conduct a large-scale lipid analysis by traditional analytical technologies, such as thin-layer chromatography with gas chromatography, or by nuclear magnetic resonance methods, mass spectrometry is the leading technology for large-scale and rapid “lipidomic” analysis. Mass spectrometry-based lipidomics is rapid in comparison to “traditional” lipid analysis and requires relatively small amounts of material (i.e. 0.1 mg of leaf dry weight is sufficient). There are several possible mass spectrometry-based approaches. One approach is to obtain chemical formulas of intact lipid ions formed by ionization in the mass spectrometer by obtaining accurate m/z (mass/charge ratio, where z is typically = 1) by Fourier transform ion cyclotron resonance mass spectrometry . An advantage of this approach is that it is conceptually simple; theoretically an analysis could be derived from a single spectrum. In practice, combining spectra acquired over small m/z ranges increases the sensitivity of this technique . A disadvantage of accurate m/z as a means of lipid identification is that many chemical formulas are shared by several lipid molecular species; thus additional data are required to identify specific compounds. The second and most utilized mass spectrometry-based lipidomic approach employs analysis of pairs of intact lipid ion m/z and fragment m/z as a means of identification and quantification of lipid species. This analysis is efficiently performed using a triple quadrupole mass spectrometer. Plant phospholipids and glycolipids, in particular, are amenable to analysis by direct infusion electrospray ionization triple quadrupole mass spectrometry [overview in Fig. 1]. Figure 1. Direct and rapid analysis of plant polar lipids by electrospray ionization triple quadrupole mass spectrometry, a.k.a. lipidomic analysis. 2. Precursor and Neutral Loss Scanning The direct infusion electrospray ionization triple quadrupole tandem mass spectrometry approach most applied to plant polar lipids utilizes a series of “precursor” and “neutral loss” scans [based on 14]. This method takes advantage of the formation of common fragments from related complex lipids upon collision-induced dissociation in a triple quadrupole mass spectrometer. A triple quadrupole mass spectrometer has two analyzer quadrupoles (Q1 and Q3) with a collision cell (the second quadrupole, Q2) in between. Q1 passes intact lipid ions to the collision cell, where the ions are fragmented and passed to Q2; Q3 passes fragment ions to the detector. In polar lipids, the analyzed collision-induced dissociation fragment is often a head group fragment common to all members of a lipid class. For example, phosphatidylcholine molecular species, which vary in fatty acid composition, produce a common phosphocholine fragment (C5H15O4PN)+ with a single positive charge and a m/z of 184. Thus, phosphatidylcholine molecular species can be identified by the formation of a m/z 184 fragment plus the precursor (intact) ion fragment m/z. If the common fragment is charged, like the fragment produced by phosphatidylcholine molecules, a scan for the precursors of the fragment (a “precursor scan”) is the analyzed spectrum (plot of signal vs. Q1 m/z) . Figure 2 illustrates the specificity afforded by use of the precursor scan mode. A single MS scan [Fig. 2A] of a directly infused extract depicts total intact ions, arising from multiple lipid classes. Figure 2B shows a precursor scan of the same directly infused extract; this scan depicts the intact ion/fragment pairs delineating lipid species within a class (phosphatidylcholines). When a group/class of lipids fragments such that its common fragment is uncharged, a neutral loss scan (rather than a precursor scan) reveals the m/z values of the lipid molecular species that contain the neutral fragment (i.e. the members of that group/class). Figure 2. Mass spectra of phosphatidylcholine from the plant Arabidopsis thaliana. Positive ion spectra were acquired during infusion of a total plant lipid extract mixed with internal standards in chloroform-methanol-300 mM ammonium acetate in water (300/665/35). (A) Electrospray ionization single mass spectrum. Many classes of lipids, including phosphatidylcholines, phosphatidylethanolamines, phosphatidylserines, and monogalactosyldiacylglycerols, produce ions detectable in the positive mode. (B) Electrospray ionization triple quadrupole mass spectrum (of the same extract) for “Precursors of m/z 184”, a fragment derived from the phosphatidylcholine head group. The spectrum shows only phosphatidylcholine molecular species. The labels indicate total acyl carbons: total acyl double bonds. 3. Lipid Profiling by Direct Infusion Electrospray Ionization Triple Quadrupole Mass Spectrometry A lipid profile is assembled by sequentially carrying out a series of precursor and/or neutral loss scans characteristic of the lipid groups or classes to be analyzed while the extract is continuously infused into the mass spectrometer. Essentially, each of these scans allows identification and quantification of the molecular species of one class or group of lipids. Scans for analysis of many complex plant lipid classes are shown in Table 1. |Table 1. Precursor and neutral loss scans utilizing characteristic fragments generated by electrospray ionization for analysis of polar complex lipids from the plant Arabidopsis thaliana. These scans are recommended for analysis of lipids in chloroform-methanol-300 mM ammonium acetate in water (300:665:35, v/v/v)| |Lipids analyzed||Polarity||Ion analyzed||Scan mode||References| |phosphatidylcholines||+||[M + H]+||Precursors of m/z 184||| |phosphatidylethanolamines||+||[M + H]+||Neutral loss of 141||| |phosphatidylserines||+||[M + H]+||Neutral loss of 185||| |phosphatidylglycerols||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 189||| |phosphatidylinositols||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 277||| |phosphatidic acids||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 115| |glycosylinositolphosphoceramides||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 615 or 179| |hexosylceramides||+||[M + H]+||Neutral loss of 162| |sulfoquinovosyldiacylglycerols||-||[M - H]-||Precursors of m/z 225||[16,17]| |monogalactosyldiacylglycerols||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 179||| |digalactosyldiacylglycerols||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 341||[18,19]| |trigalactosyldiacylglycerols||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 503||| |tetragalactosyldiacylglycerols||+||[M + NH4]+||Neutral loss of 665||| Oxidized polar lipids (by acyl-specific scans) |lipids containing 18:4-O or 18:3-2O (where O and 2O indicate “extra” oxygens beyond those found in normal fatty acids)||-||[M - H]-||Precursors of m/z 291||| |lipids containing 18:3-O or 18:2-2O||-||[M - H]-||Precursors of m/z 293||| |lipids containing 18:2-O or 18:1-2O||-||[M - H]-||Precursors of m/z 295||| Each precursor and neutral loss scan provides the m/z values and signals of the intact ions within a class or group. Given the class or group classification, the intact ion m/z can be interpreted as the total number of carbons and double bonds in the component acyl (or sphingosine) chains. If more complete characterization of the complex lipid molecule is required, further analysis, such as mass spectral product ion analysis to identify individual fatty acyl components, needs to be performed. Devaiah et al. utilized product ion analysis to characterize many Arabidopsis polar glycerolipid molecular species in terms of fatty acyl composition. For each detected lipid molecular species, the mass spectral signal size allows quantification. To achieve accurate quantification by direct infusion electrospray ionization triple quadrupole mass spectrometry, a large number of internal standard compounds, optimally at least two non-naturally-occurring compounds, related to the biological compounds in each class or group, are added to the plant samples [e.g. 1,4,14]. The lipid compounds in a biological mixture are quantified by comparison of the signals from the biological compounds with the signals from the internal standards. Alternatively, relative quantification among samples can be achieved by comparing mass spectral responses to an arbitrary standard compound detected with the same polarity (i.e. positive or negative mode) and scanning mode (i.e. precursor or neutral loss scanning) as the lipids of interest (e.g. detection of oxylipin-containing complex lipids ). 4. Liquid Chromatography Can Be Added Thus far, the most comprehensive lipidomics analyses have been performed by direct infusion, which allows scanning for a large number of lipid classes and species in a short time. However, separating lipid components prior to mass spectrometry by liquid chromatography can reduce ion suppression during electrospray ionization and thus increase sensitivity. Liquid chromatography can also resolve compounds, such as isomers, not resolvable by direct infusion. Liquid chromatographic mass spectral analyses of sphingolipids, other polar lipids, free oxylipins, and acyl CoAs have been performed [20-23]. 5. Challenges in Lipidomics Challenges remaining in lipidomics include: - Standardizing lipidomics protocols - Increasing availability of appropriate internal standards - Establishment of analyses for additional groups of lipids - Development of a standardized data processing system for interpreting mass spectral data to produce lipid profiles - Development of a web-accessible lipid profile database that facilitates integration with genomic, gene expression, proteomic, and other metabolomic data - Increasing access to lipidomics technologies The development of plant lipidomics methodology was supported by the National Science Foundation (MCB 0455318 and MCB 0920663) to RW, Xuemin Wang, Jyoti Shah, Todd Williams, and Gary Gadbury. RW is very grateful to these, other colleagues, and lab members who have contributed to plant lipidomics development. - Welti, R., Li, W., Li, M., Sang, Y., Biesiada, H., Zhou, H.-E., Rajashekar, C.B., Williams, T.D. and Wang, X. Profiling membrane lipids in plant stress responses: Role of phospholipase D-α in freezing-induced lipid changes in Arabidopsis. J. Biol. Chem., 277, 31994-32002 (2002). - Nandi, A., Krothapalli, K., Buseman, C.M., Li, M., Welti, R., Enyedi, A., and Shah, J. The Arabidopsis thaliana sfd mutants affect plastidic lipid composition and suppress dwarfing, cell death and the enhanced disease resistance phenotypes resulting from the deficiency of a fatty acid desaturase. Plant Cell, 15, 2383-2398 (2003). - Cruz-Ramírez, A., Oropeza-Aburto, A., Razo-Hernandez, F., Ramirez-Chavez, E. and Herrera-Estrella, L. Phospholipase DZ2 plays an important role in extraplastidic galactolipid biosynthesis and phosphate recycling in Arabidopsis roots. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A., 103, 6765-6770 (2006). - Devaiah, S.P., Roth, M.R., Baughman, E., Li, M., Tamura, P., Jeannotte, R., Welti, R. and Wang, X. Quantitative profiling of polar glycerolipid species and the role of phospholipase Dα1 in defining the lipid species in Arabidopsis tissues. Phytochemistry, 67, 1907-1924 (2006). - Li, M., Welti, R. and Wang, X. Quantitative profiling of Arabidopsis polar glycerolipids in response to phosphorus starvation: Roles of PLDζ1 and PLDζ2 in phosphatidylcholine hydrolysis and digalactosyldiacylglycerol accumulation in phosphorus-starved plants. Plant Physiol., 142, 750-761 (2006). - Chen, M., Markham, J.E., Dietrich, C.R., Jaworski, J.G. and Cahoon, E.B. Sphingolipid long-chain base hydroxylation is important for growth and regulation of sphingolipid content and composition in Arabidopsis. Plant Cell, 20, 1862-1878 (2008). - Welti, R., Shah, J., Li, W., Li, M., Chen, J., Burke, J.J., Fauconnier, M.-L., Chapman, K., Chye, M.-L. and Wang, X. Plant lipidomics: Discerning biological function by profiling plant complex lipids using mass spectrometry. Frontiers Biosci., 12, 2494-2506 (2007). - Li, W., Wang, R., Li, M., Li, L., Wang, C., Welti, R. and Wang, X. Differential degradation of extraplastidic and plastidic lipids during freezing and post-freezing recovery in Arabidopsis thaliana. J. Biol. Chem., 283, 461-468 (2008). - Maeda, H., Sage, T.L., Isaac, G., Welti, R. and DellaPenna, D. Tocopherols modulate extra-plastidic polyunsaturated fatty acid metabolism in Arabidopsis at low temperature. Plant Cell, 20, 452-470 (2008). - Li-Beisson, Y., Shorrosh, B., Beisson, F., Andersson, M.X., Arondel, V., Bates, P.D., Baud, S., Bird, D., DeBono, A., Durrett, T.P., Franke, R. B., Graham, I.A., Katayama, K., Kelly, A.A., Larson, T., Markham, J.E., Miquel, M., Molina, I., Nishida, I., Rowland, O., Samuels, L., Schmid, K.M., Wada, H., Welti, R., Xu, C., Zallot, R. and Ohlrogge, J. Acyl lipid metabolism: June 11, 2010. The Arabidopsis Book. (American Society of Plant Biologists, Rockville, MD), doi: 10.1199/tab.0133, www.aspb.org/publications/arabidopsis (2010). - Iijima, Y., Nakamura, Y., Ogata, Y., Tanaka, K., Sakurai, N., Suda, K., Suzuki, T., Suzuki, H.,Okazaki, K., Kitayama, M., Kanaya, S., Aoki, K. and Shibata, D. Metabolite annotations based on the integration of mass spectral information. Plant J., 54, 949-962 (2008). - Southam, A.D., Payne, T.G., Cooper, H.J., Arvantis, T.N. and Viant, M.R. Dynamic range and mass accuracy of wide-scan direct infusion nanoelectrospray Fourier transform ion cyclotron resonance mass spectrometry-based metabolomics increased by spectral stitching method. Anal. Chem., 79, 4595-4602 (2007). - Welti, R. and Wang, X. Lipid species profiling: A high throughput approach to identify lipid compositional changes and determine the function of genes involved in lipid metabolism and signaling. Curr. Opin. Plant Biol., 7, 337-344 (2004). - Brügger, B., Erben, G., Sandhoff, R., Wieland, F.T. and Lehmann, W.D. Quantitative analysis of biological membrane lipids at the low picomole level by nano-electrospray ionization tandem mass spectrometry. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A., 94, 2339-2344 (1997). - Taguchi, R., Houjou, T., Nakanishi, H., Yamazaki, T., Ishida, M., Imagawa, M. and Shimizu, T. Focused lipidomics by tandem mass spectrometry. J. Chromatogr. B. Analyt. Technol. Biomed. Life Sci., 823, 26-36 (2005). - Gage, D.A., Huang, Z.H. and Benning, C. Comparison of sulfoquinovosyl diacylglycerol from spinach and the purple bacterium Rhodobacter sphaeroides by fast atom bombardment tandem mass spectrometry. Lipids, 27, 632-636 (1992). - Welti, R., Wang, X. and Williams, T.D. Electrospray ionization tandem mass spectrometry scan modes for plant chloroplast lipids. Anal. Biochem., 314, 149-152 (2003). - Isaac, G., Jeannotte, R., Esch, S.W. and Welti, R. New mass spectrometry-based strategies for lipids. Gen. Eng. Rev., 28, 129-157 (2007). - Moreau, R.A., Doehlert, D.C., Welti, R., Isaac, G., Roth, M., Tamura, P. and Nuñez, A. The identification of mono-, di-, tri-, and tetragalactosyl-diacylglycerols and their natural estolides in oat kernels. Lipids, 43, 533-548 (2008). - Markham, J.E. and Jaworski, J.G. Rapid measurement of sphingolipids from Arabidopsis thaliana by reversed-phase high-performance liquid chromatography coupled to electrospray ionization tandem mass spectrometry. Rapid Commun. Mass Spectrom., 21, 1304-1314 (2007). - Yang, S., Qiao, B., Lu, S.H., and Yuan, Y.J. Comparative lipidomics analysis of cellular development and apoptosis in two Taxus cell lines. Biochim. Biophys. Acta, 1771, 600-612 (2007). - Pan, X., Welti, R. and Wang, X. Quantitative analysis of major plant hormones in crude plant extracts by high-performance liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry. Nat. Protoc., 5, 986-992 (2010). - Larson, T.R. and Graham, I.A. Technical advance: A novel technique for the sensitive quantification of acyl CoA esters from plant tissues. Plant J., 25, 115-125 (2001). Further articles on the methodology of lipidomics are available in a specialized lipidomics section of this website Updated August 3, 2010

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These chapter descriptions explain the book The Teenager's Guide to the Real World by Marshall Brain, ISBN 1-9657430-3-9. For more information on the book please click here. Chapter Descriptions for The Teenager's Guide to the Real World Chapter 0 - You Get To Design Your Life[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 0] You are in a position of incredible power when you ask yourself questions like, "Who am I?" and "Who do I want to become?" You are the only person who can answer these questions. You, and only you, get to choose exactly who you will become in the future. This chapter will show you the incredible range of options that you have as a teenager. Part 1 - The Hard FactsThese are the basic facts of life that you must understand before you can do anything else. Most of these are hard because they will force you to break down fundamental assumptions that you may have about yourself and your world right now. Start with them. Chapter 1 - Money Really Matters[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 1] Have you ever wondered why adults spend so much time thinking and talking about money, jobs, taxes, prices and so on? For any normal adult living in America today, money ranks right up there next to oxygen. Without money you cannot eat. You have no place to sleep. You cannot drive. You have no freedom. It is this simple reality that causes adults to be so concerned about money. Chapter 1 explains the reality of money and shows you how much money it takes to live a normal life in America. Chapter 2 - Teenagers Lack Experience[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 2] Teenagers have not been out in the real world and experienced life as independent people. That can make things hard because it can skew perceptions or cause you to make decisions that have bad long-term consequences. This chapter will help you to see and understand what "lack of experience" means, and how you can correct the situation. Chapter 3 - Adults Rule the World[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 3] Adults rule the world. I can clearly remember as a teenager being quite mystified about this fact. Why arenít teenagers ruling the world? It's because adults make up 70% of the U.S. poulation while teenagers make up only 10%. Adults also own and operate everything. So what are you going to do about it? If you are going to succeed--in fact, if you are going to accomplish anything at all, whether it be saving the environment or becoming a millionaire--you need to learn how to fit into the adult world. This chapter shows you how. Chapter 4 - You Can Ignore Your Peers[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 4] Compare teenagers to adults. Who is more successful? Who can accomplish more? Who can do more good for the community and the world? Who will people listen to? The more time you spend talking to your peers, the more you are like them. The more time you spend talking to adults, the more you are like an adult. Adults can accomplish a whole lot more. Adults can actually make things happen. Therefore, logic would indicate that you should be talking to adults if success is your goal. This chapter will show you what your peers are missing and what adults have to offer. Part 2 - Facts About Jobs and CareersYou will have a job--that is a fact of life. By planning ahead you can get a job that is both high-paying and enjoyable. Chapter 5 - You Must Have a Job to Live Life[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 5] Most people miss the fact that you must have a job until they are well into their 20s or 30s. By then it is much more difficult to do anything about it. If you start thinking about it as a teenager, however, you gain a tremendous amount of control over your life. Given that you have to have a job, why not have a fun one? Why not have a job you really enjoy? Why not have a job that pays you $100,000 per year or $1,000,000 per year rather than $20,000? Why not? You WILL have a job. There is no way around it. You might as well make it a good one. This chapter will show you where to start. Chapter 6 - Education is One Key to a Good Job[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 6] Education is one key to a good job. In todayís job market what you know determines what you earn. The more you know the more you make, especially if what you know is important to some segment of the business world. This chapter shows you things you can do as a teenager to educate yourself in the things you enjoy doing. Chapter 7 - Good Jobs Go to Good Employees[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 7] You learned about the importance of good jobs in Chapter 1. Good jobs go to good employees. That is a fact of life. What are employers looking for in good employees? This chapter will show you. Chapter 8 - Suits Send Signals[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 8] Suits are a fact of life. In fact, suits have been a fact of life for quite awhile. As a teenager, you probably have an aversion to suits--a deep dislike that runs right to your core. I know that when I was a teenager I felt that way. I felt like a total geek whenever I had to wear "nice clothes." Yet, I wear a suit as I am writing this. I wear a suit every day. I actually choose to wear a suit and like the fact that I do. What I would like to do here is explain what caused that transformation. Part 3 - Facts About Love and MarriageYou might have noticed that, as a teenager, your brain and body seem to be obsessed with members of the opposite sex. This section explains "the facts of life" and what they mean to you both now and in the future. Chapter 9 - Love is THE Fact of Life[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 9] Love is a fact of life. For all human beings, and especially for teenagers, it could be said that love is THE fact of life. It is one thing that is central to all human existence. You might have come to this realization already. Simply by looking into your own mind and noticing how much of your time it spends thinking about people of the opposite sex, fantasizing about people of the opposite sex, dreaming about people of the opposite sex, wondering about people of the opposite sex, feeling depressed about people of the opposite sex and so on, you get a good idea of how important this topic is in the human realm. This chapter will show you why love, marriage, sex and babies are so important to human beings. Chapter 10 - Relationships are Random[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 10] In the previous chapter you learned that love, sex, marriage and babies are all intertwined. You also learned that love and sex are both firmly wired into your brain and your anatomy. This explains why love, sex and marriage are such "big deals." That is all well and good. It explains why we have love and sexual attraction. However, none of it explains why Christina wonít go out with you this weekend, or why Darren doesnít know you exist. That kind of stuff all falls into the category of "relationships," and, unfortunately, this part is messy. This chapter will help you understand the confusing world of relationships. Chapter 11 - Men and Women are Different[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 11] Men and women are completely different. As a teenager it is very easy to miss this simple truth. One way to understand the fundamental differences between men and women is to look at their anatomies. There are other fundamental differences as well. This chapter will help you to see that men and women are equal, but they do have lots of differences in how they view the world. Chapter 12 - Marriage is Forever[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 12] In our society marriage is the structure people use to create a stable family unit. A man and woman marry with the intention of staying together for life. Within that bond they usually have children and raise them. This arrangement is good for the children. It guarantees that the two parents are totally committed to the children and to each other. I can remember thinking as a teenager that marriage would be natural and easy. You fall in love and then you get married and you live happily ever after. Right? It turns out that that view of the world is a little naÔve because it leaves out the most important part. This chapter explains what marriage is about and what it means to be married for life. Chapter 13 - Teenage Sex is an Option[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 13] To any adult it is "obvious" that teenagers should not have sex. What adults generally forget is that for many teens the brain and body are sending signals that indicate otherwise. The question for you as a teenager is, "Should logic win this one?" Your body has a desire to reproduce. To your body sex is important. Can you discipline yourself enough to live with the urges and wait until you get married? That is the question this chapter looks at. This chapter helps you see both sides of the "teenage sex" question and lets you make your own choices. Part 4 - Facts About Your Attitude and ValuesYou are in total control of your attitude and your values. You can choose to be happy or sad, optimistic or pessimistic, shy or boisterous, honest or dishonest, or anything in between. The only person who has any control over your attitude and values is you. This section will show you some of the possibilities. Chapter 14 - You Can Be Confident[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 14] It turns out that lack of confidence is a terrible thing. It robs you of a tremendous number of opportunities in your life. It wastes time. It causes emotions that hurt and tear you down. In extreme cases it causes people to commit suicide. If you are in the huge army of unconfident teenagers now, I know exactly what you would think if I were to say to you, "You are a good person--be confident!" You would think, "Yeah, thatís fine for you to say, but it doesnít apply to ME. I AM a loser. I AM an idiot. I AM a weenie. I am miserable and I hate it." Or maybe you are less extreme than that and are merely mildly disgusted with yourself at times. What I would like to do in this chapter is try to show you a different way to look at the world. Chapter 15 - You Decide to Be HappySince it is a fact of life that the person you spend the most time with is yourself, and since it is also a fact of life that other people would rather be with a happy person, there are a lot of good reasons for you to try to be happy. This chapter will help you see how to get there. Chapter 16 - Being a Teenager Has Pros and ConsThere are advantages and disadvantages to being a teenager. The problem many teenagers have is that they donít recognize the disadvantages so they can avoid them, nor the advantages so they can exploit them. This chapter will point them out to you. Chapter 17 - Appearance CountsAppearance counts in the way you present yourself and your ideas. For many people this is a disconcerting and seemingly unfair fact of life, but it is a fact of life none the less. You can have the best idea in the world, but if the way you choose to present it looks bad it is very likely to be rejected. This chapter will help you to understand why appearance is so important to human beings. Chapter 18 - Virtue Triumphs Over Evil[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 18] This chapter explains "right" and "wrong" and shows you how to build a moral framework for your actions. This is the most important chapter in the book. Chapter 19 - You Can Say NoIn the previous chapter you learned about right and wrong. One problem you might notice about "doing the right thing" is that it can be extremely hard to say "No" to certain activities. This is especially hard when you are in a group and everyone else is doing something that you believe to be wrong (or simply not right for you). One of the best ways to do the right thing is to set boundaries for yourself that you will not cross. This chapter shows you how. Chapter 20 - Every Action Has a ReactionEvery action has an equal and opposite reaction. That is a fact of life both in the physical world and in the world of human society. Another way to look at it is to use the words "cause" and "effect." Every effect has a cause. One other way to think about it is to say that everything you do has short- and long-term consequences. When you do something you should expect the natural consequences, whether they are good or bad. Good actions generally have good consequences. Bad actions generally have bad consequences. This chapter talks about cause/effect chains and shows you how to see them in your own life. Chapter 21 - Certain Mistakes Will Ruin Your LifeThere are certain mistakes that you can make as a teenager that are harmless. For example, you can get a speeding ticket and it will have no long-lasting effects except for the $1,000 you will end up throwing out the window on insurance. Or you can fail a class through laziness and likely recover the next quarter. Your teenage years are a time to make lots of mistakes so that you can learn from each one. However, there are other mistakes you can make that have much longer-lasting effects. The effects can be so long-lasting that they negatively affect the rest of your life in one way or another. Your life ends up being much harder than it would have been if you had prevented the mistake from occurring in the first place. This chapter describes a number of long-term errors you can make. Part 5 - Facts About SuccessThere are a number of things you can do to help yourself become successful. This section explores some of the most important facts of life. Chapter 22 - You Can Create a High Level Vision[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 22] You can create a high-level vision of any space that you occupy. This vision allows you to evaluate yourself as well as those around you. It allows you to analyze and, in many cases, truly understand the problems you face. It allows you to become much more strategic in your thinking. Once you realize that it is possible, you can practice this skill and use it to accomplish things both great and mundane. This chapter shows you how. Chapter 23 - Goals Guide Your SuccessIf you were to try to identify the most important things that distinguish successful people from those who are not, you would have to pick goals and dreams. Goals and dreams directly control your success. They also give meaning to life. Chapter 24 - You Have OptionsIn order to reach your goals and be successful, you have to become an expert in finding options and picking the best one for each situation. Finding options involves research and creativity. Selecting the best option involves optimization and rational decision-making. Successful people are excellent at both of these activities. They get excellent at these activities through practice. Chapter 25 - Everything Takes TimeEverything takes time. That is a hard fact for many teenagers to swallow. Nonetheless, by understanding and accepting this fact of life you can gain a much clearer understanding of what you are doing now, why you are doing it and what will happen to you in the future. Chapter 26 - You Can Control Your AngerAnger is a tough one. You can be going along at age 10 or 11 doing just fine without a care in the world. Then puberty comes and completely changes your personality. A lot of teenagers end up having a problem with anger as a result. As a two-year old you got angry. You had all sorts of screaming tantrums, but it was impossible for you to control your anger because you lacked the ability to think and reason. As a teenager it is different, because presumably you are able to think as a teenager. One consistent trait of all truly successful people is that they learn to control their anger and use it productively. Chapter 27 - You Learn by ListeningPerhaps you feel this way sometimes: You feel like you MUST say something or people will forget you are there or think you are stupid. Or perhaps you find yourself talking constantly but saying little or nothing. Earth is a planet full of people, many of whom have excellent ideas and interesting things to say. Those ideas are available simply by listening. Chapter 28 - Success is Your ResponsibilityA successful person stripped of all worldly possessions might temporarily be without a home, but he or she would never be "homeless." A successful person knows how the world works and has a set of important skills and knowledge that are intrinsically valuable. A successful person is able to use that knowledge to become successful again. This book has discussed a number of specific attributes that help a person achieve success. As you search for success in your own life, you can strive toward improving these attributes and making them work for you. This Chapter summarizes several of the keys to success. Part 6 - Facts About MoneyMoney is incredibly important in American society. You become homeless if you don't have enough. If you have more than you need, you can afford to do things that enrich your life or the lives of others. Money management can be fairly complicated, however, and it is easy to make mistakes. This section shows you the fundamental facts of money management so you learn the basic vocabulary and concepts. Chapter 29 - You Can Control Your FinancesThe "world of personal finance" is a huge space with hundreds of options and its own peculiar vocabulary. Most teenagers therefore have no idea what personal finance is or what it means to control your finances. That lack of knowledge can severely limit your chances for success. If you take it step by step, however, you actually can penetrate this field and completely understand it. In this chapter we will start at the beginning and see how the most basic things in life directly affect you and your finances. Chapter 30 - Retirement Accounts Build WealthAs a teenager, retirement is probably the last thing on your mind. While you are under 30 you may think that saving for retirement is totally irrelevant. However, retirement is a fact of life and adults are highly concerned about it. When you hear adults talk about 401(k) accounts and IRA accounts and annuities, what they are talking about is retirement. The goal here is to help you to understand what they are talking about and why they think it is so important. Chapter 31 - You Have a lot of Financial OptionsIf you are new to "financial management" and "investing," one of the hardest things to figure out is the answer to what should be an easy question: "Where should I invest my money?" The reason that the answer to this question is not simple is because there are so many options, and each option has so many variables attached to it. These options are a fact of life. If you can learn about all of the options available you can make much smarter financial decisions. This chapter describes the nine most common options and the advantages and disadvantages of each. Chapter 32 - You Will Buy a House One DayThere are significant financial advantages to owning a home. However, the purchase of a home is normally the most complicated financial transaction in which a person participates during a normal lifetime. This chapter will help you to see what is involved. Chapter 33 - Life InsuranceAs a teenager, life insurance is something you do not need. However, at some point in your life you will be approached by life insurance salespeople. This encounter may happen as you enroll in college or just after exiting college. It is possible for an agent to pressure you in to buying a lot of life insurance that you do not need. This chapter will help prepare you for the encounter. Chapter 34 - Frugality Saves MoneyFor most adults some form of frugality is a fact of life. For example, buying items on sale and using coupons are marks of frugality. Perhaps a better, more modern way to talk about frugality would be to call it "creative saving." Thatís all it is. Frugality is the attempt to save money when you can, rather than spending it. Part 7 - Other Facts of LifeThere is a wide variety of other things that will be useful to you as you work your way toward becoming a successful adult. This section lists a number of other important facts of life. Chapter 35 - Laws, Police and Lawyers[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 35] The most frustrating things in the world to many teenagers are all the rules, laws and restrictions that seem to impose limits on everybody. A teenager is faced with a wide variety of limitations. This chapter explains where they all come from and why they are important. Chapter 36 - Sports are EternalSports are a fundamental element of most societies on this planet. The human obsession with sports stretches way back in time to the giant Roman coliseums built before the birth of Christ. Sports are central in many different ways. Once you accept that sports are fact of life and that you cannot change this fact, a lot of other things make sense. Chapter 37 - Life is ShortLife is short. That is a fact of life. It is impossible to understand this simple fact as a teenager, however. In this chapter you will gain some perspective on the topic. Chapter 38 - People Have OpinionsAn opinion is a position that a person takes on a particular topic. Everyone has opinions, and the range of opinions is often amazing. In this chapter you will have the opportunity to see why your opinions are important, and also to learn how to gather information to help form your opinions. Chapter 39 - People are PeopleYou are a person. You will spend a good portion of your time dealing with other people. These are both facts of life. Because of these facts of life, it is important that you understand something about human nature. By understanding what makes people tick, you can work with them rather than against them and accomplish your goals much more quickly. Chapter 40 - You Are Not AloneWhen something happens to you it can sometimes seem like you alone are suffering. This is a natural feeling. For example, if a close friend dies or you get rejected by the college of your choice, it can seem like you have been singled out for punishment. You feel like you are alone and the world is against you. The key thing to realize is that you are not alone. This chapter shows you how to handle rejection, crises and death. Chapter 41 - Material Things Do Not Bring Happiness[Click here for the complete text of Chapter 41] Material things do not necessarily bring you happiness. That is a fact of life. It is a hard fact to understand sometimes, especially in a society that tries very hard to teach you otherwise. It is very common to get into a mode where you think, "If only I had object X my life would be perfect and I would be happy." Then you get object X and a week later you aren't happy at all. This chapter shows you some other ways to look at life. Chapter 42 - You Can Avoid ScamsThere are a million enterprises on this planet that depend on ignorance for their livelihood. That is a fact of life. Some of these activities are outright scams (for example, a shell game in New York City), while others are legitimate businesses that use rather odd practices or situations that cause you to do things you would not normally do (for example, time shares). Adults understand how these enterprises work and avoid them because they have already learned about them. Unfortunately, "There is a sucker born every minute." What that expression means is that when you are born you are naÔve. You can be sucked into a scam because of your inexperience. Each year the millions of naÔve teenagers who turn into new adults (suckers) keep these enterprises going because they can each be scammed once. That is all it takes. This chapter introduces you to some of the familiar scams that most adults already know about so that you can avoid them. Chapter 43 - Your Parents are Human BeingsOne of the things you might notice after reading this book is that a lot of the things your parents do make more sense now. You may still not like what your parents do, but their actions make more sense. This chapter will help you to consolidate your understanding of your parents. Chapter 44 - America is Designed for BusinessThe American Economy is designed for business. That is a fact of life. The entire economic environment of this country favors people who start and operate businesses. By starting a business you have the potential to tap into this economic engine. In this chapter you will learn how you can start a small business in America. In the process you will learn a great deal about how the world works.

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Constance M. Pott founder of the Francis Bacon Reprinted from Baconiana No. 30, April 1900 The subject of this short paper is " Francis Bacon : His Friends and Associates," a matter hitherto singularly overlooked and neglected. There is an old proverb, "Tell me your company, and I will tell you what you are," but in trying to find out what Francis Bacon truly was , too little inquiry has been generally made as to his "company," neither do his biographers sufficiently enlighten us. Many interesting names just appear, and pass over the pages of the regulation "Lives" set before the public; foreign names such as Galileo, Fulgentius, Bruno, Montaigne, and many more English names presently to be noticed. Like fleeting shadows they come and go, unnoted by the inobservant or uninterested, but furnishing useful hints to the pioneer corps striving to clear the way to true discovery. We cannot depend even upon the Index of any Baconian "Life" to guide us faithfully to the required particulars. Search the Index to James Spedding's seven 8vo vols. of Bacon's Letters and Life, and you will find no entry of any masque, revel, device, or entertainment, none of the "Order of the Helmet," the "Masque of the Indian Prince," or of "Philantia, or Self-love," although these pieces are described, and some printed in these volumes. So on with many other matters pertinent to our inquiries. The authors or publishers of such works are evidently perfectly well informed as to what facts will lead up to the true revelation of "Bacon", these are therefore either omitted, or cleverly introduced so as to pass unnoticed by the "General." This will be the experience of all who follow this game, "If" (as Lear says), "you will catch it, you must catch it running." Now we all know that Bacon's Courtly friends and asssociates, the Dukes of Buckingham and Norfolk, the Earls of Arundel, Derby, Essex, Leicester, Northampton, Nottingham, Pembroke, and Montgomery, Shrewsbury, Suffolk, Sussex, and Warwick; the Lords Buckhurst, Clinton, Dudley, Dorset, Herbert, Howard, Hundson, Rich, Sackville, Sheffield, Strange, Willoughby, and others, kept theatrical companies. Your attention is asked to this point, for hereby hangs a tale. Can there be clearer evidence of the little interest which has been generally taken in Francis Bacon, or of how little his many critics have put two and two together concerning him, than in this, that none should have observed the fact that of all the great Courtiers of his time, Francis Bacon was one of the few who did not keep a theatrical company, whilst it was he alone who stood up in defence of the Theatre, and as an absolute advocate of the use of Stage Plays? Readers of Baconiana are acquainted with the eulogies of Francis Bacon, written by some thirty of his friends. In one it is declared that in no light or frivolous spirit did he " draw on the socks of the Comedian and the high heeled boots of the Tragedian." In his own eulogy of the Stage, he similarly describes the Drama as no mere pastime or amusement, but as a serious matter, a part of his "Method," his stupendous scheme for the "Great Restauration" of fallen and degraded humanity. He considers, as all experience shows to be true, that dull, untrained, ignorant minds should be instructed in the simplest and most natural way--objectively--as we teach little children, by showing them pictures, and by talking to them of things set before their eyes. Hamlet ( in his instructions to the Players) tells them they should "hold a mirror up to nature, show virtue her own figure, scorn her own image, and the very age and body of the time, his form and pressure," or mode of expression. That speech is almost too familiar to be quoted, but how few people have thought of connecting it with a passage in the Advancement of Learning (Bk. ii. 13) where Bacon describes "Dramatic Poesy which has the world of its theatre, and which would be of great use if well directed. For the stage is capable of no small influence both of discipline and corruption. Now of corruptions in this kind we have had enough, but the discipline in our time has been plainly neglected." Pray read that chapter on Poesy narrative ( of which the above extract forms about one-third) was omitted from the first edition in English of the Advancement. It was inserted into the Latin edition (the De Augmentis), published when? --published in 1623, just after the issue of the Shakespeare folio. Is this fact without significance? Let me repeat. Within a few months of the publication of the first collected edition of the Plays (some of which had been before the public for thirty years), Bacon writes that in his times the discipline of the Stage had been plainly neglected, and esteemed but as a toy. Among the ancients, he adds, it was used as a means of educating men's minds to instruction, is (as Spedding justly notes) , connected in a striking manner with the remark that men in bodies are more open to impression than when alone. A magnificient illustration of this has lately been seen on the stage in the scene in Julius Caesar, where Brutus and Marc Antony by turns address, and stir up the feelings of the buzzing, wavering, multitude, so easily impressed by a fluent Shall Bacon's pregnant words about the corruption and neglect of the Stage in his day, be passed by unheeded? Note that he does not so much as allude to Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, or others of the "Great Dramatists." And note too, that elsewhere, when touching upon similar deficiencies, he says : "Of myself I am silent." To return to the Royal and noble families who kept in their pay, theatrical companies. The fact has been accounted for by the assumption that this was "the fashion of the time." Good words, and easily spoken, but we ask, why the fashion? How came it that such a fashion should have sprung up suddenly, at the very time when Puritanism was urging with tongue and pen th baseness and profanity of Stage playing? And further, is no one suprised to find the Head Masters of St. Paul's and other schools, forming juvenile theatrical companies amongst their scholars, just such "Aery's of children" as Hamlet discusses with Rosencrantz, who describes them as "the fashion." Such children's performances were in complete accordance with Bacon's repeated arguements in favour of an early training in acting as a means towards what he terms "the culture and manurance of the mind," and for gaining the self-possession and grace of gesture needful for a good public Many names have been enumerated of the patrons of the Stage (some reputed authors) who were friends or associates of Francis Bacon. But it is not to his patrons or equals whom we should specially look. It is to humbler persons, the so called "servants" whom he employed as Secretaries,Travellers, Reporters, Business Managers, and so forth. The names will not be those of men connected with science, politics, law, or religion; these will afford matter for future consideration. We now speak only of Poets, and others connected with the stage. Lists of names from the enormous correspondence of Anthony Bacon, whom Francis called his "consorte." These names are found in the "Tenison" collection and in the "Gibson" MSS. in the Library at Lambeth Palace. To these are added lists from Peter Cunningham's "Accounts of the Revels at Court," the "Papers" and the "Memoirs" of Edward Alleyn, the actor, and "Henlslowe's Diary." The last named six volumes were published by the first Shakespeare Society, to whom Baconians are deeply indebted. It is the more kind of them to have furnished us with this valuable series since therin are found clues to "Bacon's" associates, although not one word appears about the man, "William Shakespeare." To be sure the note Shaxberd, written in the margin, is annexed to the entries of three Shakespeare Plays performed by his Majesty's Players. But the total omission of any illusion to, or hint of the personality of such an individual as Shakespeare, is more than once commented upon the Editors of these records as being "wonderful" and unaccountable. For brevity's sake we omit references, merely enumerating some names common to nearly all the We find the Alleyn family in full force. First on the pages of Francis Bacon's letters appears Capt. Francis Alleyn,( The Alleyns spell their names variously even in the same letter. Alen, Allen, Allin, Aleyn, Alleyne.) a frank, plain spoken soldier, employed by Anthony to intercede for the release of his servant, Lawson, who had been arrested after the charitable manners of the time, on suspicion of being a Romanist. Francis Alleyn seems to have been very useful to the Bacons as a Messenger or "Intelligencer." William Alleyne got himself into political troubles. Bacon calls him "a base fellow and turbulent." John Alleyn was theatrical servant to the Lords Howard and Sheffield. He was elder brother to Edward Alleyn, the Player, and the ostensible founder of Dulwich College, in which Bacon was curiously interested. How Alleyn found the money to make that noble foundation is only one of the many points which remain "behind the Curtain of the Dark." Henslowe reports two more Alleyns, Charles, and Richard, and amongst Anthony Bacon's letters are at least six from Godfrey Alleyn. There is, therefore, no doubt that the Alleyn family were amongst Bacon's helpers or "servants." The Beaumonts, John and Sir Thomas, were amongst the adventurers to Virginia. I suppose that all know how hard and sucessfully Bacon strove for the colonisation and defence of this region in the New World. Most of the adventurers, including the Beaumonts, were his own friends. Francis Beaumont dedicated a masque to the Gentlemen of Gray's Inn and the Inner Temple, thanking them for their help, and adding "You especially, Sir Francis Bacon, as you did then by your countenance and loving affecations advance it, so let your good word grace, which is able to add value to the greatest and least of matters." At the same time Bacon was Solicitor-General, yet Spedding had no doubt that "he had a good deal to say about the arrangements," and John Chamberlain, an eye witness, describes the performance as "a masque, of which Sir Francis Bacon was the chief contriver." Browne is now a common name, yet we may note that Edward Alleyne's step-father was a Browne, that Richard Browne was one of the company of actors who beyond seas to perform their plays, and that Henry Browne was a faithful servant friend to whom Bacon left a legacy. When in Bacon's anecdotes we find him telling of Sir Edward Dyer, the supposed poet, that he asked Dr. Browne a question which Browne answered "after his blunt and huddling manner," we gain a glimmering as to how it came that the singularly Baconian works, The Religio Medici, Cyrus' Garden, Common Errors, Christian Morals, Urn Burial, and other pieces, should have appeared under the name of this "huddling" doctor. "It is," says John Addington Symonds, "as a great master of diction, as a Rhetorician in the highest sense of that abused word, that this 'Author' (Thomas Browne), "proclaims himself the rival of Jeremy Taylor, and the peer of Milton, in their highest flights of cadenced prose." Rather high commendation is it not of "the blunt and huddling" doctor? The perusal of a few of Dr. Browne's orginial letters, may assure you that Bacon's judgment of his style was not far from the mark. But to continue about Bacon's friends and associates, bound by solemn vows and obligations to hand down the contents of the Cabinets and Presses full of papers which he left upublished. Amongst others of the Secret Society were the Careys or Carews. Four of this family were engaged in the Virginian enterprise. John, helped with the Revels at Court, and supplied properties. Richard is described as a writer chiefly on Topgraphy. He died in 1620. His brother George was knighted by Queen Elizabeth, and is the reputed author of an account of France and of the Court of Henri IV of France. This work, however, was not published, or (we believe) heard of until 100 years after his death, which occured in 1614. This Sir George Carew was, from early youth to latest age, very intimate with Francis Bacon; we are therefore fully prepared to learn that George and Thomas Carew were, Poets--that Thomas was also a dramatist, and that he is said to have written the Masque entitled, "Coelum Brittanicum," which was performed before the Court at Whitehall in 1633, and greatly admired. In fact, all these men were Bacon's "Masks," engaged in publishing his works. Abraham Cowley is another "Poet "who (we think) wrote no poetry, but who (we think) published many of Francis Bacon's juvenile effusions in prose and verse. What was his actual history, apart from that given of the author in the poems themselves? He was born, according to various biographers, in 1612, 1616, or 1618, and educated at Westminster School, and Trinity College, Cambridge (Bacon's old college). There he helped with other members of the College to "produce" a Latin Comedy, and he lived in College till he was 36, when he was ejected by the Puritans because of his active partisanship in the Royal cause. For twelve and a half years he travelled, corresponded, ciphered, and deciphered for the King and Queen. He published no poetry until 1657, when he was about 45 (52?) years of age; and nothing in his supposed paper of "Myself" at all well fits his own history, but it is as hand to glove when applied to records of the youthful days of Francis Bacon. Having published this one volume of apparently juvenile works, Cowley returned to active politics; was thrown into prison,but being released, he again went abroad, and was again employed in helping the Royal cause. On the Restoration taking place, he was overlooked and neglected; but at length,by the interest of the Duke of Buckingham, he obtained the lease of a farm at Chertsey, which returned him 300 pounds a year. He died at the age of 55. No more poetry came forth after that one volume in 1657. Now anyone who has sufficient interest in these matters to be at the pains to follow the spring to its head, should read the "Account of the Life of Mr. Abraham Cowley," printed at the beginning of the 1669 edition of "The Works." Dr. Sprat, President of the Royal Society, wrote that Prefatory Account, and his name is signed in crooked printing and in mixed type, at the end of the Life. It is an excellent specimen of a feigned biography; pray somebody study it. You will see how ingeniously Dr. Sprat contrives to let you see that the Author was one of the most wonderful men in the world, but tht Cowley was not the Author. And again to force you to connect "My Lord St. Albans" with Cowley. If Cowley were truly "dependant" upon the Lord St. Alban living in 1656- (of which we can find no trace) it must have been that mysterious Lord who was a Jermyn-- and who somehow popped into the title and out again,and "left no wrack behind." Dr. Sprat says : "In his long DEPENDENCE on my Lord St. Albans there never happened any kind of difference between them," and in another place, "I am confident his Lordship will believe it to be no injury to his fame, that in these papers my Lord St. Albans and Mr. Cowley's names shall be read together by posterity." Dr. Sprat has previously said that Cowley had intended to dedicate all his works to Lord St. Albans, as a testimony of his entire respects for him, and as an apology for having left humane , or literary, affairs in the strength of his age, and when he might have been of some use to his country. Why the Dedication was omitted, Dr.Sprat does not say. The natural conclusion upon the whole matter is that he knew perfectly well that Cowley never wrote a word of his supposed works, as an amanuensis writes for his master, on whom he is truly "dependant." Several members of the Cowley family corresponded with Anthony Bacon. Their letters may be seen in the Tenison Collection, where also, in the Gibson Collection, may be seen letters chiefly of news and politics from four more Cowleys. Richard Cowley was a Player. His name is to be seen associated with the names of Burbage and Phillips in the Alleyne Papers, and other documents concerning Plays and Revels, published by the old Shakespeare Society. In August, 1894, it was pointed out, in a short paper in Baconiana how, in a section of Much Adoe About Nothing, the type in the 1623 folio Shakespeare is tampered with for purposes of cipher, and apparently, in order to change the correct words Constable and Keeper, into the names Cowley and Kemp. The Constables were connections by marriage of the Bacons. In 1593, Richard and Robert Constable are found to have been corresponding with Burbage at the same time that Anthony Bacon was receiving letters from the Cowleys. The Kemps, too, were Bacon's cousins. He was evidently fond of Robert Kemp, whom he calls "Good Robin," and with whom he seems to have had pleasant, but unexplained, business. William Kemp was one of Lord Strange's company. Thomas Kemp's daughter married Thomas Shirley; another link, you see, with the supposed galaxy of poets. The Shirley's were great travellers, and gatherers of information. John, who was once a curate at St. Albans, is said to have turned Romanist, and "thereupon to have become a fertile writer for the stage", but this tale rests upon as slight a foundation as Of the Davies family, John and Lancelot were Virginians; John helped in the Revels, and to him Bacon, wrote, praying him to be kind to concealed poets. This John Davies is the supposed author of a poem entitled, Nosce Teipsum, which two words (Know Thyself) form an entry in Bacon's Promus. Now for the Fletchers, another large family of whom John, we know, collaborated with Beaumont,and who figures as a Dramatist. To Dr. Giles Fletcher, Bacon gave a living in Suffolk. His brother, Thomas Fletcher, was the Master of St. Paul's School, already mentioned as encouraging the boys to get up theatrical performances. In the Revels at Court we find this lively schoolmaster hiring apparel for public and private entertainments. Four other Fletchers are named in connection with Henslowe, and with the Virginian enterprise. The noble family of Herbert was intimately connected with Bacon and his various undertakings. Sir Henry Herbert was Master of the Revels. To Mr. W. H., (as we believe) William Herbert, afterward Earl of Pembroke, the Shakespeare Sonnets were dedicated. In his private theatre at Wilton, "Measure for Measure" was first performed, with speeches introduced to incline the king's heart to mercy, at a time when he and his Court were awaiting the trial of Sir Walter Raleigh, about to take place at Winchester. George Herbert, the beloved rector of Bemerton, was the accredited author of the "Temple," and other sacred poems. He wrote two of the Latin elegies in praise of Bacon which we know as the Manes Verulamiani. Space is limited, so only a few words can be said of the Johnsons. Englishmen have made up their minds to spell Ben Johnson's name without an h, though in his own time (and referring to himself and not to his works) it was invariably printed with one. Hereby (perhaps intentionally) confusion is worse confounded when we try to trace the family tree. However, Ben, whether with or without his h, was one of Bacon's able pens, writing under his roof, eulogising Bacon in precisely the same words which he used to eulogise Shakespeare, and finally contributing some Latin verses to the collection of Verulam elegies. Is it by mere coincidence that these Latin verses,signed Ben Johnson with an h, stand next to verses by Boswell? We would gladly have expatiated a little upon Sir Phillip Sydney in his character of Poet, and as the supposed Author of the "Arcadia"; but the subject is too large for this little paper, and probably no two of our readers have read the "Arcadia" from beginning to end. We can but recommend to students an examination of the edition of that work published in 1660 just 100 years after the birth of Bacon. It will be seen that Sir Phillip Sydney did not claim the authorship, but that the "Arcadia" was published anonymously, and entitled, "The Countess of Sidney's Arcadia." That "deere ladie" was "Sidney's Sister, Pembroke's Mother," and few readers would, by their own unprejudiced judgment, arrive at the conclusion that the Dedication was from a brother to as sister. It appears indeed that this "Life and Death of Sir Phillip Sidney," is another example of the "Feigned Histories" already spoken of, and the "Arcadia" itself one of Francis Bacon's earliest works, by degrees, and through a course of many years enlarged and revised for purposes yet to be It remains briefly to commend to the reader's notice the history of the Donne family, one of whom married a daughter of Edward Alleyne; another of whom was secretary to Bacon's warm friend, Lord Ellesmere. This John Donne rose to be Dean of St. Paul's and of course, a Poet. (see a most interesting Life of Dr. Donne (published since this was written) by Mr. Edmund Gosse) Sir Edward Dyer also needs inspection. He was a correspondent of the Bacons. Massinger is found to be the son of the Earl of Pembroke's Steward. Sir Henry Wotton was one of the Bacon's cousins. Richard Lovelace, the Middletons, Sandys, Shirleys, Butlers, Taylors, Fields, Hobby, all appear in the lists from the Bacon correspondence, with many less well-known names, and others well known, but not included in the records of the Shakespeare Society. A great deal is also to be learnt by a close search into the true history of the Rawley, or Raleigh family, of whom Sir Walter Raleigh has been reckoned the Star, and ranged with the scholars and courtly poets of his own day. It is satisfactory to observe that recent biographical dictionaries are beginning to discard this latter fiction. But how much is true concerning the visits of Francis to Sir Walter Raleigh in the Tower? What was the precise relationship between Sir Walter Raleigh, or Rawley, and Dr. William Rawley who was Francis Bacon's confidential secretary. His collection of MSS is known to be extant, but strangley, "reserved" from the public eye. Where are these Papers? However, in Bacon's notes is this entry : "The setting on work my Lord Northampton and Raleigh." Bacon then, directed Raleigh's work, perhaps to beguile sad hours in prison, where Bacon is recorded to have visited him. Then, as usual, he handed over to him all the credit of their joint efforts. Last, not least, a few words of the Spencers of whom at least two were secretaries to Anthony and Francis. Robert Spencer, George Urion, and Dr. Spencer are often met with our dusty pages. Gabriel Spenser, an actor, was killed by Ben Jonson in a duel. I have observed the significant fact that William Shaksper the man is utterly ignored, and the name, "Shakespeare," never once mentioned in the six volumes of Records, Accounts, and Registers published by the old Shakespeare Society. Is it not equally significant, that the name of Edmund Spenser-- the supposed author of the "Fairie Queene," should be also absent from those records, and only introduced in some notes by Peter Cunningham, as if expressly to emphasize the fact that the first (anonymous) edition of the "Shepherd's Calender" ( 1579) when Bacon was eighteen, was dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney, whereas, eight years later, it was declared to have been written by him. To sum up briefly all that would be said did time permit. When we try to trace the history of any wit, poet, or dramatist of the century from 1560 to 1660, or thereabouts, we invariably find him connected, directly or indirectly with Francis Bacon. On the other hand, Shakspere, the Man , is utterly ignored in the literary records of the age. No accounts of Theatres or Revels, no register of Stationers or Publishers so much as mention him. Neither is Shakespeare included in the lists of distinguished wits and authors enumerated by Ben Jonson, Sir Henry Wotton, and others of the time. Bacon is found apparently inviting criticism on Measure for Measure and Julius Caesar, as his own Plays. Richard II and Richard III are also included with other Plays and devices in a MSS. list of Bacon's minor writings. But nowhere does Bacon, even when mourning the neglect and degradation of the Stage, allude to Shakespeare. I have spoken only of subordinates in the great Bacon Society--paid servants (as I believe), amanuenses, transcribers, and so forth, of the lighter pieces which he spoke of as "the Works of my recreation." But a similar veil is drawn across history and works of every great "author" so called of that period; moreover, these authors are inextricably mixed up, not only amongst each other, but bound and linked in all manner of ways with Francis Bacon. Whether they be theologans, philosophers and moralists, or men of science, literature, and art, historians or travellers; peep behind their masks or under their hoods, and there is Francis Bacon--his theology, his philosophy and morality, his experimental science, and universal knowledge enshrined in his own and noble model of language. Some pieces, to be sure, are in the modelling clay only, left for others to copy in more solid form. Many others are highly finished, polished with an art upon which no later hand has improved. The helpers in such works may have been chiefly the "voluntaries" (as distinct from the paid subordinates) whom in his private notes, Francis Bacon is seen proposing to enlist. With time and money at their disposal his equals and superiors could render valuable aid. Yet these did but follow his lead. In every new enterprise he was (to use his own words) the "inventor" and "contriver," the "true Pioneer in the Mine of Truth." Others did but rough hew the dead image for which he had made the design, and which only by his skill could be polished and perfected. "I leave the work of Time, he says," to Time's mastery." "Time is the wisest of all things, and the author and inventor every day of new cases." "Men err in disturbing the order of Time and in hastening the end they are at the beginning." Yes, and Time, too, will alone complete and vindicate the gigantic work for the benefit of the human race in all ages, which was conceived, and in great part accomplished by Francis Bacon. of mmmm00000oooembers of the Cowley family

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Sinapis Alba (U. S. P.)—White Mustard. Preparations: Mustard Paper - Mustard Poultice - Compound Liniment of Mustard - Spirit of Mustard Related entry: Oleum Sinapis Volatile (U. S. P.)—Volatile Oil of Mustard "The seed of Brassica alba (Linné), Hooker filius et Thompson"—(U. S. P.) (Sinapis alba, Linné; Leucosinapis alba, Spach). ILLUSTRATION: Bentley and Trimen, Med. Plants, 23. Sinapis Nigra (U. S. P.)—Black Mustard. "The seed of Brassica nigra (Linné), Koch"—(U. S. P.) (Sinapis nigra, Linné; Brassica sinapoides, Roth). ILLUSTRATION: Bentley and Trimen, Med. Plants, 22. Botanical Source.—Sinapis alba is an annual plant, with a thinly hirsute stem, 2 to 5 feet high. The leaves are smoothish, lyrately pinnate, irregularly dentate, rugged, and pale-green; the lower lobes oblong and deeper; the terminal larger. Flowers large, pale-yellow; petals ovate, with straight claws; sepals linear, green, equal at base, and spreading. The siliques or pods are spreading, hispid, torose at the place of the seeds, nerved, shorter than the compressed, ensiform beak, about 4-seeded. The seeds are globose, large, and pale (W.—L.). Sinapis nigra is also an annual plant, with a round, smooth, striate, branching stem, 3 to 6 feet high. The lower leaves are large, lyrate, rough, variously lobed, and dentate; the upper linear-lanceolate, smooth, entire, and pendulous; all petiolate. Flowers small, sulphur-yellow; calyx spreading; petals obovate. Pods very numerous, nearly an inch long, bluntly quadrangular, nearly even and smooth, appressed close to the rachis of the raceme, tipped by a small, short, 4-sided style, but wholly destitute of the ensiform beak of the above species. The seeds are numerous, small, globose, blackish-brown, and veined (L.—W.). Description.—These plants are indigenous to Europe, and have been introduced into this country, where they are cultivated for use, and are found growing in old fields and waste places, flowering in June and July. The U. .S. P. describes White mustard-seed as "about 2 Mm. (1/12 inch) in diameter, almost globular, with a circular hilum; testa yellowish, finely pitted, hard; embryo oily, with a curved radical, and 2 cotyledons, one folded over the other; free from starch; inodorous; taste pungent and acrid"—(U. S. P.). Black mustard-seed is "about 1 Mm. (1/25 inch) in diameter, almost globular, with a circular hilum; testa blackish-brown or grayish-brown, finely pitted, hard; embryo oily, with a curved radical, and 2 cotyledons, one folded over the other; free from starch; inodorous when dry, but when triturated with water, of a pungent, penetrating, irritating odor; taste pungent and acrid"—(U. S. P.). Both kinds of mustard-seeds are employed in medicine, in the form of flour, and the white seed is likewise used entire. Table mustard is prepared from the white seed, but the finest quality is prepared with the purest flour of both the white and black, in nearly equal quantities. Wheat flour is sometimes added to diminish the pungency, and turmeric has been added to improve the color. (AJP1871) The medicinal flour of mustard should be made with the black and white seeds only, without any adulteration. Chemical Composition.—Both white and black mustard-seeds contain mucilage (19 per cent in black mustard-seed), non-drying fatty oil (an average of 25 per cent; Hassall [Pharm. Jour. Trans., Vol. IV, 1874, p. 670] found 35.7 per cent); it is light to brown-yellow, and consists of the glycerides of stearic and oleic acids, erucic (or brassic) acid (C22H42O2), which is the principal acid, behenic (C22H44O2) and sinapolic (C20H38O2) acids. In both kinds of seeds much nitrogenous matter is present (26 to 31 per cent; see methods of analysis of black and white mustard by C. H. Piesse and L. Stansell, Pharm. Jour. Trans., Vol. XI, 1880, p. 416). The nitrogenous ferment, myrosin, likewise occurs in both kinds of seeds. It is soluble in water, insoluble in alcohol. Starch is absent in ripe mustard-seed, and the ash varies from 4 to 5 per cent. The most important constituents of mustard are the glucosids sinigrin, in black, and sinalbin, in white mustard-seed, both of complicated, yet analogous, composition. SINIGRIN (potassium myronate, C10H16NS2KO9, or C3H5N:C:[S.C6H11O5.[O.SO2OK], Gadamer) and myrosin were first isolated by Bussy (1839), and their behavior further studied by Will and Körner (1863). Dr. J. Gadamer (Archiv der Pharm., 1897, pp. 44-114) obtained a yield of 1.3 per cent. It crystallizes in brilliant-white needles, is soluble in water, yielding a neutral solution of bitter taste. It is very little soluble in cold alcohol, insoluble in ether. In contact with myrosin in aqueous solution, at a temperature not above 70° C. (158° F.), it is readily decomposed into allyl-mustard oil (allyl-isothiocyanide, or volatile oil of mustard, which see), dextrose, and acid potassium sulphate, according to the equation: C10H16NS2KO9 + H2O = C3H5NCS + C6H12O6 + KHSO4. At and above the temperature named, the activity of the myrosin is destroyed. SINALBIN (C30H42N2S2O15, Gadamer, 1897), so named and investigated by Will and Laubenheimer (1870), may be obtained from white mustard-seed in the quantity of 2.5 per cent (Gadamer). It crystallizes in nearly colorless prisms, is readily soluble in boiling water, little soluble in alcohol, insoluble in ether. In contact with myrosin and water, sinalbin undergoes decomposition analogous to that of sinigrin-namely, into non-volatile, pungent sinalbin-mustard-oil (paraoxybenzyl- [or acrinyl-] isothiocyanide, C6H6[OH].CH2.NCS), dextrose, and acid sinapine sulphate, according to the equation: C30H42N2S2O15 + H2O = C7H7O.NCS + C6H12O6 + C16H24NO5.HSO4. The basis sinapine (C12H25NO2, Gadamer) was ascertained by von Babo and Hirschbrunn (1852) to be the ester of choline (C5H15NO2) and sinapic acid (C11H12O5) (see researches regarding the latter, Archiv der Pharm, 1897, pp. 102-114). According to Gadamer, the basis sinapine also occurs in black mustard-seed in the form of an acid sulphate, but no sinalbin occurs in the latter kind of seed. Neither does sinigrin occur in white mustard-seed. Sinapine sulphocyanide (rhodanide) (C16H24NO5.SCN, characterized by the blood-red coloration of rhodanides with ferric chloride) does not occur as such in white mustard-seed, as was believed by von Babo and Hirschbrunn (also see Oleum Sinapis Volatile). The efficiency of commercial in mustard-seeds and" mustard farina" depends on the amount of volatile oil that is formed when in prolonged contact (5 to 6 hours, perhaps less) with myrosin and water. This amount is determined by distilling the mixture and determining the volatile oil, in the form of thiosinamine (see Oleum Sinapis Volatile). Piesse and Stansell thus obtained from commercial black mustard-seed 0.473 per cent, from black farina 1.38 to 1.5 per cent of oil, the higher value in the latter case being due to a concentration of the mustard substance by loss of water. (For further details regarding the analysis of white and black mustard-seeds, see Piesse and Stansell, loc. cit., and A. R. Leeds and E. Everhart, Amer. Jour. Pharm., 1882, p. 404; also see J. U. Lloyd's tests for starch in powdered mustard, ibid., 1898, p. 433.) Action, Medical Uses, and Dosage.—Mustard is an irritant, stimulant, rubefacient, vesicant, and diuretic. It is used in small quantities, internally, as a condiment and mild but efficient excitant of the organs of digestion. In drachm doses, it acts as an emetic, and will thus be found serviceable in cases of gastric torpidity, poisoning by narcotics, to stimulate the stomach, and to aid other emetics in fulfilling their indications. In large doses, the volatile oil is poisonous, causing inflammation of the stomach and bowels, and impairing the normal character of the fluids of the system by its absorption. Externally, it quickly excites redness of the skin, and, if too long applied, inflammation, ulceration, and even sloughing; but if removed in time, the redness is succeeded only by induration of the cuticle, and occasionally desquamation. The stinging pain which remains after the removal of the mustard, may be mitigated by sponging the part with cold water, or dropping ether on it. Sinapisms are beneficially applied over the abdomen and spine, in gastric and enteric inflammations, and over the epigastrium, in vomiting from irritability of the stomach; also to the spine, wrists, and ankles, to arouse the system in apoplectic and comatose conditions, and in typhus fever; to the feet and legs, for pains in the head during fevers and other diseases, and in determinations to the head; and to various parts for removing pain, mitigating local inflammations, or arousing from stupor. In the treatment of cholera, mustard is an excellent rubefacient application, likewise in dyspepsia and obstinate constipation. Applied to the breasts, it will often relieve suppression of the menses, as well as menorrhagia; to be applied intermittingly. Ellingwood advises a cold sitz-bath, strong with mustard, to restore arrested menses. A mustard-bath, at about 28.3° C. (85° F.), imparts a sense of coldness, and even distinct chills may be felt in the limbs, abdomen, and back. This continues until the person is removed from the bath, when stinging, glowing, and burning of the surface indicate that reaction is established. Mustard should be cautiously employed upon young children, as it has, in several recorded instances, induced suppression of the urine or strangury. The volatile oil of mustard is a powerful rubefacient and vesicatory; and, in the dose of 2 drops, several times a day, in some mucilaginous vehicle, it is a good diuretic, useful in dropsy, and has been serviceable in colic. The usual dose, however, of volatile oil of mustard is from 1/12 to ¼ drop. A liniment, composed of 1 part of the oil, dissolved in 16 parts of alcohol, or in 10 parts of olive or almond oil, is a good substitute for a sinapism, though less manageable. White mustard-seed, taken entire, was formerly used as a favorite tonic in dyspepsia, and as a laxative, the seed passing unchanged, and probably acting by mechanical irritation. Dose of mustard, as an emetic, 1, 2, or 3 drachms, with 6 or 8 ounces of warm water (see Charta Sinapis and Cataplasma Sinapis). A prolonged application of a mustard cataplasm causes blistering, with even ulceration and gangrene. A mustard plaster is prepared from equal parts of wheaten or rye flour and lukewarm or cold water, spread upon fabric, and applied with a thin tissue, as of gauze, intervening between the plaster and skin. Its effects should be closely watched, especially in delicate individuals and the old and young. It often gives relief in pleurisy and the early stage of other painful chest affections. Acute cardiac pain, whether or not due to angina pectoris, is often promptly relieved by a mustard plaster. The same is very efficient when applied to the nape of the neck for the relief of headache, with fullness of the cerebral vessels, or when due to congestion. The application of mustard poultices to the spine—one to the cervical portion one day, one to the dorsal region the next day, and one to the lumbar the third day, repeating the procedure from day to day, has been advised in the treatment of spinal irritation. Care should be exercised that the skin be not blistered, rubefacient effect only being desired (Ellingwood). Acute cerebro-spinal meningitis has been aborted by wrapping the patient in a blanket wrung out of hot mustard-water (ibid.), while to reestablish the eruption after recession in the exanthemata, a hot mustard-bath is frequently all that will be required. Specific Indications and Uses.—A counter-irritant and revulsive in local painful affections and internal congestions; a convenient emetic for narcotic poisoning. Related Species.—Brassica juncea, Hooker filius (Sinapis juncea, Linné). Grown in place of the Brassica nigra in India, central Africa, and Russia. In the latter place it furnishes a fine, yellow flour, known as sarepta or Russian mustard. The fixed oil is there used like olive oil. The seeds closely resemble, and have the same constituents as those of black mustard (Pharmacographia; also see Amer. Jour. Pharm., 1875, p. 260). Brassica campestris, Linné.—Several varieties of this species are cultivated, chief among which are Brassica Napus and Brassica Rapa. The roots furnish the vegetable turnip, and the seeds the oils known as colza oil and rape-seed oil. These oils are subacrid and brown, or green-yellow, before refining, but yellow and bland after purification. H. Ritthausen found a considerable quantity of potassium myronate (sinigrin) in yellow and brown turnip-seeds (Brassica Rapa) from India and east Prussia, yielding oil of mustard, while seeds from B. Napus, grown in Russia and in Prussia, were free from it. Brassica sinapistrum, Boissier (Sinapis arvensis, Linné), Charlock.—Europe and the United States. A weed having deep-brown, smoothish seeds, not so pungent, and smaller than those of Brassica nigra. Raphanus sativus, Linné, Garden radish, cultivated.—This yields a small quantity of a volatile oil, heavier than water, and containing sulphur. It has the taste but not the odor of the garden radish. Moreigne (1896) obtained from Raphanus niger only 0.0025 per cent of volatile oil, from which solid raphanol (C29H58O4) separated (Gildemeister and Hoffmann, Die Aetherischen Oele, 1899, p. 544). Other Agents Acting Upon the Skin.—Under this head we include methods and agents used for their effects upon the skin and upon the blood supply of the visceral and other parts. These methods, very popular at one time, are not often resorted to at the present day. However, advantageous effects may occasionally be derived from them, and especially from the spirit vapor-bath. SPIRIT VAPOR-BATH, Hot-air bath.—"A spirit vapor-bath exerts a most powerful, yet beneficial influence upon the whole system, aiding very materially our endeavors to remove disease. This highly valuable mode of producing activity of the cutaneous vessels has long been practiced in many sections of the country as a domestic remedial agent, and was first introduced to the notice of the medical profession by myself, about twenty-five years ago, since which it is in much use among physicians. The advantages to be derived from this method of producing perspiration are very great, and it is not followed with any of those injurious consequences which often attend the internal administration of a sudorific. It is to be given as follows: The patient is undressed, ready for getting into bed, having removed the shirt and underclothing worn through the day, and put on a nightshirt or other clothing to be worn only while sweating, and during the night, if the bath is taken at bedtime. He is then seated on a high windsor, or wooden-bottomed chair, or, instead thereof, a bench or board may be placed on a common open-bottomed chair, care being taken that the bottom is so covered that the flame will not burn him. After seating himself, a large blanket or coverlet is thrown around him from behind, covering the back part of his head and body, as well as the chair, and another must be passed around him in front, which last is to be pinned at the neck, loosely, so that he can raise it and cover his face, or remove it down from his face, from time to time, as occasion requires, during the operation of the bath. The blankets must reach down to the floor, and cover each other at the sides, so as to retain the vapor and prevent it from passing off. "This having been done, a saucer or tin vessel, into which is put 1 or 2 tablespoonfuls of whiskey, brandy, spirits, alcohol, or any liquor that will burn, is then placed upon the floor, directly under the center of the bottom of the chair, raising a part of the blanket from behind to place it there; then light a piece of paper, apply the flame to the liquor, and as soon as it kindles, let down the part of the blanket which has been raised, and allow the liquor to burn till it is consumed, watching it from time to time to see that the blankets are not burned. As soon as consumed, put more liquor into the saucer, about as much as before, and again set it on fire, being very careful to pour no liquor into the saucer while the flame exists, as there would be danger of burning the patient, blankets, and perhaps the house. Continue this until the patient sweats or perspires freely, which in a majority of cases will be in 5 or 10 minutes. "If, during the operation, the patient feels faint or thirsty, cold water must be sprinkled or dashed in his face, or he may drink 1 or 2 swallows of it; and in some cases, the head may be bathed with cold water. "As soon as free perspiration is produced, wrap the blankets around him, place him in bed, and cover him up warm, giving him about 1 pint of either good tea, ginger, or some herb tea to drink, as warm as he can take it. After 2 or 3 hours, remove the covering, piece by piece, at intervals of 20 or 25 minutes between each, that he may gradually cease perspiring. "There is no danger of taking cold after this hot-air bath, if the patient uses ordinary precaution; and if his disease will allow, he can attend to his business on the next day the same as usual. In fact, the whole is a very easy, safe, agreeable, and beneficial operation, much more so than a mere reading of the above explanation would lead one to suppose. Chairs have been manufactured expressly for this purpose. "This bath is much employed by many physicians, and is highly beneficial in colds, pleurisy, and all febrile and inflammatory attacks, diarrhoea, dysentery, sluggishness of cutaneous vessels, and in all chronic disease where there is an abnormal condition of the skin. In acute diseases, it may be repeated once a day, if required; in chronic diseases, once or twice a week, or once in a fortnight, according to indications. "Where it can be done, it is always preferable to bathe the patient with an alkaline wash, both before and after this vapor-bath" (J. King). HAEMOSPASIS.—Cupping, Haemospastic medication, Dry cupping. "This is a powerful revulsive treatment. Anything which draws the blood to a part may be said to act haemospastically. Dry cupping does so; it not only draws the blood from the internal parts to the surface, but likewise attracts morbid action, and thus affords relief. Common ½ pint tumblers will answer for adults very well, in place of ordinary cupping glasses. A piece of paper or cotton, rolled up and fired, and dropped into the tumbler, and allowed to burn a minute or two, fits the tumbler for application to the spot. One, two, or more may be applied, and repeated so often as may be desirable; they should remain until ready to fall off. Rubber cups are now to be had which are easily applied by first compressing the bulb to create a vacuum, then applying the cup to the affected part, and finally relaxing the pressure on the bulb. Intermittent fever has been asserted to have been invariably cured by M. Condret, by applying 8 to 10 middle-sized cupping-glasses, on each side of the spinal column, from the neck downward, and allowing them to remain for about 30 or 40 minutes. To be applied at the commencement of the cold stage. One to 4 applications effect the cure. Also useful in cases of difficult respiration from congestion of the lungs or mucous membrane of the bronchii, etc." (J. King). HAEMOSTASIS "is a term applied to the retention of venous blood in the extremities by ligature. Tie a handkerchief, or any suitable cord, around the upper part of the arms, and the thighs, and then, by means of a piece of wood, twist or turn the cord sufficiently tight to check the circulation of the venous blood, but not the arterial, which may be known by the action of the pulse. In a short time the legs and arms will be much distended, and an amount of blood removed from the trunk and retained in the limbs, which the most heroic practitioner dare not remove by the lancet. If the subject faint, promptly loosen or remove the ligatures; if he be plethoric and of firm, vigorous constitution, he must be reduced by cathartics, diuretics, sudorifics, and be under the influence of gentle nauseants, at the time of the operation. This has been found very useful in uterine hemorrhage, hemoptysis, and other hemorrhages, inflammations of the brain, lungs, bowels, etc., congestions, puerperal convulsions, and wherever it is deemed advisable to lessen the amount of blood in the head and trunk, without injuring the system" (J. King). FIRING.—Firing, Button cautery. "Obtain a thick iron-wire shank, about 2 inches long, and inserted into a small wooden handle; on its extremity, which must be slightly curved, affix a disk or button of iron, exactly ¼ inch thick, and ½ inch in diameter. The whole instrument to be only 6 inches in length. The face of the disk for application must be flat. Mode of Application.—"Light a small spirit-lamp and hold the button over the flame, keeping the forefinger of the hand holding the instrument, at the distance of about ½ inch from the bottom. As soon as the finger feels uncomfortably hot, the instrument is ready for use, and the time required for heating it to this degree, will be about ½ minute. It is to be applied as quickly as possible to the parts, the skin being tipped successively, at intervals of ½ inch, over the affected part, as lightly and rapidly as possible, always taking care to bring the flat surface of the disk fairly in contact with the skin. In this way the process of firing a whole limb, or the loins, making about 100 applications, does not occupy a minute, and the one heating by the lamp suffices. To ascertain whether the heat be sufficient, look sidewise at the spots as you touch them, and each spot will be observed to become of a glistening white, much whiter than the surrounding skin. In from 5 to 30 minutes the skin becomes bright red, and a glow of heat is felt over the part. The iron must never be made red hot—it is very little hotter than boiling water—should never make an eschar, and rarely raise a blister. On the next day after its application a number of circular red marks will be seen on the skin, the cuticle not even being raised, and the surface ready, if necessary, for a fresh application. There is no discharge whatever, and in most cases the patient is unconscious of what has been done. It is vastly superior to a blister in many cases; even the most delicate female will not object to its frequent repetition when required. "A powerful counter-irritant. Recommended by Dr. Corrigan in paralysis, local muscular rheumatism, sciatica, lumbago, neuralgic pains, etc., and wherever a counter-irritant is required. Also applied each side of the spinal column, in intermittents, epilepsy, mania, and other diseases" (J. King). This procedure is now seldom practiced. Related entries: Helianthus MOXA.—Moxa is a term derived from the Portuguese language and a plying to a variety of cylinders of combustible vegetable materials which burn without fusing, and were formerly used for revulsive effects in deep-seated inflammations, etc. Species of Artemisia furnish Chinese moxa, while the mature pith of the sunflower, Helianthus annuus, which contains a large proportion of potassium nitrate, has also been used. Moxas are also prepared by saturating paper, hemp, cotton, etc., impregnated with a weak nitre solution, and by means of adhesive material forming them into cylinders, which should be about 1 inch long by ¼ to ½ inch thick. The custom of using the moxa is a very ancient one. The cylinder is grasped by a forceps or other holder and the end is applied to the skin. Protecting the surrounding tissues by a damp cloth, alum-paper, or other means, the other end of the cylinder is ignited, and combustion supported by blowing the breath upon it, or by means of a bellows. Any degree of inflammation, even to destruction of the skin, maybe produced by regulating the time of application. Deep cauterization may be prevented by applying ammonia water immediately after the use of its moxa. It should be applied only where the hard tissues have a good muscular covering. The application is said to be at first agreeable, but finally becomes quite painful. It has been used for deep-seated inflammations and nervous, vascular, or other forms of local irritation. The galvanic cautery, which can be better used upon the deeper structures, even to the osseous tissues, has largely superseded the moxa.

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Classroom Based Teaching Students learn best when they are actively involved in the learning process. Below are some tools you can use to enhance your classroom teaching. Collaborative Learning: Group Work and Study Teams Helpful links for Other Instructional Strategies : WRITING MEASURABLE OBJECTIVES Goals and Objectives HOW TO MEASURE LEARNING National Board of Medical Examiners Academic Medicine is the official journal of the AAMC. It aims to address the major challenges facing the academic medical community. Topics include education and training issues; health science policy; institutional policy, management and values; research practice; and clinical practice in academic settings. Articles are generally no longer than 3,000 words. Academic Pediatrics is the official journal of the Academic Pediatric Association.. Its purpose is to strengthen the research and education base of academic general pediatrics. Content areas include pediatric education, emergency medicine, injury, abuse, behavioral pediatrics, holistic medicine, child health services and health policy and the environment. Most articles are generally no longer than 3,500 words for quantitative research and 4,000 for qualitative research. Advances in Health Sciences Education Advances in Health Sciences Education is a forum for scholarly and state-of-the-art research into all aspects of health sciences education. Some of the topics include problem-based and self-directed learning, faculty development, motivation, curriculum development, program evaluation, clinical reasoning, continuing education and communication skills. American Journal of Preventive Medicine The American Journal of Preventative Medicine is the official journal of the American College of Preventive Medicine and the Association for Prevention teaching and Research. Some of the topics include prevention research, teaching, practice and policy, interventions aimed at the prevention of chronic and acute disease and the promotion of individual and community health, behavioral and public health issues, and papers on educational initiatives aimed at improving the ability of health professionals to provide effective clinical prevention and public health services and health services research pertinent to prevention and public health. Research articles are limited to 3000 words. Annals of Family Medicine The Annals of Family Medicine is dedicated to advancing knowledge essential to understanding and improving health and primary care. Topics include identifying and addressing important questions in health and the provision of patient-centered, prioritized, high-quality healthcare, as well as clinical, biomedical, social and health services research. Best Evidence in Medical Education (BEME) Best Evidence in Medical Education is committed to moving the medical profession from opinion-based education to evidence based education. Its goal is to provide leaders with the latest findings from scientifically grounded educational research. Recent topics include Evaluating Complex Interventions in Medical Education; and Assessing the Effectiveness and Impact of a Patient Safety Curriculum. Canadian Medical Education Journal The Canadian Medical Education Journal is an online, open-access journal exploring new developments and perspectives in the field of medical education from premedical to postgraduate and continuing medical education. Topics include quantitative and qualitative aspects of prominent issues relating to the education, training and maintenance of health care professionals. The Clinical Teacher The Clinical Teacher aims to provide a digest of current research, practice and thinking in medical education presented in a readable, stimulating and practical style. Topics include reviews of the literature relating to clinical teaching bringing authoritative views on the latest thinking about modern teaching, specific teaching approaches, a digest of the latest research published in Medical Education and other teaching journals, reports of initiatives and advances in thinking and practical teaching from around the world, and expert community and discussion on challenging and controversial issues in today's clinical education. Original articles are limited to 1500 words. Evaluation & the Health Professions Evaluation & the Health Professions is designed to provide a forum for keeping health professionals abreast of the latest technological advances in evaluation research methods through practitioner friendly articles, as well as provide the results of important evaluations. Further, the Journal is designed to provide a forum for debate of timely evaluation issues in health research and evaluation. Topics include state-of-the-art methodological, measurement, and statistical tools for conceptualizing the etiology of health promotion and problems, and developing, implementing, and evaluating health programs, teaching and training services, and products that pertain to a myriad of health dimensions. In general, articles should not exceed 40 typed written double-spaced pages. Family Medicine (Society of Teachers of Family Medicine) The journal specializes in publishing research and commentary on medical education and it is not limited to educational research from family medicine educators. The journal welcomes - and often publishes - innovative and high quality contributions from authors in a variety of specialties and academic fields. Regular articles are generally limited to 3,000 words. Focus on Health Profession Education Focus on Health Profession education has a focus on all the health professions. It maintains an international outlook and deals with issues of global concern. It also focuses on teaching and learning. There are demonstrated links between high quality education and improved outcomes for health care. The journal provides a forum where these issues can be examined and advanced. Contributions by junior researchers are particularly encouraged. Topics include teaching and learning, curriculum design, assessment and evaluation in support of better professional practice, and a focus on diverse and stimulating ideas, 12 controversial, challenging and substantive issues facing health professional educators and students. Scholarly papers may be up to 5000 words in length. Health Education Assets Library (HEAL) HEAL is a digital repository that allows medical educators to discover, download, and re-use over 22,000 medical education resources. The Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) –Medical Education Theme Issue (September) This theme issue on medical education, published in September, invites authors to submit manuscripts related to all aspects of the educational process. The journal is particularly seeking studies that either incorporate the most relevant educational outcomes (effects on clinical practice and patient care, rather than measures of knowledge, skills, or attitudes) or address better techniques for their measure. Journal of Continuing Education in the Health Professions The Journal of Continuing Education publishes articles relevant to theory, practice, and policy development for continuing education in the health sciences. Topics include original research and essays on subjects involving the lifelong learning of professionals, with a focus on continuous quality improvement, competency assessment, and knowledge translation and advice to those who develop, conduct, and evaluate continuing education programs. Generally articles should not exceed 2400 words. Journal of Graduate Medical Education The Journal of Graduate Medical Education (JGME) is the peer-reviewed journal of the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education. The journal serves as a vehicle for communicating information about graduate medical education (GME) to inform and engage the GME community and increase knowledge about teaching and learning and the environment in which residents and fellows learn and participate in care. The aim is to promote scholarship and critical inquiry related to graduate medical education. Topics include graduate medical education and related matters relevant to the education of residents and fellows and to the settings in which such education occurs. Orignial research generally does not exceed 2500 words. Journal of Interprofessional Care The Journal of Interprofessional Care aims to disseminate research and new developments in the field of interprofessional education and practice. The Journal is disseminated internationally and encourages submissions from around the world. Topics include explicit interprofessional focus, involving a range of settings, professions, and fields, primary, community and hospital care, health education and public health, and beyond health and social care into fields such as criminal justice and primary/elementary education, and community development or environmental design. Original research articles and reviews should have a maximum of 5,000 words including abstract, main text, tables and figures, and references. Medical Education seeks to be the pre-eminent journal in the field of education for health care professionals, and publishes material of the highest quality, reflecting world wide or provocative issues and perspectives. It aims to have a significant impact on scholarship in medical education and, ultimately, on the quality of health care by prioritizing papers that offer a fundamental advance in understanding of educationally 19 relevant issues. The journal welcomes papers on any aspect of health professional education. Some topics include aspects of medical education including undergraduate education, postgraduate training, continuing professional development, interprofessional education, up-to-date analysis of current issues from leading educators and policy makers, including a quarterly humanities section. Medical Education Online: an Electronic Journal Medical Education Online (MEO) is an international Open Access journal for disseminating information on the education and training of physicians and other health care professionals. Topics include processes of educating and training health care professionals and papers dealing with but not limited to the following research areas: basic science education, clinical science education, residency education, learning theory, problem-based learning (PBL), curriculum development, research design and statistics, measurement and evaluation, faculty development, and informatics/web. MedEdPORTAL is a free online peer-reviewed publication service provided by the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC) in partnership with the American Dental Education Association (ADEA). MedEdPORTAL was designed to promote educational collaboration by facilitating the open exchange of peer-reviewed teaching resources such as tutorials, virtual patients, simulation cases, lab guides, videos, podcasts, assessment tools, etc. MedEdWorld is an international network through which organizations, medical schools and individual teachers can share ideas, experiences and expertise and collaborate in the further development of medical education. MeEedWorld is administrative by the Association for Medical Education in Europe (AMEE). Medical Teacher is the journal of the Association for Medical Education in Europe, an international association for all involved with medical and healthcare professions education. The journal addresses the needs of teachers and administrators throughout the world involved in training for the health professions. Topics include new teaching methods, guidance on structuring courses and assessing achievement and it serves as a forum for communication between medical teachers and those involved in general education. Articles are usually between 2500-5000 words in length. New England Journal of Medicine- Education pieces included several times a year The New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) is dedicated to bringing physicians the best research and key information at the intersection of biomedical science and clinical practice, and to presenting the information in an understandable and clinically useful format. Original articles are limited to 2700 words. The Northeastern Group on Education Affairs and the Research in Medical Education sections of the AAMC have compiled an annotated bibliography of journals for educational scholarship. Teaching and Learning in Medicine Teaching and Learning in Medicine (TLM) is an international forum for scholarly, state-of-the-art research on the purposes and processes of teaching and learning in the education of medical professionals. Topics: Practical issues in the conduct of medical education, as well as issues more basic to medical education, and provide analysis and empirical research needed to facilitate educational decision making by administrators, teachers, and learners. This page contains links to a wide range of resources designed to assist clinical preceptors in developing their teaching and assessment skills. If you have know of additional resources you would like to see posted, please contact Dr. Jennifer Purcell at [email protected]. EPIC: The Expert Preceptor Interactive Curriculum This series of online modules was created at the University of North Carolina through a FIPSE grant. It offers 10 modules including three on clinical teaching skills (setting the stage, effective teaching in community practice and evaluating performance/giving feedback) in addition to 7 contemporary teaching topics (e.g. teamwork in healthcare, working with the community). Registration is Free. They do ask that you complete a survey prior to beginning the modules, but this is not required. CME credit is no longer offered. The access the modules, visit http://www.med.unc.edu/epic/welcome.htm. Preceptor Development Program This faculty development series consists of 10 print resources (downloadable Word documents) on topics ranging from the One-Minute Preceptor to setting expectations, evaluation, and difficult learning situtations. Supported by a HRSA Family Medicine training grant, this series was developed by the Southern New Hampshire AHEC program. To access the series, visit http://www.snhahec.org/preceptor_development.cfm. Preceptor Development Program These 7 modules, created by the University of Virginia Health System, are available to all clinicians nationwide (and around the world) as part of Creative Commons licensing program. Each module can stand alone and the program provides opportunities for preceptors to record their reflections in real time using a preceptor notepad, which can be saved and referred to in later modules. To access these modules, visit http://www.med-ed.virginia.edu/courses/fm/precept/index.htm. No login is required. Preceptor Development Initiative: E-Tips for Practice Education This series of 8 modules for the busy clinician is available as an online program or downloadable as .pdf files. To get started, you will have to log in as a guest. The website provides a great tutorial on how to navigate the course. Topics include standards such as setting the stages, feedback, and evaluation, but also include fostering clinical reasoning and conflict resolution. To access this series, visit http://www.practiceeducation.ca/modules.html. Expert Preceptor Learning Modules "These webinars are available for viewing 24/7 on a variety of computer platforms, including some mobile devices. Each is hosted on the HealthtecDL site. All webinars are presently available at no cost. Participants who view all modules, complete the related registration forms, Survey Monkey surveys and post-tests will receive 6 hours of AMA PRA Category 1 Credit™ from the GHSU Medical College of Georgia. NOTE: you will be asked to register on HealthtecDL before viewing a module." You will be able to opt out of email messages. These modules include audio and PowerPoint slides. They also have topics such as the Patient-centered medical home. Although many presentations are applicable to the New York and other urban areas, many of the presentations focus on Georgia. To access these and other HealthtecDL modules, visit http://www.healthtecdl.org/events/events-list.cfm. The Practical Prof Another site focused on rural education settings, but includes useful video clips to demonstrate skills applicable to all settings. This site was designed by the Alberta Rural Physician Action Plan. Visit http://www.practicalprof.ab.ca/. ADDITIONAL RESOURCES for community preceptors have been compiled by: The Ohio University College of Osteopathic Medicine UMDNJ Center for Teaching Excellence: Clinical Education The Resident-as-Teacher Program The Department of Family and Social Medicine is in the process of revamping the Resident-as-Teacher curriculum. This process will include a targeted needs assessment and the development, implementation, and evaluation of an active learning curriculum designed for the busy resident. Residents at all of our residency sites will be eligible to participate. Current initiatives include an survey of resident attitudes toward teaching medical students and the pilot testing of a new assessment process and measurement tool to assess resident teaching of medical students in clinic. The overall program will meet LCME requirments and provide ongoing training to promote learning for both medical students and residents. For additional information, or to request materials from any of the following workshops, please contact Jennifer Purcell, PhD, at [email protected]. Past Resident-as-Teacher Workshops Setting the Agenda to Promote Learning in the Busy Clinic - Define the important components of agenda-setting - Demonstrate how to set the session’s agenda with a learner through role play - Recognize the role of agenda setting in the inpatient and outpatient settings - Describe a framework for communication of goals How Do You Think That Went For You?: A Closer Look at Giving Feedback - Describe two methods of giving feedback (S-FED and Feedback Sandwich) - Identify components of feedback using video clips and group polling - Practice feedback methods with a clinical case 30 Expectations: How to Help Medical Student Meet Them - Discuss FM clerkship objectives as they relate to ACGME competencies. - Identify areas where residents feel they teach FM objectives well and areas where they feel they need more guidance. - Develop and discuss ideas about how the RAT program can be planned over the next 12 months to assist residents with teaching medical students. The Devil is in the Detailing: Or Is It? Academic Detailing as a Learning Strategy - Observe an academic / public health detailing session - Identify detailing strategies which translate to individual or small group teaching - Compare and contrast traditional (pharmaceutical) and academic detailing - Discuss pharmaceutical detailing Questioning as a Tool for Effective Teaching - Discuss the concept of a hierarchy of questioning as a model of teaching - Practice using questioning in a non-confrontational manner - Recognize opportunities to use questioning in various settings Effective Teaching for the Resident-Medical Student Interaction (Microskills) - Define a model of effective teaching - Apply teaching model to specific case The Albert Einstein College of Medicine Office of Faculty Development offers a series of workshops to help faculty become familiar with the requirements and procedures for academic promotion at Einstein. These hands-on workshops assist faculty in preparing the CV and the Teaching Portfolio, and help answer their questions about navigating the process. Click here to see a schedule of these workshops and to register for any of them. To further assist faculty, the Albert Einstein College of Medicine Office of Educational Resources has prepared the booklet, Moving Up at Einstein: A Faculty Guide to Preparing for Promotion. TIP: Compiling (and recreating) everything you've done prior to promotion can be a time-consuming and burdensome task, especially for busy academic clinicians. Collect items for your portfolio from your FIRST month of employment. They can be summarized at a later date. OTHER INSTITUTIONS offer similar guidance on preparation of a teaching portfolio. They can provide additional tips. Medical College of Wisconsin provides multiple examples of portfolios for every level. University of Miami has a comprehensive website including the history or teaching portfolios and writing tips. Teaching Tips Newsletter Archive Teaching Tips is a monthy newsletter emailed to the Department of Family and Social Medicine community preceptors and faculty. The newsletters give teaching tips on a wide variety of topics related to teaching medical students and residents. Some of our past newsletters have covered topics such as developing a culture of learning for health professionals, using the microskills approach, integrating the physical exam into teaching, and teaching evidence in a busy clinic. If you would like to have Teaching Tips emailed to you each month, please contact Renee Shanker at [email protected]. Volume 1 (2010) Vol1 Issue1 Teaching Evidence in a Busy Clinic Vol1 Issue2 Integrating the Physical Exam into Teaching Vol1 Issue3 Providing Effective Feedback: The S-FED Model Vol1 Issue4 SNAPPS: A Learner-Centered Technique for Case Presentations Volume 2 (2011) Vol2 Issue1 Developing a Learning Culture Vol2 Issue2 Microskills: Improving Learning in the Ambulatory Setting Vol2 Issue3 Tips for Community-Based Medical Education Vol2 Issue4 Tips for Using Direct Observation Vol2 Issue5 Tips to Create a Learner-Centered Environment Vol2 Issue6 Tips for Using the EMR in Patient-Centered Care Vol2 Issue7 Five Tips for Advising Students About Family Medicine Vol2 Issue8 Teaching the Tenets of the Hippocratic Oath Vol2 Issue9 Teaching Students to Avoid Diagnostic Errors Vol2 Issue10 Precepting for all Learning Styles Volume 3 (2012) Vol3 Issue1 Johari's Window and Medical Education Vol3 Issue2 Supporting Smart Synapses: Change the Brain to Improve Learning Vol3 Issue3 Recognizing Facial Expressions Vol3 Issue4a Challenges of Assessment Vol3 Issue4b What is Honors Vol3 Issue5 Highlights from the STFM Conference Vol3 Issue6 Millenial Learners Vol3 Issue7 Social Media in Medical Education Vol3 Issue8 Teaching Reflective Practice Vol3 Issue9 Narrative Medicine in Practice Vol3 Issue10 Humor in Medical Education Vol3 Issue 11 Teaching Perspectives Vol3 Issue12 A Year in Review Volume 4 (2013) Vol4 Issue1 Answering Clinical Questions Vol4 Issue2 Clinical Reasoning-Part I Vol4 Issue3 Clinical Reasoning-Part II Vol4 Issue4 Clinical Reasoning-PartIII Vol4 Issue5 Teaching in the Patient's Presence Vol4 Issue6 Breaking Bad News...to Students Vol4 Issue7 Health Literacy: Teaching the "Teach-back" Method Vol4 Issue8 Informal Mentoring in Medicine Vol4 Issue9 Questioning: a tool for clinical precepting Vol4 Issue10 Writing a Teaching Philosophy Vol4 Issue11 Pimping: Does it help or hinder learning? Vol4 Issue12 5-Step "Microskills" Volume 5 (2014) Vol5 Issue1 Learning Styles & the 5-Step Microskills Vol5 Issue2 Pedagogy vs. Andragogy Vol5 Issue3 Teaching & Learning Styles in the Clinical Setting Vol5 Issue4 Preparing Students to Handle Difficult Patient Encounters Vol5 Issue5 A Framework for Clinical Assessment Vol5 Issue6 Building a Patient History Vol5 Issue7 Dealing with Learners with Difficulties Vol5 Issue8 Written vs. Oral Feedback Vol5 Issue9 Teaching Pattern Recognition: Aunt Minnie's Method Vol5 Issue10 Activated Demonstration: Teaching a Skill Vol5 Issue11 Using the RIME Model for Developmental Assessment and Feedback Vol5 Issue12 Teaching in Ambulatory Care Settings: A Year-End Summary Volume 6 (2015) Vol6 Issue1 Teaching Learners to Talk to Patients About Sensitive Topics Vol6 Issue2 Entrustable Professional Activities : The Basics Vol6 Issue3 Entrustable Professional Activities : Part 2 - Descriptors Vol6 Issue4 Precepting with RESPECT Vol6 Issue5 Choosing wisely: Teaching cost conscious, high-value care to learners Vol6 Issue6 Addressing Social Determinants of Health: Specifying Race and Racism Albert Einstein College of Medicine Office of Faculty Development Family Medicine Digital Resource Library The Social Medicine Portal Calendar of Events

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The Shadow of Rome 410-1130 Professor Simon Thurley Building in England in the middle ages is often misunderstood. The term middle ages itself speaks of prejudice. It was invented by the sixteenth century historian, Giorgio Vasari, to describe the bit between the glories of Rome and the triumphs of the renaissance. Part barbaric, part heroic and for many wholly confusing, these 1100 years are a jumble of castles and cathedrals, hovels and pig stys inhabited by brutish hairy peasants and knights in shining armour. For academics what was built in England is often considered a pale imitation of what was being built elsewhere in Europe. Somehow everything that was new and good architecturally about the middle ages seems to have come from abroad until eventually it is all swept away by the Renaissance. In my four lectures I want to present a different and a personal view of building in England during the Middle Ages. I'm not going to concentrate on the many and deep arguments between scholars about England's early architectural history, I'm going to tell a narrative as I see it. And tonight I start with the end of the Roman Empire. Those of you who stay the course will reach the Reformation and the end of the middle ages on 1 December. I have called this series God, Caesar and Robin Hood and tonight I want to talk about Caesar. The Romans were in Britain for a very long time: to put it in perspective if they had left in the year 2000 they would have arrived in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth I. During those centuries the Romans built a great deal: there were over 60 towns, parts of the countryside were littered with villas; sections of the coast with a series of massive fortresses and Hadrian's Wall, with its forts and towns, protected the Empire's northern border. Internal fortifications too were mighty, many towns were walled and the largest of these, like York, almost impregnably in stone. The simple and crucial fact was that for a thousand years after the Roman legions left Britannia in 410 England was littered with Roman buildings. They had built in stone and brick and bonded their buildings with hydraulic lime mortar which sets like the hardest rock. What this meant is that well into the fourteenth century there were Roman buildings standing, many which were still roofed with vaults. The Roman road network survived too as did many river crossings spanned by Roman bridges. So as the first waves of Saxons arrived in East Anglia from northern Germany they came to a country where the physical legacy of Romewas ever present. These peoples were farmers attracted by the agricultural potential of England and had had little direct experience of the Roman way of life and even less interest in it. They were not especially numerous, but were highly successful at establishing themselves, by force, as the landlords of the native British population. So much so that by 600, although the genetic make-up of what is now England was still heavily Romano-British, people spoke Anglo-Saxon, worshipped Germanic Gods and shared Germanic fashions. But by 600 something was happening that was to put Rome centre stage again. In 596 Pope Gregory had sent St. Augustine and his missionaries to the Kentish kingdom, and after several faltering starts England had become Christian again by the 680s. After the Synod of Whitby had resolved that the Roman rather than Celtic form of Christianity would be followed the influence of Rome was assured. So what did this mean architecturally? Britain, between 410 and around 950, was essentially an island of timber buildings. The Saxons were masters of timber construction, building their own houses, churches and palaces of wood. Even the verb 'to build' in Saxon is 'timbrian' and buildings were 'getimbro'. But we should not imagine that these structures were either provincial or primitive. We know from excavations at Roman villa sites like Brading on the Isle of Wight that many villas were furnished with great timber halls for transacting estate business and for feasting. Many of these Roman halls survived well into the Saxon period and the halls built by Saxon Kings such as those constructed at Yeavering in Northumberland in the 620s for King Edwin were monumental buildings built in a Romano-British tradition . Stone building implied infrastructure and organisation. This disappeared after 410 and by 600 there can have been few stone masons left in England. Masonry building was re-introduced by Christian missionaries and relied entirely on robbing Roman buildings for a supply of cut stone. Remarkably St. Martin's, the very first church of St. Augustine and his fellows, survives in Canterbury incorporating the brick remains of a Roman Tomb. This ancient church though mauled and altered by time is a powerful and evocative place to visit and is typical of the first places of Christian worship in Saxon England, built in close proximity to prominent Roman sites and constructed out of re-used Roman materials. An early monastery built in the 650s at Bradwell-on-Sea makes the point again. The church, now much altered, is actually built on the gate of the great roman shoreline fort of Othona. But the church you must visit to understand this first post-Roman phase of stone building in England is St. John at Escomb in County Durham probably built in 700. This is the best preserved building of the early Saxon period in England, but its walls of naked chiselled Roman stone cannot do justice to what we know of the original interiors. Its walls must have been plastered and painted white, carving was picked out in bright primary colours, the walls were hung with icons and its narrow windows filled with stained glass. But a church like Escomb was not the norm. Before around 950 the vast majority of churches were built of timber, and of course can only be recovered archaeologically. However at Greensted in Essex there is a remarkable timber-built church that has been scientifically dated to between 1063 and 1100. This small church gives an impression, perhaps, of what hundreds of other much earlier examples might have looked like. The walls are built of split oak logs with their rounded face on the outside fixed together with concealed timber tongues. These are jointed into timber roof and base plates making a rigid wall. Archaeological excavation has shown that many Saxon buildings would have been constructed exactly like this. The new stone churches were literally imported from Rome in fabric, design and even craftsmanship. But it was not only the physicality of Rome that was important in Early Saxon Christian England so was its intellectual and cultural legacy. With the fall of the political and military Empire Rome entered a new phase as the headquarters of world Christianity. As such, for educated Anglo-Saxons such as England's first historian, the venerable Bede, it became the headquarters of the world. For the Anglo-Saxon period there was a real sense that the cultural and intellectual capital of England was Rome. The East Anglian king, Raedwald, who was buried in a great ship at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk in around 624 was surrounded by objects identifying him as much as a Roman ruler as an Anglo-Saxon feast giver. Before the tenth century England was divided into numbers of small kingdoms which fluctuated in their size and influence. Crudely speaking, in the years around 600, the Kingdom of Kent was the most powerful of these; I have already mentioned St. Martin's Church - built in the Kentish Christian Kingdom. In the following century Northumbria was in the lead (Escomb and Yeavering were both built in this Kingdom) and, from about 700, Mercia was in the ascendant. In the eighth century the kingdom of Mercia was ruled by two very powerful and successful kings who controlled most of England south of the river Humber: Ethelbald (716-57) and Offa (757-96). Offa is of particular importance as an international figure who corresponded with Charlemagne and was a friend of Pope Hadrian. He is also significant as the builder of Britain's largest monument the 150 mile long, Offa's Dyke. Much to the chagrin of Canterbury, Offa used his influence with the Pope to found a new archiepiscopal see at Lichfield. Nothing of the Offa's cathedral remains but a fragment of a contemporary Shrine chest associated with the cult of St. Chad has recently been excavated. This carving, one of the most beautiful and moving to survive from Saxon England, reveals Mercian carvers following continental fashions, reviving the sculptural style of the early Christian church. This revival was political, religious and, ultimately, architectural. Most important politically was the emergence, under Charlemagne (768-814), of a new empire that rivalled, in wealth, organisation and stability, the fallen empire of Rome. Its territories stretched from central Germany to northern Spain and into northern Italy. On Christmas day 800, at the hands of Pope Leo III, Charlemagne took the title of Roman Emperor. This political revival was accompanied by a renewal of the authority and traditions of the Roman Church: a self conscious attempt to recreate the Emperor Constantine's golden age of Christianity. Under Charlemagne's influence his territories enjoyed one of the most important and creative periods of architectural development in European history. In his reign alone 16 cathedrals and 232 monasteries were either founded or rebuilt establishing most of the key components of medieval ecclesiastical design. The style in which these features developed was that of early Christian Rome, epitomised by the Basilicas of St. Peter and St. Paul; a way of building known as the Romanesque. Romanesque is, in fact, not so much a style as an aesthetic programme, the name given to a variety of effects used by architects to recreate more closely and effectively the architecture of ancient Rome. It became possible to do this through advances in building technology, materials and engineering all stimulated in their turn by the peace and prosperity of Carolingian rule. All these developments were important for England. Offa's achievements in church building were heavily influenced by the remains of Rome around him and crucially by Carolingian Christianity. The best example of this is the church of All Saints Brixworth in Northamptonshire, England's most exciting and impressive standing Anglo-Saxon building. The church is big, about 160ft in length but is now shorn of its porticus, five lesser rooms on each side which originally flanked the open hall of the nave. The nave arcades are truly massive, their voussoirs made of reused Roman brick brought down the Roam road from the ruins of Leicester; whoever commissioned and designed this church was deliberately and successfully recreating a sense Roman monumentality and may have known contemporary Carolingian buildings. Now, the Mercian dominance came to an end, and from 865 until 954 everything was dominated by the Vikings who at first pillaged and then settled in the east. The problems caused by Viking aggression were only resolved by the royal Dynasty of Wessex, most famously by King Alfred the Great (871-99). In the 880s Alfred populated his kingdom with a network of strategically located fortified places containing craftsmen, tradesmen, markets, minster churches and sometimes royal palaces. These are known as the Burghs meaning 'defended place' 'they were essentially the first English towns. Alfred chose Oxford to be one of these and surrounded the existing minster and settlement with earth ramparts. Initially these were supported by great timber posts and planks, but after 1000 they were faced with stone. At the west gate was a massive stone tower which, amazingly still stands today. Oxford was, thus, in the tenth century, astone walled citadel like its Roman predecessors. Inside the ring of defences a grid of metalled streets was laid out round a cross of main roads. The land was probably granted out to noblemen and part was reserved for a royal palace. The formation of towns, in the sense that we would understand the word, followed hard on the heels of the formation of villages in the countryside. Before the tenth century almost everyone lived in scattered settlements of no more than a score of people. But between the tenth and twelfth centuries, in the central arable areas of England, peasant farmers abandoned their farmsteads and hamlets and moved to create villages. These places normally had a church, a main street and between twelve and sixty houses. This is the deserted medieval village of Wharram Percy in Yorkshire, you can still visit it today and make out the pattern of medieval tofts and crofts. Outside this central village belt, in the east and south east, in the north west and far south west people lived in a variety of types of hamlets or single farmsteads. Peasant houses in these villages tended to be robust but simple timber structures. The reconstructed early Saxon Village of West Stow in Suffolk shows what houses in an earlier dispersed settlement were like. Village houses in the tenth century were little different. There is much argument as to why villages like Wharram formed in this period. In truth there is no single national factor, for many villages the causes were different, even unique. Yet there were certainly some strong common centrifugal forces: as the density of rural settlement increased landholdings were shared by more family members the countryside became crowded and complicated to work. But crucially at the same time landlords, building themselves large houses and founding churches created a kernel around which to group. This is a very important development. The first Christian churches were minsters which were essentially small monasteries. They were dispersed and people might have to travel quite a distance to worship. But from the 940s landlords began to found their own private churches near to their houses. This was the origin of the parish system and by 1130 there were 6-7,000 local churches. This meant that almost everyone now had a church within a short walk of where they lived. St. Peter Barton upon Humber built in around 970 is an example of a church built by a local landlord next to his manor house. None of these late Saxon manor houses survive. But some, particularly those in the east, exposed to Scandinavian raiders, were fortified. Here isGoltho in Lincolnshire surrounded by ramparts with a fortified gate. They were large, comfortable, and of course built of timber. So during the tenth century the English countryside acquired the components familiar today, the manor house and church and churchyard close together with the village houses clustered round. Oxford was not Alfred's capital, as much as he had one, Winchester was. It was here that the greatest of his buildings was constructed 'the cathedral. Thanks to painstaking excavation more is known about Winchester than any other Saxon cathedral. By 1066 Winchester had already had a cathedral for 418 years; this was the Old Minster with a cruciform plan and a square end. Over the ensuing centuries this was enlarged and adapted so that, by 1000, as well as the nave and high altar, it comprised four towers, three crypts, three apses, at least 24 smaller chapels and a baptistery. Despite strong English characteristics, the Old Minster was, by the time of the Normans, a church with a recognisably Carolingian plan. Most prominent was the westwork - the enormous tower-like structure erected at the west end of the cathedral in the 970s. Westworks developed in Carolingian churches in the ninth century and went on to form a component of many great churches in France and Germany built during the tenth to the twelfth centuries. This is Corvey Cathedral in Westphalia, built in the 870s; it is the only Carolingian westwork to survive. At Winchester the huge west towers performed a dual purpose, providing a focus for liturgy and an occasional grandstand for the Kings of Wessex to view events in the main church below. But Winchester was soon to be eclipsed by London as the commercial and eventually the political capital of England. Edward the Confessor, who came to the throne in 1042, built a new great royal church at Westminster Abbey. This commission ranks amongst the most important in the history of English architecture. The design of Edward's new Abbey had no direct precedent in England or Normandy, although, across the channel, the Norman abbey of Jumièges was being constructed in a similar style almost simultaneously. Both the English and the Normans were in fact imitating a way of building invented and developed in Burgundy and the Loire valley in the 1030s and 40s. The essential change was from interiors that relied for their effect on large areas of painted wall surface to spaces that were modelled in three dimensions with arches, horizontal mouldings (string courses), semicircular shafts, stone vaults and ornamental mouldings. These ideas essentially came from Roman buildings especially the large and prominent remains of amphitheatres with their tiers of arches and columns. So the interior of Saxon Westminster Abbey was revolutionary, conceived as a spatial whole rather than an agglomeration of small compartments as in Saxon churches. Its walls, which in an earlierSaxon church would had been a solid mass of masonry acting as a vast canvass for painting, now became an organised system of superimposed arches raised in tiers one above the other. The basic principle of the design was that each arch should be visibly supported by a column (or half column) and a capital. This produced a clustering of vertical shafts round the piers that visually broke up the hard forms of the structure. The arches themselves no longer had simple square sections but displayed a range of shapes created by the addition of extra rolls and mouldings. In the 1050s local churches began to display similar architectural forms to Westminster and a much stronger spatial unity. At St Mary Stow-in-Lindsey, Lincolnshire, the transepts and crossing of a large minster church of c.1055 still stand dominating its small village. It is one of the first generation of buildings where the Anglo-Saxon porticus had transformed itself into a fully fledged transept. The crossing tower at Stow would have probably been of timber, but at St. Mary-in-Castro, Dover, the masonry crossing tower survives, albeit much restored. These new-style churches were used in a different way. Most of the earlier timber churches were single spaces, new stone churches had separate chancels and so the priest was separated from thecongregation. This was a different experience creating a new relationship with the priest whose status was elevated. Meanwhile the nave became a community space where people congregated to celebrate and to mourn: from the late tenth century local churches had their own burial grounds and from around 1050 permanent fonts. So before William the Conqueror sailed from Normandy in 1066 England was richly populated with walled towns with towers, villages with defended manor houses and their own stone parish churches, with cathedrals of great size and beauty. This was no architectural backwater. Indeed Edward the Confessor and his courtiers were commissioning churches in a style that was in the forefront of European fashion. The Norman Conquest looms over English History casting a shadow that obscures much of what came before and colouring what came after. It sounds obvious to say it but in the year 1000 no one had heard of the Norman Conquest. In fact no one had heard of the Normans as such: to the English the people of Normandy were French. I have already suggested that the term Romanesque is not very helpful in trying to describe Anglo Saxon architecture; the same applies to what was built after 1066 which is normally categorised as Romanesque and commonly called Norman architecture. Sadly this too is simplistic and confusing, suggesting, as it does, that the buildings erected in England after 1066 were somehow in a style that was brought by the Normans. They were not. What is normally called Norman architecture was developed in England after 1066 drawing on native traditions and absorbing influences and ideas from across Europe, so it can more properly be called Anglo-Norman or Anglo-French. It was an inventive, eclectic, exotic and cosmopolitan style born of a unique coincidence of political, religious, social, cultural and economic events. William the Conqueror and his immediate successors built on an imperial scale and expressed their power in the architectural language of ancient Rome. The arcades on the White Tower, at the Tower of London were a deliberate quotation from antiquity and the tower at Colchester was constructed on the podium of the Roman temple of Claudius. These buildings were not the busy, accretive structures of the early Saxons; they set out to imitate the monumentality and spatial clarity of ancient Rome. The Normans had not built in this style or to this scale in Normandy; it was the conquest that created a giddy mixture of excess, power and imperial triumphalism that was expressed in an outburst of architectural megalomania. Anglo Saxon England was no stranger to invasion or fortification. Saxon Landlords had built fortified residences with earth ramparts, walls, towers and gatehouses. The situation in Normandy was broadly similar, few nobles lived in strongly defended residences, but in the years after 1000 the Duke and his greatest lords were developing types of fortified palaces - or castles, for themselves. The military requirements of conquest caused a rapid development in military engineering and a proliferation of castles across the English countryside. The first ones were simple structures: either ringworks, that is to say an area enclosed by earth ramparts topped with a palisade, or mottes, which are mounds upon which a fortified structure was built. Ringworks were the most common form of castle in Normandy and similar to Anglo-Saxon fortified sites like Goltho,. Mottes were more novel in England. The Bayeux Tapestry shows the motte of the Conqueror's castle at Hastings being built, under instruction, by Saxon slaves. Soon these mottes had a lower outer enclosure known as the bailey used for stabling and accommodating any garrison. The most important of this first generation of castles were royal, a product of the systematic imposition of Norman sovereignty on England. They were erected in strategic locations to support field tactics and, crucially, in county towns. This is one of the most spectacular andfamous at Durham. But William's barons built castles for themselves, as did their followers - on a smaller scale. Ultimately this meant that in the period to 1130 there may have been as many as 500 castles in use, half of which were in private hands.This was a big change from what had been the situation before the Conquest either in England or Normandy where very few had had a fortified house. King William died knowing that the military conquest of England was complete and that a matrix of royal castles secured his power in its county towns. There were remarkably few new castles built during the following century. But those that were built were dominated by the idea of the great tower as expressed by King William in London, Colchester and by his son Rufus in Norwich. Two of Henry I courtiers demonstrate the allure of the great tower. In the 1120s Geoffrey de Clinton, Chamberlain and Treasurer to Henry I was granted lands in Warwickshire where he founded a castle and priory. The castle at Kenilworth was hugely ambitious even for a man with Clinton's connections. A great tower was erected and an inner courtyard enclosed around it by a wall. At Porchester, Hampshire, another Norman magnate Hugh Pont de l'Arche replaced the Saxon residential buildings inside the Roman walls in the 1130s with a square plan great tower with a hall at first floor level. Eleventh century society in England and Normandy saw no hard distinction between church and state. Both William and Edward the Confessor were interested in church reform and welcomed a series of reforming decrees which transformed cannon law and liturgy in Western Europe in the 1050s. In Normandy William had promoted reform through his chief religious advisor the Italian Abbot, Lanfranc, one of the greatest intellectuals of his day. Once in England William appointed Lanfrac as Archbishop of Canterbury and he set about reforming the English church. This was as much a political as a moral crusade: with William's support Lanfranc reorganised the boundaries of Saxon dioceses moving cathedrals from the countryside to towns, ensuring that the diocese became, like the county, a unit of government control. By the reign of Henry I there were seventeen dioceses - a map which remained until the reformation. Within a period of less than fifty years each of these dioceses was to have an entirely new cathedral, perhaps the largest and most ambitious architectural programme in English architectural history. It is easy to imagine that this meant the invention of a new type and shape of church, but there was no simple change from 'saxon' cathedrals to 'Norman' ones: the new cathedrals were not identikit structures, each mixed stylistic and liturgical influences in its own way according to the preferences of its bishop, the resources available and local traditions. This had probably not been Lanfranc's intention. He had hoped to abolish Anglo-Saxon forms and traditions and bring the liturgical and architectural life of English cathedrals into line with the most advanced thinking on the continent. In this Canterbury was to be the model. Lanfanc had been the abbot of St. Etienne at Caen and had overseen the reconstruction of the abbey church there; his Canterbury Cathedral was closely modelled on his old church, right down to the precise dimensions of the transepts and nave. But this was not just an architectural importation, the archbishop set down the liturgical practices he wanted performed in his new country, these were to move away from the showy, flowery customs of the Saxons and more towards a more austere, simpler and more disciplined liturgy. At Winchester one can still gain a good impression of what the interior of the first generation of post conquest cathedrals looked like. Today only the transepts survive but here the essentials of the style of the new cathedral can be appreciated. Like the Confessor's Westminster Abbey the elevations are three storeys high: a main ground floor arcade, a gallery above and crowning that a clerestory. These levels are tied together by mast-like shafts that rise to the roof. Within this the individual parts of the elevation are subordinated to the whole. The arches at gallery level, for instance, are contained within a larger arch. Parish churches of the eleventh century are hard to date. Late Saxon and early Norman churches are more or less identical. Most of these are two roomed (or more correctly two-celled) with rectangular naves separated from the chancel by an arch. Most post-conquest chancels originally had an apse, but almost all were later rebuilt square-ended. In east Norfolk a couple of remote churches still retain their original apse, perhaps the best amongst these is St. Margaret, Hales. The round tower is later, but the apsidal chancel dates from before 1130 and retains some of its blank arcading. Archbishop Lanfranc died two years after William I and he was succeeded in 1093 by Anselm, a figure more tolerant of Anglo-Saxon church customs. The second generation of Anglo-Norman churchmen, perhaps, also lacked the sense of urgency and single-mindedness of Lanfranc and his contemporaries. They adopted a more florid architecture closer to the ornamental taste of the Saxons. In achieving this they built on a generation of improving craftsmanship and construction standards which in the first Anglo-Norman cathedrals were variable. These changes can be seen as they take place at Durham Cathedral. While the bones of the cathedral's design are familiar: the alternating compound and cylindrical piers are as in the Confessor's Abbey, the tall first floor gallery, almost of equal height to the main arcade, has been reduced. The arcades at Durham are huge and squeeze the gallery and clerestory up to the roof. The naves of early cathedrals had been roofed in timber with flat, painted timber ceilings, the effect can now be seen at Peterborough or Ely. At Durham a way was found of vaulting over a much wider space with masonry highlighting the intersections of the vault with stone ribs. The vault was a crucial step forward in style. A flat timber roof broke up the unity of the space while a vault drew together all the elements into a coherent whole. Durham's novelty is not only in its structure, it also lies in its decoration. The eastern parts of the cathedral, which were built first, have little surface decoration, but the nave, built after 1104, gets progressively more showy towards the west. The piers are cut with lozenges and zigzags; the arches with chevrons, the aisle walls are decorated with blank intersecting arcading that looks as if it has fallen straight out of anAnglo-Saxon manuscript. Despite our ability to visit many of these buildings none gives the modern spectator anything other than a ghost of what was intended. Like Saxon churches Anglo-Norman cathedrals were filled with colour and texture. Most important were wall paintings. At Canterbury Cathedral the apse of St. Gabriel's chapel was walled up in the late 12th century preserving, untouched, a complete set of wall paintings only re-discovered in the nineteenth century. Here it is possible to gain a sense of the brilliance of the painters working in c.1130. Vast areas of cathedrals familiar to us as stone halls would have glowed with colour, walls would have been whitewashed and imitation masonry blocks painted in red. Windows would have thrown a coloured glow onto all this splendour as most were glazed in coloured glass. What I have set out to demonstrate this evening is that by looking at buildings alone it would be impossible for an historian to guess that the Norman Conquest had ever taken place. This may be a surprising thing to be saying as the Norman Conquest is often seen as one of the great turning points in our history. But in the year 1000 England's architecture had already reached a turning point and the changes that came rapidly after 1066 had been in embryo since the 1050s at the latest. Yet without doubt Conquest hugely accelerated architectural change. The building and craft industries quickly developed and diversified and by 1130 almost everyone could experience stone architecture in their own locality. That architecture was Roman architecture. For everyone who saw remains close at hand, who had travelled across Europe or who associated Rome with Christianity this was the style in which to build. But the severe unsullied Roman monumentality of early Norman buildings as seen in the transepts of Winchester, or the elevations of the White Tower lasted merely a generation; they soon gave way to something more florid and cosmopolitan. Likewise the reforming aspirations of the Norman churchmen were diluted and what remained was an English compromise. As the first generation of Normans died out, England's architecture was already looking very different from anything in the rest of Europe. The Saxon love of ornament and complexity had contaminated the severity of Rome. In fact the Normans and their families were feeling different too. They might not have been able to express it in 1130, but the Normans and their architecture were becoming English. In my next lecture I will explain how a vision of Rome dissolved into a vision of heaven. Between 1130 to 1300 God trumped Caesar. ©Professor Simon Thurley, Gresham College 2010

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On This Page Public Health Statement for Beryllium This Public Health Statement is the summary chapter from the Toxicological Profile for Beryllium. It is one in a series of Public Health Statements about hazardous substances and their health effects. A shorter version, the ToxFAQs™, is also available. This information is important because this substance may harm you. The effects of exposure to any hazardous substance depend on the dose, the duration, how you are exposed, personal traits and habits, and whether other chemicals are present. For more information, call the ATSDR Information Center at 1-888-422-8737. This public health statement tells you about beryllium and the effects of exposure. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) identifies the most serious hazardous waste sites in the nation. These sites make up the National Priorities List (NPL) and are the sites targeted for long-term federal cleanup activities. Beryllium has been found in at least 535 of the 1,613 current or former NPL sites. However, the total number of NPL sites evaluated for this substance is not known. As more sites are evaluated, the sites at which beryllium is found may increase. This information is important because exposure to this substance may harm you and because these sites may be sources of exposure. When a substance is released from a large area, such as an industrial plant, or from a container, such as a drum or bottle, it enters the environment. This release does not always lead to exposure. You are exposed to a substance only when you come in contact with it. You may be exposed by breathing, eating, or drinking the substance, or by skin contact. If you are exposed to beryllium, many factors determine whether you'll be harmed. These factors include the dose (how much), the duration (how long), and how you come in contact with it. You must also consider the other chemicals you're exposed to and your age, sex, diet, family traits, lifestyle, and state of health. 1.1 What is beryllium? Beryllium is an element that occurs naturally. It is present in a variety of materials, such as rocks, coal and oil, soil, and volcanic dust. Two kinds of mineral rocks, bertrandite and beryl, are mined commercially for the recovery of beryllium. Very pure gem‑quality beryl is better known as either aquamarine (blue or blue-green) or emerald (green). Beryllium is the lightest metal. A key distinction among beryllium compounds is that some are soluble in water, but many are not. Most of the beryllium ore that is mined is converted into alloys (mixtures of metals). Most of these alloys are used in making electrical and electronic parts or as construction materials for machinery and molds for plastics. Beryllium alloys are also used in automobiles, computers, sports equipment (such as golf clubs and bicycle frames), and dental bridges. Pure beryllium metal is used in nuclear weapons and reactors, aircraft and space vehicle structures, instruments, x‑ray machines, and mirrors. Beryllium oxide is also made from beryllium ores and is used to make specialty ceramics for electrical and high-technology applications. More information on the chemical and physical properties, production, and uses of beryllium is found in Chapters 4, 5, and 6. 1.2 What happens to beryllium when it enters the environment? Beryllium enters the air, water, and soil as a result of natural and human activities. Emissions from burning coal and oil increase beryllium levels in the air. In air, beryllium compounds are present mostly as fine dust particles. The dust eventually settles over land and water. Rain and snow aid in removing beryllium from air. Extremely small beryllium particles may remain in the air for about 10 days. Beryllium enters waterways from the wearing away of rocks and soil. Most beryllium products of human origin that enter waterways come from industry discharges of waste water and from beryllium dust in the air from industrial activities settling over water. Most of the beryllium in water settles in the material on the bottom with sediment. Insoluble beryllium compounds remain in ocean water for a few hundred years before settling to the bottom of the ocean. Beryllium, as a chemical component, occurs naturally in soil; however, disposal of coal ash, incinerator ash, and industrial wastes may increase the amount of beryllium in soil. A major portion of beryllium in soil does not dissolve in water and remains bound to soil, so it is not likely to move deeper into the ground and enter groundwater. In the environment, chemical reactions can change the water-soluble beryllium compounds into insoluble forms. In some cases, water-insoluble beryllium compounds can change to soluble forms. Exposure to water-soluble beryllium compounds in the environment, in general, will pose a greater threat to human health than exposure to water-insoluble forms. The amount of beryllium that has been measured in the air in different parts of the United States by EPA ranges from not detected to 2 millionths of a gram per cubic meter (g/m³). Very small dust particles of beryllium in the air fall out of the air onto surface water, plant surfaces, and soil either by themselves or when rain or snow falls. These beryllium particles eventually end up back in the soil or in the bottoms of lakes, rivers, and ponds, where they stay and mix with beryllium that is already there. Beryllium in water comes from different sources. Most of it comes from dissolving beryllium out of rocks and soil that water runs over and through. Only a very small part is from the settling of beryllium dust out of the air. Some beryllium is suspended in muddy-like (cloudy) water. EPA has found that the levels of beryllium in drinking water in different parts of the United States are extremely low in most cases, and that water containing beryllium at these commonly observed levels is safe to drink. Fish do not accumulate beryllium from water into their bodies to any great extent. Some fruits and vegetables such as garden peas, kidney beans, and pears may have above average levels of beryllium (see Chapter 6). Most of the beryllium that gets into livestock is eliminated quickly in urine and feces. Beryllium is found in soil in amounts that vary over a wide range, but the typical concentration is 3 thousandths of a gram/kilogram (g/kg) of soil. Additional beryllium can be added by industrial activities. Soluble beryllium compounds can combine with other substances in the environment to form other beryllium compounds. Beryllium compounds may stay in the soil for thousands of years without moving downward into groundwater. In addition to the beryllium found naturally in minerals, beryllium metal and compounds that are left after humans mine and process the minerals can be released back into the environment as landfill waste. More information about the fate and movement of beryllium in the environment is found in Chapter 6. 1.3 How might I be exposed to beryllium? You can be exposed to normal levels of beryllium by breathing air, eating food, or drinking water that contains beryllium. In the United States, the average concentration of beryllium in air is 0.03 nanograms (ng) (1 ng=1 billionth of a gram) in a cubic meter (ng/m³) of air. In U.S. cities, the average air concentration is higher, and its value is 0.2 ng in a cubic meter (m³) of air. Cities have higher levels of beryllium in the air because beryllium is released from burning coal and fuel oil. The amount of beryllium that has been measured in drinking water in different parts of the United States by EPA is generally less than 2 trillionths of a gram for every liter of water. Beryllium was found in only 5% of 1,577 drinking water samples obtained throughout the United States. Of these positive samples, the average beryllium concentration was only 190 ng in a liter (L) of water. Beryllium, as a chemical component, is found naturally in some food. The concentration of beryllium in both raw carrots and field corn grown in the United States is less than 25 micrograms (µg) (1 µg=1 millionth of a gram) in a kilogram (kg) of the fresh vegetables. Thus, in comparison with other harmful elements, such as lead and chromium, to which we are (by necessity) exposed on a daily basis, beryllium exposure is not significant. In certain workplaces, you can be exposed to higher-than-normal levels of beryllium, mostly in the form of beryllium oxide and beryllium metal. Occupational exposure to beryllium occurs at places where the chemical is mined, processed, or converted into metal, alloys, and other chemicals. Workers engaged in machining metals containing beryllium, recycling beryllium from scrap alloys, or using beryllium products may also be exposed to higher levels of beryllium. The number of workers exposed to beryllium or beryllium compounds has been estimated to be 21,000. As a member of the general public, you may be exposed to higher-than-normal levels of beryllium if you live near an industry that processes or uses beryllium. People who live near hazardous landfill sites that contain high concentrations of beryllium may also be exposed to higher-than-normal levels of beryllium. Beryllium, as a chemical component, occurs naturally in tobacco and may be inhaled from cigarette smoke. People who smoke may breathe higher-than-normal levels of beryllium than people who do not smoke. Beryllium metal and metal alloys may be found in consumer products such as electronic devices (e.g., televisions, calculators, and personal computers) and special nonsparking tools. Direct contact with beryllium metal and metal alloys is not likely, since these materials are typically enclosed within a protected case that prevents exposure. No other consumer products or products used in crafts, hobbies, or cottage industries contain significant amounts of beryllium. It is therefore unlikely that beryllium present in consumer products poses any hazard. More information about beryllium exposure can be found in Chapter 6. 1.4 How can beryllium enter and leave my body? Beryllium can enter your body if you breathe air, eat food, or drink water containing it. Beryllium will not enter your body from skin contact with the metal unless the skin is scraped or cut and beryllium particles become imbedded in the wound. Only a small amount of beryllium may enter your body if your skin comes into contact with a beryllium salt dissolved in water. When you breathe air containing beryllium, beryllium particles can be deposited in the lungs. The beryllium that you breathe in slowly dissolves in the lungs and moves slowly into the bloodstream. Some of the beryllium deposited in the lungs can be moved to the mouth and then swallowed; the rest can remain in your lungs for a long time. If you eat food or drink water that contains beryllium, less than 1% passes from your stomach and intestines into the bloodstream. Therefore, most of the beryllium that you swallow leaves your body through the feces without entering the bloodstream. The small amount of beryllium that moves from the lungs, stomach, and intestines into the bloodstream is carried by the blood to the kidneys. Beryllium leaves the kidneys by the urine. Some beryllium can also be carried by the blood to the liver and bones where it may remain for long periods. If you swallow beryllium, beryllium leaves the body in a few days. However, if you inhale beryllium, it may take months to years before your body rids itself of beryllium. This is because it takes a long time before all the beryllium in the lungs enters the bloodstream. For more information, please read Chapter 3. 1.5 How can beryllium affect my health? To protect the public from the harmful effects of toxic chemicals and to find ways to treat people who have been harmed, scientists use many tests. One way to see if a chemical will hurt people is to learn how the chemical is absorbed, used, and released by the body; for some chemicals, animal testing may be necessary. Animal testing may also be used to identify health effects such as cancer or birth defects. Without laboratory animals, scientists would lose a basic method to get information needed to make wise decisions to protect public health. Scientists have the responsibility to treat research animals with care and compassion. Laws today protect the welfare of research animals, and scientists must comply with strict animal care guidelines. Beryllium is a metal that can be harmful when you breathe it. The effects depend on how much and how long you are exposed to it. When you breathe it in, beryllium can damage your lungs. When you breathe in large amounts of soluble beryllium compounds (greater than 1 mg beryllium per cubic meter of air, 1 mg/m³), the lung damage resembles pneumonia with reddening and swelling of the lungs. This condition is called acute beryllium disease. The lung damage may heal if beryllium exposure is stopped. Human studies have shown that occupational and community ambient air standards were effective in eliminating most acute lung disease. Some people can become sensitive to beryllium. This is known as hypersensitivity or allergy. If you become sensitive (allergic) to beryllium, you may develop an immune or inflammatory reaction to small amounts of beryllium that do not cause effects in people who are not sensitive to beryllium. When this occurs, white cells accumulate around the beryllium and form a chronic inflammatory reaction called granulomas (granulomas are not tumors). This condition is called chronic beryllium disease (CBD). This disease can occur long after exposure (10-15 years) to small amounts of either soluble or insoluble forms of beryllium (greater than 0.0005 mg/m³). If you have this disease, you may feel weak, tired, and have difficulty breathing. Some individuals that have CBD may experience anorexia, weight loss, and blueness of hands and feet. This disease could also lead to heart enlargement and heart disease in advanced cases. Both the short-term, pneumonia-like disease and the chronic beryllium disease can be fatal. Exposure levels associated with acute or chronic beryllium disease are more 100,000 times higher than normal air levels of beryllium. Long periods of exposure to beryllium have been reported to cause cancer in laboratory animals. Some studies of workers reported an increased risk of lung cancer. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the International Agency for Research on Cancer have determined that beryllium and beryllium compounds are human carcinogens. EPA has determined that beryllium is a probable human carcinogen. EPA has estimated that lifetime exposure to 0.00004 mg beryllium/m³ can result in a one in a thousand chance of developing cancer. We do not know if breathing air, eating food, or drinking water that contains beryllium or having skin contact with beryllium has any effects on reproduction or causes birth defects in humans or animals. Swallowing beryllium has not been reported to cause effects in humans because very little beryllium can move from the stomach or intestines into the bloodstream. Ulcers have been seen in dogs ingesting soluble beryllium salts in the diet. Beryllium contact with skin that has been scraped or cut may cause rashes or ulcers. If you have developed an allergy to beryllium and have skin contact with it, you can get granulomas on the skin. These skin granulomas appear as a rash or as nodules. The skin granulomas are formed in the same way that lung granulomas are formed in sensitive people. For more information on how beryllium can affect your health, please read Chapter 3. 1.6 How can beryllium affect children? This section discusses potential health effects from exposures during the period from conception to maturity at 18 years of age in humans. It is likely that the health effects seen in children exposed to beryllium will be similar to the effects seen in adults; chronic beryllium disease was found in a child living near a beryllium factory. We do not know whether children differ from adults in their susceptibility to beryllium. We do not know if exposure to beryllium will result in birth defects or other developmental effects in people. The studies on developmental effects in animals are not conclusive. We have no information to suggest that there are any differences between children and adults in terms of how much beryllium will enter the body, where beryllium can be found in the body, and how fast beryllium will leave the body. It is likely that beryllium can be transferred from the mother to an infant in breast milk or that it can cross the placenta. 1.7 How can families reduce the risk of exposure to beryllium? If your doctor finds that you have been exposed to significant amounts of beryllium, ask whether your children might also be exposed. Your doctor might need to ask your state health department to investigate. Higher-than-normal levels of beryllium may be in soil at hazardous waste sites. Some children eat a lot of dirt. You should prevent your children from eating dirt. Make sure they wash their hands frequently, and before eating. If you live near a hazardous waste site, discourage your children from putting their hands in their mouths or from engaging in other hand-to-mouth activities. Some children may be exposed to beryllium by contact with a family member who works in a facility using beryllium. If you work at a facility that uses beryllium, make sure you change your clothes and clean your hair and skin before leaving your job and returning home. Also, do not bring objects home such as works tools that may be contaminated with beryllium. 1.8 Is there a medical test to determine whether I have been exposed to beryllium? Beryllium can be measured in the urine and blood, but the amount of beryllium in the urine or blood may not reflect the amount to which you were exposed. The measurement of beryllium in urine and blood may not determine how recently you were exposed. Small amounts of human lung and skin can be removed from the body and examined to determine whether beryllium is present in these tissues. These tests can be done in a doctor's office or in a hospital. While high levels of beryllium in urine, blood, or tissues indicate that you were exposed to an excessive amount of beryllium, low levels of beryllium do not necessarily mean that you were not exposed to an excessive amount. A blood test called the beryllium lymphocyte proliferation test (BeLPT) can determine if you have become sensitive to beryllium and may have chronic beryllium disease. For more information, please read Chapters 3 and 7. 1.9 What recommendations has the federal government made to protect human health? The federal government develops regulations and recommendations to protect public health. Regulations can be enforced by law. Federal agencies that develop regulations for toxic substances include the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Recommendations provide valuable guidelines to protect public health but cannot be enforced by law. Federal organizations that develop recommendations for toxic substances include the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR) and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH). Regulations and recommendations can be expressed in not-to-exceed levels in air, water, soil, or food that are usually based on levels that affect animals; then they are adjusted to help protect people. Sometimes these not-to-exceed levels differ among federal organizations because of different exposure times (an 8‑hour workday or a 24‑hour day), the use of different animal studies, or other factors. Recommendations and regulations are also periodically updated as more information becomes available. For the most current information, check with the federal agency or organization that provides it. Some regulations and recommendations for beryllium include the following: OSHA has set a limit of 2 µg beryllium/m³ of workroom air for an 8‑hour work shift. NIOSH recommends a standard for occupational exposure of 0.5 µg beryllium/m³ of workroom air during an 8-hour shift to protect workers from the increased cancer risk associated with beryllium exposure. EPA restricts the amount of beryllium released into the air to 0.01 µg beryllium/m³ of air, averaged over a 30-day period. The Department of Energy (DOE) has developed a program to reduce beryllium exposure in workers at DOE facilities. EPA has set a maximum allowable amount of 0.004 mg/L beryllium in drinking water. For more information, please read Chapter 8. Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry (ATSDR). 2002. Toxicological profile for Beryllium. Atlanta, GA: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public Health Service. Where can I get more information? If you have questions or concerns, please contact your community or state health or environmental quality department or: For more information, contact: Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry Division of Toxicology and Human Health Sciences 1600 Clifton Road NE, Mailstop F-57 Atlanta, GA 30329-4027 Phone: 1-800-CDC-INFO · 888-232-6348 (TTY) Email: Contact CDC-INFO ATSDR can also tell you the location of occupational and environmental health clinics. These clinics specialize in recognizing, evaluating, and treating illnesses resulting from exposure to hazardous substances. Information line and technical assistance: To order toxicological profiles, contact: National Technical Information Service 5285 Port Royal Road Springfield, VA 22161 Phone: 800-553-6847 or 703-605-6000 Some PDF files may be electronic conversions from paper copy or other electronic ASCII text files. This conversion may have resulted in character translation or format errors. Users are referred to the original paper copy of the toxicological profile for the official text, figures, and tables. Original paper copies can be obtained via the directions on the toxicological profile home page, which also contains other important information about the profiles. The information contained here was correct at the time of publication. Please check with the appropriate agency for any changes to the regulations or guidelines cited. - Page last reviewed: January 21, 2015 - Page last updated: January 21, 2015 - Content source: Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry

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Battlefield UAVs of the United States This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these template messages)(Learn how and when to remove this template message) The usefulness of UAVs for aerial reconnaissance was demonstrated to the United States in the Vietnam War. At the same time, early steps were being taken to use them in active combat at sea and on land, but battlefield unmanned aerial vehicles would not come into their own until the 1980s. UAVs, such as the Northrop Falconer, had been developed for battlefield reconnaissance beginning in the 1950s, but these machines saw little or no combat service. Israelis pioneered the operational use of battlefield UAVs in the early 1980s, during their operations in southern Lebanon. Very few of the technologies they used were all that new, but the Israelis finally achieved the proper formula for operational success, using their battlefield UAVs to help destroy Syrian surface-to-air missile sites and assist in other combat operations. With the successes in southern Lebanon, international interest in battlefield UAVs picked up significantly. During the 1980s, all the major military powers and many of the minor ones acquired a battlefield UAV capability, and continue to expand that capability. These battlefield UAVs fall into two broad categories, which can be designated for convenience as "combat surveillance" and "tactical reconnaissance" UAVs. Combat surveillance UAV The function of a combat surveillance UAV is to observe events on a battlefield in real-time, orbiting over the battle area and relaying intelligence to a ground control station. They are generally powered by small rotary or two-stroke piston "chain saw" engines. They are directed by an autopilot system with RC backup. The autopilot directs the aircraft from sets of waypoints programmed in before takeoff. The flight-plan is set up by displaying a map on a workstation, clicking on the desired map coordinates with a mouse or directly on to a touch-screen, and then uploading the flight-plan into the UAV. Navigation is often verified by a GPS-INS navigation system. However, combat surveillance UAVs usually use the autopilot to get to the operating area, with the aircraft then operating by radio control to find targets of opportunity. The need to stay within radio range restricts combat surveillance UAVs to ranges within a line-of-sight of the transmitter. This is usually the determining factor in "range" specifications for such UAVs. For this reason, "endurance" is a more useful specification than "range". The UAV sensors are generally housed in a turret underneath the aircraft, and almost always feature day-night imagers. The turret may also include a laser designator to allow the UAV to mark targets for smart weapons. Other specialized payloads, such as SIGINT packages, or new lightweight synthetic aperture radar (SAR)sensors with all-weather imaging capability, are now being fielded as well. The larger combat surveillance UAVs have landing gear, usually fixed, and can take off and land on an unimproved airstrip, with an arresting hook to snag a cable for short landings. Such UAVs may also be launched by a RATO booster, and recovered by parachute, parasail, or by flying into a net. Smaller combat surveillance UAVs may be launched with a pneumatic, hydraulic, or electric catapult, with the very smallest launched by an elastic-bungee catapult. Tactical reconnaissance UAV The tactical reconnaissance UAV is usually larger, jet powered, with longer range and higher speed. Like a combat surveillance UAV, it has an autopilot with radio control backup, but it relies more on the autopilot than on radio control, since its primary mission is to fly over predesignated targets out of line of sight, take pictures, and then come home. The tactical reconnaissance UAV will usually not loiter over the battle area, and real-time intelligence is less essential. A tactical reconnaissance UAV usually carries day-night reconnaissance cameras, rather than a sensor turret, though SAR can be carried as well. They are generally launched by RATO booster and recovered by parachute, though they can be launched from aircraft as well. The dividing line between combat surveillance and tactical reconnaissance UAVs, as well as between them and other classes of UAVs, is fuzzy. Some types of UAV may be usable for both missions. The distinction between a combat surveillance UAV and some kinds of "endurance" UAVs, discussed later, and between a tactical reconnaissance and a strategic reconnaissance UAV, as discussed earlier, is also very thin. There are also many variations on themes. The smaller combat surveillance UAVs, in the size range of a large hobbyist RC model plane and used to support military forces at the brigade or battalion level, are sometimes called "mini-UAVs", and their low cost makes them particularly suitable for "expendable" missions. Such expendable missions might involve carrying a jammer payload into an enemy's operational area to disrupt radar and communications, or even being fitted with a radar seeker and a warhead to attack enemy radars. Such an "attack drone" or "harassment UAV" now becomes difficult to logically distinguish from a cruise missile. The DASH Helicopter Drones / SEAMOS The first operational battlefield UAV developed by the US military was for antisubmarine warfare (ASW). In the early 1960s, the US Navy obtained a small "Drone Anti-Submarine Helicopter" (DASH) Gyrodyne QH-50 that could fly off a frigate or destroyer to carry homing torpedoes or nuclear depth charges for attacks on enemy submarines that were out of range of the ship's other weapons. This was a relatively simple requirement, involving a neatly defined mission in a combat environment where presumably nobody would usually be shooting back at the drone, and it seemed achievable with the technology of the time. Gyrodyne Company of Long Island, New York, was awarded the contract to build DASH, and based the design on a one-man helicopter the company had already developed, the "YRON-1". The initial DASH demonstration prototype, designated the "DSN-1", used a Porsche flat-four piston engine with 54 kW (72 hp), with nine such prototypes built. Initial flights were in the summer of 1961, at first with a pilot on board, leading up to an unpiloted helicopter flight in August 1961. A second-generation prototype, the "DSN-2", was powered by two Porsche engines, each with 64.5 kW (86.5 hp). Three such drones were built, and then led to the production DASH, the "DSN-3", which was powered by a Boeing T50-BO-8A turboshaft engine with 225 kW (300 shp). First flight of the DSN-3 was also in the summer of 1961. The US military services adopted a common aircraft designation scheme in 1962, and the DASH variants were given new designations. The DSN-1 became the "QH-50A", the DSN-2 became the "QH-50B", and the DSN-3 became the "QH-50C". The general configuration of all three of the DASH prototype variants was similar, though the QH-50C was scaled up, with an empty weight almost twice that of the QH-50A. The QH-50C was an ugly little machine that was reminiscent of an insect. It had a frame made of steel tubing, with all machinery directly accessible, and stood on twin skids, with one or two homing torpedoes or nuclear depth charges carried between the skids. It had a coaxial rotor system and a dropdown inverted vee tail. The QH-50C had a height of 2.96 metres (9 feet 9 inches), a rotor diameter of 6.1 metres (20 feet), and an empty weight of 500 kilograms (1,100 pounds). It was guided solely by radio control, and had neither sensors nor autonomous navigation capability. Combat radius was a modest 54 kilometers (34 mi), which was adequate for its mission. Greater range would not have been very useful, as the DASH flew at low altitude and used a line-of-sight communications link, limiting its range in any case. The US Navy originally ordered 900 QH-50Cs, but the type suffered from reliability problems, with a quarter of the first batch of 100 lost in crashes. The order was cut to a little over 500, with final production being the "QH-50D" variant, with an uprated engine providing 274 kW (365 shp), fiberglass rotors, and increased fuel capacity. The Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force also bought a small batch of 16 DASHes in 1968. The career of the DASH was undistinguished, but it was one of the first drones ever used in a strictly tactical environment, and pointed the way to the future. A small number of DASHes were apparently given reconnaissance gear and used for naval surveillance over the Gulf of Tonkin in 1966 in a project codenamed SNOOPY. In the early 1970s the Air Force evaluated the QH-50D for a battlefield drone test program codenamed NITE GAZELLE. NITE GAZELLE apparently experimented with using drones to drop bomblets and carry machine guns, but details are unclear, as are reports that the DASH was used in other evaluations as a countermeasures platform. In the 1980s, Aerodyne corporation attempted to sell an updated version of the DASH, designated the "CH-84 Pegasus", with an Allison 250-C20F turboshaft engine and updated electronics. While it appears the Pegasus was not a success, the DASH was resurrected a second time in the 1990s by the German Dornier company, now part of Daimler Chrysler, for the "SEAMOS" naval UAV. SEAMOS owed much to DASH, and in fact a modified QH-50D was used as the SEAMOS demonstrator prototype. Like the original DASH, SEAMOS was a coaxial-rotor drone helicopter with twin landing skids, though it was unsurprisingly a more refined system, and in particular even had a real fuselage. SEAMOS was powered by an Allison 250-C20W turboshaft engine with 315 kW (420 shp). SEAMOS flight tests were performed with the technology demonstrator in 1991, leading to a production contract in 1996 and flight tests of a true prototype in 1999. Service introduction was expected in 2005, but the program was cancelled in early 2003, SEAMOS having been judged "overdesigned and too expensive". The German government put out a request for an off-the-shelf solution, sensibly stating specifications in line with a machine that they could afford. The EADS Orka-1200, discussed later, is the prime candidate. During the Gulf War, the US Marines also used about 60 cheap battlefield mini-UAVs, the "BQM-174 Exdrone (Expendable Drone)", that were fitted with simple TV camera payloads for battlefield reconnaissance. The Exdrone was built by BAI Aerosystems of Maryland. It was mostly made of styrofoam, balsa wood, and plastics, and was powered by a chainsaw engine. It was a "symmetrical delta", meaning it didn't matter if it flew upside-down, allowing it to offer some protection to its payload when necessary. A later version was the BQM-147 Dragon. While the Army was floundering with the Aquila, the Air Force was going through its own struggles with the tactical UAV concept. Beginning in the mid-1970s, the USAF Flight Dynamics Laboratory, working with Teledyne Ryan, developed a piston-powered tactical UAV designated the "XBQM-26 Teleplane". A total of 23 were built, in 13 different configurations. It is unclear if there was ever any intent to adopt the XBQM-26 for operational service, since the program had a strongly experimental flavor, with the different configurations used to evaluate a wide range of possibilities for tactical UAV operations. The program ended in the mid-1980s. However, the Air Force did conduct a program to obtain an operational tactical UAV, the "Boeing Robotic Air Vehicle (BRAVE) 200". The BRAVE 200 was intended to be used as an antiradar attack drone, a jamming platform, or for other expendable battlefield missions. The BRAVE 200 was a neat little canard machine, with a span of 2.57 metres (8 feet 5 inches), a length of 2.12 metres (6 feet 11 inches), and a launch weight of 120 kilograms (260 lb). It was powered by a 21 kW (28 hp) two-stroke, two-cylinder engine, driving a pusher propeller. The BRAVE 200 had an interesting launch scheme, with 15 of the UAVs stowed in a transport "box". A drone was shoved out of its cell in the box on an arm, and then launched by a RATO booster. It was recovered by parachute if the mission allowed it be recovered. The BRAVE 200 effort began in 1983, when the company received a USAF contract to develop an antiradar attack drone, under the designation "YCQM-121A Pave Tiger". 14 prototypes were flown in 1983 and 1984, but the program was cancelled in late 1984. It did not stay cancelled. In 1987, the USAF awarded Boeing a contract to develop an improved version of the drone, designated the "YGCM-121B Seek Spinner", as a loitering antiradar attack drone. The YGCM-121B was generally similar to the YCQM but heavier, with a weight of 200 kilograms (440 lb). The Air Force also evaluated another variant in the series, designated the "CEM-138 Pave Cricket", with a jamming payload. However, both Air Force programs were axed in 1989. Boeing continued to promote the BRAVE 200 to other customers, and also tried to sell a jet-powered drone, the "BRAVE 3000". The BRAVE 3000 resembled a small cruise missile with boxy fuselage, a straight wing that pivoted into launch configuration, cruciform tailfins, a belly fin forward of the wing, and an engine intake under the belly. The BRAVE 3000 also featured a container launch scheme, and had a launch weight of 285 kilograms (629 pounds) with RATO booster. A few prototypes were flown in the mid-1980s. Nobody bought either the BRAVE 200 or the BRAVE 3000, and both projects were abandoned. Over a decade later, Boeing would return to the small UAV field by teaming up with the Insitu Group on the ScanEagle UAV, discussed later. Hunter / Sky Owl With UAV efforts floundering, in the late 1980s the US Congress formed the "Joint Program Office (JPO)" to consolidate UAV programs. JPO was a branch of the Naval Air Systems Command, but obtained funding directly from the office of the Secretary of Defense, at the top of the US defense hierarchy. One of the first UAV programs begun by the JPO was the "Short Range UAV" program, which in 1988 selected the Hunter UAV, which was built by Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI) in cooperation with TRW. The Hunter first flew in 1991. It had a general configuration not much different from the Pioneer, except that it was bigger and had twin engines, consisting of two 45 kW (60 hp) Moto-Guzzi piston engines arranged in on both ends of center fuselage in a "push-me-pull-you" configuration. It had a turret with a TV/FLIR imager mounted on the belly. The original plan was to acquire 50 Hunter battlefield observation systems, with four aircraft and ground control gear in each system, for a total of $1.6 billion USD. The aircraft was given the Army designation of "BQM-155A". Initial evaluation determined that the Hunter's range was inadequate, its data link was unsatisfactory, and the aircraft was too big to fit into the transport aircraft defined in the original specification. Despite these deficiencies, a low rate initial production (LRIP) contract for seven systems at a price of $171 million USD was placed in 1993. Further evaluation of the Hunter based on these seven systems demonstrated more shortcomings in the UAV's software, data link, and engine. As the Hunter's defects were gradually uncovered, price continued to rise, and by 1996 the Army was faced with paying over $2 billion USD for 52 Hunter systems. Hunter was cancelled. By the time of its cancellation, 20 Hunters had been lost in crashes. The cancellation of the Hunter program did not mean that the Hunters in service were discarded, and in fact they proved surprisingly useful and were even sent on operational missions. The Hunters were employed by the US Army, Air Force, and Navy on experimental programs; provided training in the development of operational concepts for the day when a more effective UAV system was available; and evaluated use of UAVs for communications relay and electronic warfare (EW) missions. In the spring of 1999, eight surviving Hunters, redesignated "RQ-5A", were sent to Albania to support OPERATION ALLIED FORCE, the NATO air campaign against Serbia. The Hunters were flown out of Macedonia, and were able to provide real-time video to senior officers directing ALLIED FORCE, with the video relayed through a ground station, then through a satellite to the US, and finally distributed to end users. NATO commander Wesley Clark used the video feeds and on a few occasions contacted the Hunter operations team directly. The operations team also could adjust their missions in real time in response to inputs from the ALLIED FORCE air operations headquarters. The Hunters flew 281 sorties during ALLIED FORCE. They spotted targets such as air defense radars, artillery, and missile launchers, and usually stayed on station during attacks to perform post-strike damage assessment. The Hunters were able to operate much lower than manned aircraft, which were restricted to minimum safe operating altitudes. Two Hunters were damaged and sent back to the US for repair, one flew into a mountain, and five were lost in action, apparently shot down. The operations team received six replacements. In fact, the Hunter has proven so useful that the Army plans to buy more of them, suggesting that reports of its death in 1996 were greatly exaggerated. In 2002, the Army performed experiments with the Hunter in which it was used to drop "Brilliant Antiarmor Munitions (BATs)", a "smart" antitank glide weapon that features an acoustic / infrared seeker, as an experiment towards introduction of a more formal armed UAV system for the Army. A test drop of four BATs performed in early October 2002 scored three direct hits on armored vehicle targets, with one of the three blowing the turret off the tank it struck. In late March 2003, a Hunter also performed drops of a BAT derivative named "Viper Strike" that was fitted with a laser seeker, with nine drops resulting in seven hits. The Army would like to evaluate other munitions, such as the Hellfire antitank missile, on the Hunter. The Air Force is supposed to provide fixed-wing battlefield air close support for the Army, but the Army has always wanted to have air close support assets of its own, and apparently sees the armed Hunter as a way of skirting around the USAF charter. Hunters served in the US invasion of Iraq in the spring of 2003 and the subsequent occupation of the country. By the summer of 2004, the type had achieved a total of 30,000 flight hours in US Army service, not bad for an aircraft that was formally "canned". The Army is trying to find funds to buy 14 more Hunters. Since the original Moto-Guzzi engine fitted to the Hunter is no longer in production, this new batch will use a new heavy-fuel engine, and will also feature a number of other improvements. Although the Hunter proved very useful almost in spite of itself, the Army still needed a formal operational battlefield UAV system. In 1996, on the cancellation of the Hunter, the Army went through its third attempt to procure a battlefield UAV with the Alliant Techsystems Outrider. The Outrider was based on the Mission Technologies "Hellfox" UAV, which had flown the year before. The Outrider was a relatively small battlefield UAV that featured an unusual "dual wing", meaning it was a biplane with the wings staggered and joined at the ends. It was powered by a four-cylinder piston engine driving a pusher propeller, had fixed landing gear, and a pancake-shaped data link antenna on its back. The Outrider was another fiasco. The military demanded a wide range of major changes to the Hellfox, such changing airframe construction from composites to aluminum, and the effort never managed to converge to a solution. After continuous problems and a failure to meet specifications, the Outrider was cancelled in 1999, the same year it was formally designated the "RQ-6A". While it is difficult to understand why the Army had such difficulty obtaining what would seem to be a relatively simple technology, part of the problem seems to be specsmanship. The Israelis were able to make use of battlefield UAVs quickly because they had simple requirements. The weather in the Middle East is generally hot, sunny, and clear, and the Israelis have a relatively fixed set of adversaries who mostly live right on their border. In contrast, the US Army may be forced to operate almost anywhere and against anyone, meaning that a system that would be satisfactory to the Israelis would not be adequate for the US Army. The US Army necessarily had more demanding specifications. This was unavoidable, but it also opened the door to adding ever more specifications, a bureaucratic process known as "feature creep" that can squeeze the life out a project. Along with over-specification, there seems to have been a degree of bumbling as well. The seeming simplicity of a UAV is misleading. Studies of the difficulties encountered in Army UAV programs indicate that participants tended to underestimate the complexity of a UAV system, starting out thinking that UAVs are little more than glorified RC model airplanes, and then were overwhelmed as problems mounted. On the other hand, some defense engineers approached UAVs with the same mindset as they would use for building a piloted aircraft, causing costs to skyrocket. There also seems to have been problems from interservice squabbling and Congressional micromanagement. After the development contract was awarded, the Pentagon decided that Outrider had to meet both Army and Navy requirements. This meant increasing the UAV's range by a factor of four, to allow ships to see targets over the horizon, and specifying an engine that ran on diesel fuel, not gasoline, which is too flammable to store on a naval vessel except when the need absolutely demands it. The engine effort was a fiasco. US Navy UAV efforts seem to have gone better partly because of high-level interest in the project. The original Navy request that resulted in procurement of the Pioneer UAV was a personal initiative of Navy Undersecretary John Lehman. Not only does having such a prominent patron eliminate obstacles, it also encourages program officials to greater efforts, since they know their actions have high-level visibility. The Army efforts, in contrast, have often lacked patrons or high-level commitment. However, it should also be noted that the Navy has been criticised for becoming involved with programs like Outrider, changing the requirements drastically to fit their needs, and then walking off. In addition, the Navy's long and difficult search for an antiship missile target, discussed earlier, suggests that the Army has no particular copyright on bumbling. Further consideration of the matter leads into a tangle of bureaucracy best avoided. - Unmanned combat aerial vehicle - History of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) - History of unmanned combat air vehicles (UCAVs) - Web article Unmanned Aerial Vehicles by Greg Goebel (public domain).

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By Nikos A. Salingaros & Federico Mena-Quintero. (Version 4.0, October 2010) P2P (peer-to-peer) Urbanism joins ideas from the open-source software movement together with new thinking by urbanists, into a discipline oriented towards satisfying human needs. P2P-Urbanism is concerned with cooperative and creative efforts to define space for people’s use. This essay explains P2P-Urbanism as the outcome of several historical processes, describes the cooperative participation schemes that P2P-Urbanism creates, and indicates the possible outcomes of applying P2P-Urbanism in different human environments. Recent history of urbanism. The general form of urbanism implemented during the 20th century and the beginning of our own 21st century was large-scale, centrally-planned development. The most prominent “moral leaders” of architecture and urbanism have been the “starchitects”: widely-known designers whose buildings have notorious visual characteristics, and which are heavily marketed for the sake of novelty alone. Different methods of design have come into vogue during this time, which explicitly try to avoid traditional building forms and techniques that have been used for hundreds, if not thousands of years. This is done just for the sake of “not doing the same that we did in the past”. Separately from the architecture of buildings, post World-War-II planners implemented formalist ideas regarding the “city as a machine”, setting a legal foundation in urban codes that guaranteed the Modernist transformation of cities. Mass industrialization during the 20th century led to car-centric development, where walking from one place to another is not feasible any more. Money-oriented development unrestrained by any controls produced building forms whose disadvantages have been widely discussed: skyscrapers with plenty of sellable floor space but whose form destroys the urban fabric, cookie-cutter housing that does not really fit anyone’s needs, office parks that are not close to where the workers actually live. Those environments have been amply criticized by scholars such as Jane Jacobs, Christopher Alexander, Léon Krier, and others. New Urbanism in the USA started as a way to build better environments and better buildings; the official start was in 1993 with the founding of the Congress for the New Urbanism (1). The New Urbanist movement began as a human-scaled alternative to Modernist city planning: while the latter is based upon distances, spaces, and speeds that accommodate machines and the needs of industry, the former considers instead the very different needs of human beings. Among other things, New Urbanism promotes walkable communities (where people can live, work, and socialize without being totally dependent on cars), and non-rigid zoning that allows a mixture of work, industry, and housing, all done with well-proportioned buildings that borrow heavily from traditional forms and techniques. In Europe a similar movement is known simply as “traditional urbanism”. Both groups of urban practitioners share a willingness to involve the community in the planning of their neighborhoods; in contrast with centrally-planned “hit and run” development that creates large complexes of buildings with little to no input from the final dwellers or users. Nevertheless, New/Traditional Urbanism is still centrally planned and done on a large scale, instead of allowing the initiative for construction to be taken by the final users themselves. This is more or less an accident of the times, since existing practices for how construction is financed tend to favor large-scale development. A bias towards top-down implementation is also due to the very pragmatic wish of New Urbanists to “plug into” the existing system rather than to start everything from scratch. As of 2010, New Urbanism has been successful in creating many new and regenerated environments fit for human needs. However, its reliance on central planning and financing is far from ideal. New Urbanists realize this and have tried to promote decentralized development, mainly with the publication of the Duany-Plater-Zyberk (DPZ) “Smart Code” for free on the Internet in 2003 (2). The ties between the DPZ Smart Code and P2P-Urbanism will be discussed later in this article. There is evidence that people in several places of the world want to end the domination of Modernist thinking. Political movements in Europe have finally stepped in to play an active role in urban renewal. Monstrous tower blocks have been demolished, replaced by human-scaled urban fabric designed by local groups, and we have such examples occurring all over the world. This has necessitated a sharp break from the Old Left power base that still clings to a top-down bureaucratic (and authoritarian) worldview. In many places, however, the law has been abused to classify inhuman buildings as “monuments” and thus to indefinitely prolong the symbols so beloved by professional architects and planners. (This will be further explored in the section “Potential detractors of P2P-Urbanism”). Many of us working in the disciplines of urbanism and architecture feel that it is time to drastically change the way we design and build our environment. This resolution comes after a century of modernist top-down and energy-wasteful planning. We wish to give everyone the tools to design and even construct their own physical space. Open-source software and P2P concepts. Software by companies such as Microsoft, Apple, and Adobe is usually proprietary and commercial: you pay a fee to acquire a license to use the software (you don’t own the software per se), and the license states what you may and may not do with the software. In particular, you are not allowed to make copies of the software you paid for; for example to give them to friends. You may sometimes not use the software for specific purposes, such as for commercial use. Moreover, you may not modify the software: you effectively cannot, as the software is distributed in binary form, not as the original source code written by human programmers for later execution by computers. Source code is a closely guarded secret. Software that is distributed with source code generally comes with substantial restrictions (e.g. “for educational purposes only”), so that people may not redistribute the source code itself, nor modified versions of it. In 1983, a movement against this kind of restrictive licensing for software was started with the name of “Free software”, with free as in freedom, not as in free beer. Nowadays this is commonly called open-source software. Curiously enough, before the 1970s software was generally free in both senses: it came as a necessary component of the expensive computers that were sold (as they would be useless without software), and users were actually allowed to modify it. Software was shared freely among people, who mostly did research in those days, just like other kinds of science. Thus, the concept of “freely redistributable and modifiable software” is not new after all. Free or open-source software allows you to make copies of the software and give them away, or even resell them. You are given the original human-written source code and are encouraged to study it, modify it, improve it, or to reuse portions of it in other software that you write. You are allowed to redistribute modified versions. Finally, you are not restricted in what you can use the software for, and you may use it for commercial or military purposes. Since 1983, free or open-source software has greatly increased in availability and sophistication, mainly thanks to the Internet. When people can copy software and source code easily and at nearly zero cost (as opposed to the “old days” of copying bulky magnetic tapes and shipping them to their recipient!), it is natural for people to do so, and to actually embark upon modifying the software to adapt it to one’s individual needs. The free or open-source software community, as it is called, has in turn created many tools for electronic communication and collaboration: blogs, wikis, mailing lists, shared live documents, and other tools that are doubtless familiar to people who spend a large part of their time online. The first wiki, created by Ward Cunningham, was in fact a repository of knowledge of computer programming topics (3). Later, Jimmy Wales thought that such a system would be suitable for creating an encyclopedia, and thus Wikipedia was born (4). Nowadays, of course, Wikipedia is a tremendously useful source of information for the whole world, and which has been created entirely by volunteers. Early systems for global communication saw the rise of groups of computer-technical people with other special interests. For example, a large part of Usenet (a mostly-defunct system of online newsgroups) was devoted to computer topics, but it also had a large section for movie fanatics, arts and crafts enthusiasts, etc. It was the first time in the history of the world where one could easily find other people with similar interests, potentially anywhere in the world. Over time different systems for online collaboration and communication appeared, and these were used by people who were not mainly interested in computers. This opportunity greatly enriched the quantity and quality of information available, and different online communities have been formed as a result, each with different interests and conventions. Scholars have studied the behavior of these online communities, and have found that they all have aspects in common. They share knowledge profusely, they tend to be meritocracies rather than rigid hierarchies, and they are geographically widely distributed. Peer-to-peer communities occur when people are able to share information quickly and easily. People start by “finding” each other on the Internet due to their common interests. What begins as a contact with some personal e-mails among strangers could end up in self-acknowledging groups of people with a common purpose. Subgroups of people in actual physical proximity may get together to work on “real-world” issues, not just to engage in virtual conversation. The primary organizer of the wide variety of developing P2P concepts is the P2P Foundation, headed by Michel Bauwens (5). Thus, P2P itself is a movement that began in spheres different from urbanism: the web, economy, free technologies, manufacturing, open-source materials, etc. These developments were and are driven by different impulses from architecture and urbanism, and which we are belatedly joining. There are some parallels we can draw from the history of adoption of free/open-source software, and which will be explored in the next section. The combination of Peer-to-peer and Urbanism. The P2P-Urbanism movement is quite recent, and it is drawing in urban designers and planners who have been working independently for years, mostly unaware of similar efforts being made in other regions of the world or even close by. (Some reasons for this isolation will be explored in the later section “Potential detractors of P2P-Urbanism”). People who join P2P-Urbanism represent a heterogeneous group consisting of individuals championing collaborative design and user participation in planning; New Urbanists tied to the commercial US movement of that name; followers of Christopher Alexander; urban activists; and others. Gradually, practitioners in other fields will learn about P2P-Urbanism and bring in their knowledge where appropriate. Candidates include Permaculturists (who design productive ecosystems that let humans live in harmony with plants and animals) with a deep practical understanding of Biophilia (6), advocates of vernacular and low-energy construction, and various independent or resilient communities that wish to sustain themselves “from the ground up”. P2P-Urbanism is all about letting people design and build their own environments, using information and techniques that are shared freely. The implications of this have a broad scope. In parallel to the free/open-source software movement, designing a city and one’s own dwelling and working environment should be based upon freely-available design rules rather than some “secret” code decided upon by an appointed authority. Furthermore, open-source urban code must be open to modification and adaptation to local conditions and individual needs, which is the whole point of open-source. For example, the DPZ “Smart Code” not only allows but also requires calibration to local conditions, and for this reason it pertains to P2P-Urbanism despite the corporate parentage of many New Urbanist projects. One implication of this new way of thinking about the city is to encourage reclaiming common open space in the urban environment. A significant phenomenon in 20th century urbanism has been the deliberate elimination of shared public space, since the open space surrounding stand-alone modernist buildings tends to be amorphous, hostile, and therefore useless. Attractive public space was recreated elsewhere under the guise of private, controlled space within commercial centers. In this way, common space that is essential for citizen interactions (and thus forms the basis of shared societal values) has been privatized, re-packaged, and then sold back to the people. P2P-Urbanism reverses this tendency. In the next section we will explore how free participation changes the way in which urbanism is done. Participation schemes for urbanism and architecture. Centrally-planned environments or buildings are often designed strictly “on paper” and subsequently built to that specification, without any room for adaptation or for input from the final users. In fact, the worst examples are the results of speculative building with no adaptive purpose in mind. However, there has always been a small and underutilized intersection of P2P thinkers and urbanists/planners that have promoted participatory events outside the official planning system. Those urban interventions have tended to be temporary rather than permanent because of the difficulty of implementing changes in the built fabric. Although the present group behind P2P-Urbanism was formed only in 2010, participatory planning and design go back decades, particularly in the work of J. F. C. Turner on self-built housing in South America (7). Christopher Alexander’s most relevant work is the book “A Pattern Language” from 1977 (8), followed by “The Nature of Order” from 2001-2005 (9). More recent P2P collaborative projects based upon the idea of the commons were developed and applied by Agatino Rizzo and many others (10). These projects rely explicitly upon defining common ownership of a physical or virtual region of urban space. After decades of central planning that ignores local conditions and the complex needs of final users, and which tries to do away with the commons for monetary reasons, people have forgotten the principal geometrical patterns that generated our most successful human-scaled urban spaces throughout history. There has been an important loss of the shared knowledge that once let people build humane environments without much in the way of formal planning. Successful urban design has everything to do with real quality of life and sustainability. With the modernist or post-modernist status quo, the main consideration for construction has been the visual impact of the finished product. In contrast to this, P2P-Urbanism has just as much to say about the process of planning as the final, adaptive, human-scale outcome. It represents a set of qualities and goals that are widely sharable, and which go far beyond architecture and urban design. Principles of good urbanism and architecture are widely shareable and acceptable by “everyday people”, but they are not entirely obvious. For example, it takes careful explaining to convince people that a pedestrian network can be woven into car-centric cities, and that rather than making traffic chaotic, this will in fact reduce traffic, which is something that everyone would appreciate. In terms of evolutionary design, a step-by-step design process that re-adjusts according to real-time constraints and human needs leads to the desired final result, something impossible to achieve from a pre-conceived or formal design. Let us consider briefly the kinds of participation that can be open to different people. Architects of course deal with the design of buildings. An architect familiar with the needs of a certain region may know, for example, that an 80cm eave is enough to protect three-meter tall storeys from rainfall, in a particular region with a certain average of wind and rain. A builder may be well versed in the actual craft of construction, that to build this kind of eave, with the traditional forms used in this region, requires such and such materials and techniques. The final dweller of a house will certainly be interested in protecting his windows and walls from rainfall, but he may want to have a say in what kind of window he wants: if he wants it to open to the outside, then it must not bump against the wide eave. Thus it is important to establish communication between users, builders, designers, and everyone who is involved with a particular environment. Our hypothetical rainy region will doubtless have similar problems to other similar regions in different parts of the world. P2P-Urbanism lets these geographically separated people connect together to learn from each other’s experience. Trial-and-error can be reduced by being able to ask, “who knows how to build windows and eaves that will stand this kind of rainfall?”, and to get an answer backed by evidence. Bigger problems can be attacked in a similar way. Instead of abstract, philosophical-sounding talk like “the shape of the city must reflect the spirit of the age”, and “windows must be designed to mimic a curtain wall” (why?), we can look for evidence of cities that are humane and livable. We can then adapt their good ideas to local conditions, drawing upon the knowledge of all the people who participate in the P2P-Urbanism community. Construction firms that embrace P2P-Urbanism may end up being well-liked in the communities where they work, for they will actually be in constant communication with the users of their “products”, rather than just doing hit-and-run construction that is not loved or cared for by anyone. Up to now, residents have not been able to make any changes on “signature” architecture projects, and not even on the unattractive housing blocks they happen to reside in for economic reasons. P2P-Urbanism instead advocates for people being allowed to modify their environment to suit their needs, instead of relying exclusively on a designer who does not even live there. P2P-Urbanism is like an informally scientific way of building: take someone’s published knowledge, improve it, and publish it again so that other people can do the same. Evidence-based design relies upon a growing stock of scientific experiments that document and interpret the positive or negative effects the built environment has on human psychology and wellbeing (11). People’s instinctive preferences can be driven either by Biophilia (a preference for organic environments) or fashion (with sometimes disastrous consequences). A central feature of New Urbanist projects is a “charrette” that involves user input beforehand, although sometimes applied in only a superficial manner. Nevertheless, in the best cases, a charrette process is not just an opinion poll; it is also a non-dogmatic educational process, a dialogue among stakeholders leading to a final agreement. The result reaches a higher level of understanding compared to where the individual participants started from. Consequences for marginalized people. Some proponents of the movement view P2P-Urbanism as a way to give power to marginalized people, in terms of creating the environment in which they live. This point of view is true, but it is not the whole story. A P2P process will have to somehow channel and amalgamate pure individualist, spontaneous preferences and cravings within a practical common goal. There is a vast distinction between good and bad urban form: only the first type encourages socio-cultural relations to flourish; bad urban form leads, among other things, to neighbors who never even interact with each other. A top-down way of thinking and urban implementation has always determined accessibility to public housing and facilities built by government, and has fixed the division of power in the urban arena. We want to facilitate integration of people now separated by differences of social status, using the built environment to help accomplish that. Marginalized people or minorities will find tremendous power in being able to build their own environment inexpensively, and knowing that they are building something good. There exists a precedent for this in the various eco-villages in Mexico that do their own construction, with local materials, and where everything is hand-built. P2P-Urbanism provides the key to successfully integrating the two existing ways of doing things: i) large-scale planning that alone is capable of providing the necessary infrastructure of a healthy city; and ii) informal (and most often illegal) self-built settlements that are growing uncontrolled in the developing world. For marginalized people, we can expect consequences similar to what has happened with the use of free/open-source software in third-world nations: local expertise is formed, a local economy follows, and the whole country is enriched by being able to take care of its own problems. Potential detractors of P2P-Urbanism. P2P-Urbanism is meant to transfer power and knowledge from established architectural practice to common people. This may not be in line with the short-term monetary interests of the current holders of that power. We suggest an analogy with the use of free/open-source software. Even developing countries like Peru and Brazil, which have said that they don’t like to use proprietary software (generally written in the USA) because they fear that espionage code is embedded within the software, enthusiastically commission starchitect buildings that are constructed according to a “secret” code. They don’t realize the tremendous contradiction of this action. Those who do, and who start doing their own design and construction, could save an enormous amount of money by refusing to commission signature architects to design their cities. Obviously those architects will not be happy with that prospect! Despite superficial appearances (and a lot of self-serving propaganda), the threat from non-adaptive and energy-wasting urban forms and typologies is just as strong today as it was immediately after the Second World War. That was when historic city centers were gutted and people forced into prison-like high-rises, following a psychotic planning vision of “geometrical fundamentalism” (an ideology that aims to impose simple geometrical solids such as cubes, pyramids, and rectangular slabs on the built environment) (12). This event more than anything else defined urban alienation. The most fashionable architectural and urban projects (i.e. those that win commissions and prizes) completely avoid or destroy existing human-scale urbanism, to impose giant forms built in an extremely expensive high-tech style. Such outrageously costly projects are routinely awarded by centralized power without any genuine citizen participation. Movements like “Landscape Urbanism” have even tried to re-dress the current practice with the addition of beautiful “green” space, which unfortunately only serves to mask the fundamentally anti-nature qualities of those high-tech buildings as betrayed by their geometry. The surrounding gardens are wonderful and the buildings blend very nicely with the gardens in magazine renderings and pictures, but the actual buildings are the same anti-urban industrial shapes. These projects’ attractiveness is again only a superficial image and corresponds neither to user participation nor to adaptation to the human scale. Moreover, by inserting huge but inaccessible wild gardens in the middle of cities, the common urban space that people can actually use is in fact restricted. We cannot overemphasize the radical departure of what is essentially a local shareable knowledge base about adaptive design and building (i.e. P2P-Urbanism), from the generic industrial style known as the “International Style” widely adopted in the 20th century. That approach to building promotes centralized heavy industry at the expense of local construction groups and community self-help; it ignores local adaptation and traditional techniques, and excludes P2P-Urbanism from even being considered as an alternative to present-day building practice. There has been a near-total and deliberate neglect in academia for the topics that make up P2P-Urbanism, and the same neglect holds true for the “official” means of disseminating information as represented by the glossy architecture magazines. Nevertheless, since P2P itself is founded upon sharing and a common effort on the Internet, the severe existing informational roadblock is finally bypassed thanks to the techniques developed for information and software sharing. More than being just a set of ideas, P2P-Urbanism depends critically upon a universal means of free dissemination and transmission, and ties into educational and informational channels that bypass those controlled by the elitist champions of the global consumerist society. Perhaps the failure in Alexander’s early project in Mexicali, Mexico turned New Urbanists away from the commons. Alexander’s owner-built housing was very successful but had a common area that did not succeed for several reasons, as described in the book “The Production of Houses” (13). Nevertheless, the phenomenal success of the New Urbanists in building Neo-Traditional developments in the US was a direct result of following Alexander’s advice of “plugging into the existing system”. We (i.e. members of the group defining P2P-Urbanism today) feel that the tensions between the private/business focus of the New Urbanists, and the commons-oriented alternative approach of the P2P activists, will sort itself out into a practical scheme that is useful for humanity as a whole. Each faction can learn from the other. The important point is the commonality of design methods: in both approaches, the rules for human-centered architecture and urban design are open-source and are freely accessible to all. “Vitruvius famously opened the first treatise on architecture with the statement that architecture requires the interaction between practice (fabric) and reasoning (ratio)” (14). The status quo in the 20th and 21st centuries, so far, has been the domination of both practice and reasoning by established architectural firms and central planners. P2P-Urbanism tries to free up this knowledge and take it to the entire human population. Re-aligning urbanism to involve the users has profound socio-political implications that are further developed by P2P thinkers beyond urban questions. These possibilities need to be investigated because it may very well occur that not only will fundamental societal changes eventually drive a revision in thinking about world urbanism, but also vice-versa. We see P2P-Urbanism applied around the world as the only antidote to the continuing hegemony of anti-urban building schemes controlled by centralized authorities. The physical outcome for the city, which is a picture of the harmonious, partially pedestrian, and humanized community, is necessarily the product of a deep socio-cultural process; otherwise it is a fake. Acknowledgments.Many thanks to Audun Engh, Michael Mehaffy, Agatino Rizzo, and Eleni Tracada for their invaluable input in criticizing and contributing to this essay. Footnotes.1. Congress for the New Urbanism — http://www.cnu.org/ 2. Smart Code — http://www.smartcodecentral.org/ 3. Ward Cunningham’s Wiki — http://c2.com/cgi/wiki 4. Wikipedia — http://www.wikipedia.org/ 5. P2P Foundation — http://blog.p2pfoundation.net/ 6. Permaculture — http://www.permaculture.org.au/ 7. John F. C. Turner (1976) Housing by People, Marion Boyars, London — http://www.amazon.com/Housing-People-Autonomy-Building-Environments/dp/0714525693/ref=ntt_at_ep_dpi_1 8. Christopher Alexander, S. Ishikawa, M. Silverstein, M. Jacobson, I. Fiksdahl-King & S. Angel (1977) A Pattern Language, Oxford University Press, New York — http://www.amazon.com/Pattern-Language-Buildings-Construction-Environmental/dp/0195019199/ref=ntt_at_ep_dpi_1 9. Christopher Alexander (2001-2005) The Nature of Order: Books One to Four, Center for Environmental Structure, Berkeley, California — http://www.amazon.com/Phenomenon-Life-Nature-Building-Universe/dp/0972652914/ref=ntt_at_ep_dpi_3 10. Agatino Rizzo’s CityLeft — http://cityleft.blogspot.com/ 11. Nikos Salingaros, “Life and the geometry of the environment”, Athens Dialogues E-Journal, Harvard University’s Center for Hellenic Studies (November 2010) — http://zeta.math.utsa.edu/~yxk833/lifeandthegeometry.pdf 12. Michael W. Mehaffy & Nikos A. Salingaros, (2006) “Geometrical Fundamentalism”, Chapter 9 of: A Theory of Architecture, Umbau-Verlag, Solingen, Germany — http://www.math.utsa.edu/ftp/salingar.old/fundamentalism.html 13. Christopher Alexander, Howard Davis, Julio Martinez & Donald Corner (1985) The Production of Houses, Oxford University Press, New York — http://www.amazon.com/Production-Houses-Center-Environmental-Structure/dp/0195032233/ref=ntt_at_ep_dpi_8 14. Carroll William Westfall, “Why We Need a Third Architectural Treatise”, American Arts Quarterly, Volume 23, Number 3 (2006) pages 14-22 — http://nccsc.net/2006/8/15/why-we-need-a-third-architectural-treatise

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|Binomial name||B. musculus| |Population||Between 1,300 to 2,000| The blue whale (Balaenoptera musculus), also known as the sulphur-bottomed whale (from its yellow underside - the color coming from a coating of diatoms) or Sibbald's rorqual (after the Scottish natural historian Robert Sibbald) is, at up to 110 feet in length and nearly 200 tons in weight, the largest animal known to have ever lived. - 1 Species Description - 2 Distribution - 3 Threats - 4 References The blue whale, Balaenoptera musculus (Linnaeus 1758), is a cosmopolitan species of baleen whale. Blue whales in the Northern Hemisphere are generally smaller than those in the Southern Ocean. Maximum body length in the North Atlantic was about 88.5 feet (27 m) and the largest blue whale reported from the North Pacific was about 88 feet (26.8 m). Adults in the Antarctic can reach a maximum body length of about 108 feet (33 m) and can weigh more than 330,000 pounds (150,000 kg). As is true of other baleen whale species, female blue whales are somewhat larger than males. Blue whales are identified by the following characteristics: a long-body and comparatively slender shape; a broad, flat "rostrum" when viewed from above; a proportionately smaller dorsal fin than other baleen whales; and a mottled gray color pattern that appears light blue when seen through the water. The primary and preferred diet of blue whales is krill (euphausiids). In the North Atlantic, blue whales feed on two main euphausiid species: Thysanoëssa inermisand Meganyctiphanes norvegica. In addition, T. raschiiand M. norvegicahave been recorded as important food sources of blue whales in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In the North Pacific, blue whales prey mainly on Euphausia pacificaand secondarily on T. spinifera. While other prey species, including fish and copepods, have been mentioned in the scientific literature, these are not likely to contribute significantly to the diet of blue whales. Scientists have yet to discern many details regarding the life history of the blue whale. The best available science suggests the gestation period is approximately 10–12 months and that blue whale calves are nursed for about 6–7 months. Most reproductive activity, including births and mating, takes place during the winter. Weaning probably occurs on, or en route to, summer feeding areas. The average calving interval is probably two to three years. The age of sexual maturity is thought to be 5–15 years. There are no known differences in the reproductive biology of blue whales in the North Pacific and North Atlantic oceans. Blue whales inhabit sub-polar to sub-tropical latitudes. Poleward movements in spring allow the whales to take advantage of high zooplankton production in summer. Movement towards the subtropics in the fall allows blue whales to reduce their energy expenditure while fasting, avoid ice entrapment in some areas, and engage in reproductive activities in warmer waters of lower latitudes. Although the species is often found in coastal waters, blue whales are thought to occur generally more offshore than northern right whales and humpback whales. Blue whales are found in oceans worldwide and are separated into populations by ocean basin in the North Atlantic, North Pacific, and Southern Hemisphere. They follow a seasonal migration pattern between summering and wintering areas, but some evidence suggests that individuals remain in certain areas year-round. The extent of knowledge concerning distribution and movement varies with area and migratory routes are not well known but, in general, distribution is driven largely by food requirements. For example, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence blue whales prefer deep waters where krill is concentrated. The overall distribution of blue whales in the North Atlantic extends from the subtropics to Baffin Bay and the Greenland Sea. Blue whales are most frequently sighted in the waters off eastern Canada, with the majority of recent records from the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where they are present throughout most of the year. They are most common during the summer and fall feeding seasons and typically leave by early winter to avoid ice entrapment. Although they are rare in the shelf waters of the eastern U.S., occasional sightings of blue whales have been made off Cape Cod, Massachusetts. It is believed this region may represent the current southern limit of the blue whales' feeding range. In addition, there is some evidence to suggest that blue whales occasionally stray into the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean, but they are less common in these waters. Some scientists believe blue whales in the North Atlantic occur in relatively discrete feeding populations (Sigurjónsson and Gunnlaugsson, 1990) whereas other evidence suggests blue whales may comprise one "panmictic" population (Clark, 1994). The blue whale's range is known to encompass much of the North Pacific Ocean, from Kamchatka to southern Japan in the west, and from the Gulf of Alaska and California south to at least Costa Rica in the east. The species is found primarily south of the Aleutian Islands and the Bering Sea. Whaling and sighting data suggest the existence of at least five subpopulations of blue whales, with an unknown degree of mixing among them: - Southern Japan (which appears to have been virtually "extirpated" by whaling) - Northern Japan/Kurils/Kamchatka - Aleutian Islands (the central stock, which may winter in deep water north of Hawaii) - Eastern Gulf of Alaska Blue whales accompanied by young calves have been observed often in the Gulf of California from December through March, and, thus, at least some calves may be born in or near the Gulf (Sears, 1990). Therefore, this area is probably an important calving and nursing area for the species. Northern Indian Ocean There is a "resident" population of unknown taxonomic status present in the northern Indian Ocean. Blue whales sightings have been reported from the Gulf of Aden, Persian Gulf, Arabian Sea, and across the Bay of Bengal to Burma and the Strait of Malacca. The migratory movements of these whales are unknown. In the Southern Hemisphere distributions of B. m. intermedia and B. m. brevicauda may be segregated. B. m. intermedia occurs mainly in relatively high latitudes south of the "Antarctic Convergence" and close to the ice edge. B. m. brevicada is typically distributed north of the Antarctic Convergence. Changes in distribution There is some evidence which suggests the distribution and migratory patterns of blue whales may have changed in at least four areas: northern Norway, southern Japan, eastern Aleutian Islands, and northern California. In northern Norway (i.e. Finnmark, Bear Island, and Svalbard) the paucity of sightings during recent surveys along the coast where blue whales were common in the late 1800s and early 1900s, may suggest that the historic distribution has changed (Christensen et al., 1992). However, it could also indicate depletion of the population by whaling. In the western North Pacific, the lack of blue whales off southern Japan today may also suggest that the distribution of these animals has changed or that the animals of this region have been extirpated. South of the eastern Aleutian Islands (160ºW and 180ºW), relatively large concentrations of blue whales were documented in the 1970s but the species appears rare there today, suggesting that illegal and unreported whaling depleted the population (Stewart et al., 1987 and Forney and Brownell, 1997). Off northern California (e.g. Farallon Islands, Moss Landing, and Trinidad), the recent appearance of numerous blue whales is noteworthy in light of their rarity in these regions prior to the late 1970s. Calambokidis (1995) concluded that such changes in distribution reflect a shift in feeding from the more offshore euphausiid, Euphausia pacifica, to the primarily "neritic" euphausiid, Thysanoëssa spinifera. Blue whales were significantly depleted by commercial whaling activities worldwide. In the Southern Hemisphere, pre-exploitation population estimates range from 150,000 to 210,000 whales; recent abundance estimates range between 400 and 1,400 whales. In the North Pacific, pre-exploitation population size is estimated as approximately 4,900 blue whales, whereas the current population estimate is a minimum of 3,300 blue whales. In the North Atlantic, estimates for the entire basin are considered unreliable, but range from 1,100 to 1,500 blue whales pre-exploitation, and 100 to 555 whales currently. |Global abundance estimates for blue whales by ocean basin (IWC, 2007)| |Southern Hemisphere||North Pacific||North Atlantic| |Pre-exploitation||150,000 - 200,000||4,900||1,100 - 1,500| |Current||400 - 1,400||3,300||100 - 555| Western North Atlantic Based on data from individuals found only in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the current minimum population estimate for the western North Atlantic stock is 308 whales. Mitchell (1974) estimated that the blue whale population in the western North Atlantic during the late 1960s and early 1970s was in the very low hundreds at most, and according to its most recent stock assessment, NMFS has no evidence to refute this estimate. More than 320 individual blue whales have been photo-identified in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the total number of photo-identified individuals for eastern Canada and New England is 352 as of Fall 1997. According to the most recent NMFS stock assessment, there is insufficient data to determine population trends for this species. There are no accurate estimates of pre-exploitation population sizes available for the western North Atlantic ; however, several rough estimates have been made by scientists. For example, Sergeant (1966) approximated that there were 1,500 blue whales in eastern Canadian waters and Allen (1970) inferred a population greater than 1,100. Eastern North Atlantic There is no current estimate for the number of blue whales in eastern North Atlantic waters. However, some data have been collected for blue whales in Icelandic waters. As of autumn 1997, 32 individuals had been photo-identified in Icelandic waters. Additional studies have suggested that the population in Icelandic and neighboring waters may be in the high hundreds (Gunnlaugsson and Sigurjónsson, 1990 and Sigurjónssonand Gunnlaugsson, 1990) or greater than 1,000 (Christensen et al., 1992). Sightings data off the west and southwest coasts of Iceland suggest the population has been increasing at about five percent per year since the late 1960s (Sigurjónsson and Gunnlaugsson, 1990). Despite these differences in pre-exploitation estimates and the lack of estimates for current population abundance, it is clear that blue whale stocks in the western, eastern, and central North Atlantic were severely depleted by the time that legal protection was introduced in 1955. Western North Pacific There is insufficient data to evaluate the current abundance or population trends of blue whale stocks in the western North Pacific, but blue whales in Hawaiian waters are considered extremely rare. Eastern North Pacific Blue whale abundance in the eastern Pacific is about 1,700. Along the California coast blue whale abundance has been increasing during the past two decades (Calambokidis et al., 1990; Barlow, 1994 and Calambokidis, 1995). The magnitude of this apparent increase is too large to be accounted for by population growth alone and, therefore, it is assumed that a shift in distribution has occurred. Although the population in the North Pacific is expected to have grown since protection began in 1966, the possibility of continued unauthorized takes, incidental ship strikes and mortality, and serious injury in fishing gear makes this uncertain. Also, the evident scarcity of blue whales in areas of former abundance (e.g., Gulf of Alaska and near the Aleutian Islands) suggests that the increasing trend does not apply to the species' entire range in the eastern North Pacific. The primary threats currently facing blue whales are: - vessel strikes - fisheries interactions - Additional threats that have not been documented but could potentially affect these populations include: - natural mortality - anthropogenic noise - competition for prey resources - habitat degradation - vessel disturbance Although whaling substantially reduced blue whale populations worldwide during the first half of the 20th century, whaling is no longer considered a threat today. A primary threat to blue whales is mortality and serious injury caused by ship strikes. In the eastern North Pacific, ship strikes were implicated in the deaths of blues whales in 1980, 1986, 1987, 1993 and 2002. The average number of blue whale mortalities in California attributed to ship strikes was 0.2 per year from 1991–1995 and from 1998-2002. In September 2007, three blue whale mortalities were confirmed to be caused by ship strikes in the Santa Barbara Channel off Southern California. These deaths were part of a larger Unusual Mortality Event, declared by the Working Group on Marine Mammal Unusual Mortality Events. In the western North Atlantic, at least nine percent of the whales in the Gulf of St. Lawrence have injuries or scars attributed to contact with ships (Sears et al., 1990). This area has a relatively high risk of ship strikes because the St. Lawrence Seaway has heavy ship traffic during the time of year when blue whales are relatively abundant. In March 1998, a dead 20 m (66 ft) male blue whale was brought into Rhode Island waters on the bow of a tanker. The cause of death was determined to be ship strike. There are no records of ship strikes for blue whales in the western North Pacific but mortalities caused by ship strikes have likely occurred without being reported. Despite the lack of observed fisheries interactions in the last decade, incidental take in fisheries threaten blue whales for two reasons. First, past records of entanglements suggest that interaction with fishing gear may affect blue whales. Second, entanglement rates may be underestimated because blue whales may break through or carry away fishing gear, perhaps suffering unrecorded subsequent mortalities or serious injuries. It is also likely that stranding data underestimate the number of whales killed by fishing gear, because most whales do not drift far enough to strand on beaches or to be detected floating in the nearshore corridor. Although direct observation of mortality is rare, at least two documented cases of dead blue whales are apparently from the effects of entanglement in fishing gear (one in 1987 off Stellwagen Bank and the other in the 1990s in the Gulf of St. Lawrence). Little is known about natural mortality of blue whales in the North Atlantic. Ice entrapment is known to injure and kill some blue whales, particularly along the southwest coast of Newfoundland during late winter and early spring. In the Gulf of St. Lawrence, scarring on the dorsal surface of some whales is thought to be from contact with ice. Also, two blue whales bore rake-like markings assumed to be from the teeth of killer whales (Orcinus orca) (Sears et al., 1990). However, no direct evidence of predation on blue whales has been reported in this area. A well-documented observation of killer whales attacking a blue whale off Baja California proves that blue whales are at least occasionally vulnerable to these predators (Tarpy, 1979). A high proportion of the blue whales in the Gulf of California bear injuries or rake-like scars that are the result of encounters with killer whales (Sears, 1990), although the extent to which such attacks are fatal is unknown. Unlike in the western North Atlantic, injury or suffocation from ice entrapment is not known to affect blue whales in the North Pacific. Other potential non-primary threats Anthropogenic noise, competition for prey resources, habitat degradation, and vessel disturbance are additional concerns; however, there is little evidence available to describe or quantify the impacts of these threats on blue whales. For example, while anthropogenic noise is known to be a threat for other cetaceans little is known about whether, or how, vessel noise affects blue whales. Competition for prey resources is possible between blue whales and other sympatric whale species but there is no direct evidence for interspecific competition (Clapham and Brownell, 1996) and it is unlikely blue whales compete with humans for prey resources. Habitat degradation (e.g., chemical pollution) has occurred in some areas of the North Atlantic (e.g., St. Lawrence River) but the impacts of this degradation have not been proven to affect blue whales (O'Shea and Brownell, 1994) and are understudied. Lastly, the effect of vessel disturbance (e.g., whalewatching boats) is of concern but there is no direct evidence to demonstrate that persistent close approaches by tour boats has a negative effect on blue whales. Blue whales were hunted as early as the 19th century but were not intensively hunted until the turn of the 20th century. From the early 1900s to the mid-1960s blue whales were hunted in all the world's oceans and their populations significantly reduced. At least 9,500 blue whales were taken by commercial whalers throughout the North Pacific between 1910 and 1965 (Ohsumi and Wada, 1972) and at least 11,000 were taken in the North Atlantic from the late 19th to mid 20th centuries (Sigurjónsson and Gunnlaugsson, 1990). In 1966, the IWC banned commercial whaling for blue whales and no whaling (either "aboriginal subsistence" or commercial) occurs at present. Illegal whaling for blue whales has been documented or is likely to have occurred in the North Pacific, North Atlantic, and Southern Hemisphere. A small number of illegal kills of blue whales have been documented in the Northern Atlantic off Canada and Spain, and in the eastern North Atlantic. Blue whales were also killed in the Southern Hemisphere by the Soviet Union after 1966 (Zemsky et al., 1995a, 1995b). Some illegal whaling by the USSR also occurred in the North Pacific (Yablokov, 1994); it is likely that blue whales were among the species taken by these operations, but the extent is not known. No aboriginal whaling for blue whales is known to exist. Aboriginal hunters who target whales off the coast of the Lesser Antilles and Greenland do not target blue whales. Further, Norwegian whaling operations target only minke whales, and the commercial whaling stations in Iceland, Spain, and the Portuguese islands of the Azores and Madeira remain officially closed. - Allen, K.R. 1970. "A note on baleen whale stocks of the north west Atlantic." 'Report to the International Whaling Commission. 20:112-113. - Barlow, J. 1994. "Abundance of large whales in California coastal waters: a comparison of ship surveys in 1979/80 and in 1991." Report to the International Whaling Commission. 44: 399-406. - Bowles, A.E., M. Smultea, B. Würsig, D.P. DeMaster, and D. Palka. 1994. "Relative abundance and behavior of marine mammals exposed to transmissions from the Heard Island Feasibility Test." - J. Acoust. Soc. America 96:2469-2484. - Calambokidis, J. 1995. "Blue whales off California." Whalewatcher 29(1):3-7. - Calambokidis, J., G.H. Steiger, J.C. Cubbage, K.C. Balcomb, C. Ewald, S. Kruse, R. Wells, and R. Sears. 1990. "Sightings and movements of blue whales off central California 1986-88 from photo-identification of individuals." Report to the International Whaling Commission, Special Issue 12:343-348. - Christensen, I., T. Haug, and N. Øien. 1992. "Seasonal distribution, exploitation and present abundance of stocks of large baleen whales (Mysticeti) and sperm whales (Physeter macrocephalus) in Norwegian and adjacent waters." ICES J. mar. Sci. 49:341-355. - Clapham, P.J., and R.L. Brownell, Jr. 1996. "Potential for interspecific competition in baleen whales." Report to the International Whaling Commission. 46:361-367. - Clark, C.W. 1994. "Blue deep voices: insights from the Navy's Whales '93 program." Whalewatcher 28(1):6-11. - Forney, K.A., and R.L. Brownell, Jr. 1997. "Preliminary report of the 1994 Aleutian Island marine mammal survey." Paper SC/48/011 presented to the International Whaling Commission Scientific Committee, June 1996 (unpublished). - Gunnlaugsson, T., and J. Sigurjónsson. 1990. NASS-87: "Estimation of whale abundance based on observations made on board Icelandic and Faroese survey vessels." Report to the International Whaling Commission. 40:571-580. - IWC. 2007. International Whaling Commission statistics. www.iwcoffice.org - Mitchell, E. 1974. "Present status of Northwest Atlantic fin and other whale stocks." pp. 108–169 In: Schevill, W.E. (ed.) The whale problem: a status report. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. 419pp. - Ohsumi, S., and S. Wada. 1972. "Stock assessment of blue whales in the North Pacific." Unpublished working paper for the 24th meeting of the Scientific Committee of the International Whaling Commission, 20 pp. - O'Shea, T.J., and R.L. Brownell, Jr. 1994. "Organochlorine and metal contaminants in baleen whales: a review and evaluation of conservation implications." Sci. Total Environment 154:179-200. - Rice, D.W. 1986. Blue whale. pp. 4–45 In: D. Haley (ed.) Marine mammals of eastern North Pacific and Arctic waters. Second edition. Pacific Search Press. - Sears, R. 1990. "The Cortez blues." Whalewatcher 24(2):12-15. - Sears, R., F.W. Wenzel, and J.M. Williamson. 1987. The Blue Whale: A Catalogue of Individuals from the Western North Atlantic (Gulf of St. Lawrence). Mingan Island Cetacean Study, St. Lambert, Quebec. 27 pp. - Sears, R., J.M. Williamson, F.W. Wenzel, M. Bérubé, D. Gendron, and P. Jones. 1990. "Photographic identification of the blue whale (Balaenoptera musculus) in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Canada." Report to the International Whaling Commission, Special Issue 12:335-342. - Sergeant, D.E. 1966. "Populations of large whale species in the western North Atlantic with special reference to the fin whale." Fisheries Research Board of Canada, Arctic Biological Station, Circular No. 9. - Sigurjónsson, J., and T. Gunnlaugsson. 1990. "Recent trends in abundance of blue (Balaenoptera musculus) and humpback whales (Megaptera novaeangliae) off west and southwest Iceland, with a note on occurrence of other cetacean species." Report to the International Whaling Commission. 40:537-551. - Stafford, K.M. 2003. "Two types of blue whale calls recorded in the Gulf of Alaska." Marine Mammal Science. 19: 682-693. - Stafford, K.M., S.L. Nieukirk, and G.G. Fox. 2001. "Geographic and seasonal variation of blue whale calls in the North Pacific." Journal of Cetacean Research and Management 3(1): 65-76. - Stewart, B.S., S.A. Karl, P.K. Yochem, S. Leatherwood, and J.L. Laake. 1987. "Aerial surveys for cetaceans in the former Akutan, Alaska, whaling grounds." Arctic 40:33-42. - Tarpy, C. 1979. "Killer whale attack!" National Geographic 155:542-545. - Watkins, W.A., J.E. George, M.A. Daher, K. Mullin, D.L. Martin, S.H. Haga, and N.A. DiMarzio. 2000. "Whale call data for the North Pacific November 1995 through July 1999: Occurrence of calling whales and source locations from SOSUS and other acoustic systems". Technical Report WHOI_00_02 available from Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution. 160pp. - Yablokov, A.V. 1994. Validity of whaling data. Nature 367:108. - Yochem, P.K., and S. Leatherwood. 1985. Blue whale Balaenoptera musculus (Linnaeus, 1758). pp. 193–240 In: Ridgway, S.H. and R. Harrison (eds.), Handbook of Marine Mammals, Vol. 3: "The Sirenians and Baleen Whales." Academic Press, London. 362 pp. - Zemsky, V.A., A.A. Berzin, Y.A. Mikhaliev, and D.D. Tormosov. 1995a. "Soviet Antarctic pelagic whaling after WWII: review of actual catch data. Report of the Sub-committee on Southern hemisphere baleen whales". Rep. int. Whal. Commn. 45:131-135. - Zemsky, V.A., A.A. Berzin, Y.A. Mikhaliev, and D.D. Tormosov. 1995b. Antarctic whaling data (1947–1972). Center for Russian Environmental Policy, Moscow. 320 pp. [In Russian with English summaries.] |License:||This work is in the Public Domain in the United States because it is a work of the United States Federal Government under the terms of Title 17, Chapter 1, Section 105 of the U.S. Code| |Source:||File available from the United States Federal Government .|

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Fifth Dimension Catalog Contact Us Statistics: A Tool, A Puzzle, A Diversion - Part 1 M. J. McKeown, MD, FACOG, FACS Case Control Studies In our childhood we learn lessons from our experiences and use them to guide our life. During this time and youth we also receive guidance from our elders. Some of this advice comes from adults and initially we all wonder if the word no is our name. As we get older we learn from personal experience and from our peers that the no we heard, as we were about to do something, could have motives behind it other than those of caring for and teaching us. We learned that the advice could have more complex motives and some of them were only designed to help the one giving the advice. However, to be fair, some of the reasons behind the advice were aimed at our best interests but the reasons were too complicated and technical for us to understand at the time. It is the meaning behind the advice and the information we receive that we seek. It is these meanings that we learn to apply to the decisions of our own life. As we grow and learn we gain the ability to evaluate more complex advice and information. The thread that runs through all the advice and information is, what does it mean and how do I use the information to guide my life? The adult world has developed rules to evaluate and find the meaning and truth of the immense amounts of data needing to be analyzed to guide individuals, groups of individuals, states, nations and the world in total. These rules are labeled Statistical Analysis. This analysis system has grown into more and more complex mathematics with increasingly complex rules to guide its use. Whole fields of mathematics have been developed for use to answer the question we ask from childhood until death, why? However, the answer to that question needs to be trusted for us to use it. This requires us to find a trusted meaning behind the answers. At times there seems to be more than one true and correct answer. Here is where the use of this Statistical Analysis becomes needed, real and trusted. This means that the analysis system and its rules need to produce an answer that can be defined as near to absolute truth as possible and one that we can trust to guide us in our life decisions. - It all comes to the meaning and truth behind the advice that we have sought since listening to those early Nos. Lewis Carroll perhaps gave us the necessary dialogue in his verses on Humpty Dumpty. - When I use a word, Humpty Dumpty said, in a rather scornful tone, it meansjust what I choose it to mean – neither more nor less. The question is, said Alice, whether you can make words mean so many different things. The question is, said Humpty Dumpty, which is to be master – that's all. - Lewis Carroll was advising us to look behind the information to see where it came from, how it was produced, who produced it, and manipulation to produce a desired result. Statistic analysis is an immense subject. There are a great deal of specialized mathematical procedures and a large library of specialized terms. When one reads an article whose authors have used some statistic mathematics they will usually mention the type of testing procedures they used. Terms such as mean, mode, analysis of variance, Chi Square Test, Student's T Test, etc, may be liberally sprinkled in the methods, and analysis section of a research paper. This discussion will not be an analysis of the reasons for or against the use of any particular statistic test. It will take a broader view and develop an approach to the data and its analysis that will allow a quick evaluation of a paper's statistical mathematics. This discussion will be oriented to biologic and biomedical investigations and an evaluation of how to determine the usefulness and possible risks of any specific clinical situation. There will be informational and instructional appendices after the main discussion. These will include an excellent series of links from the British Journal of Medicine that discuss many of the most important principles of statistics in a medical context. They will also include a section that briefly outlines many of the major concepts in basic statistics. It will end with the inclusion of abstract data from several actual published studies. These abstracts will be highlighted and commented on as examples of studies one might evaluate when researching medical question. The wisdom of ancient philosophers is applicable today. Marcus Aurelius advised looking first to the purpose in a process. This wisdom, when joined with the remarks of Humpty Dumpty, which is to be master – that's all, becomes the first tool of evaluating a scientific study. - what is the stated purpose of the study? - what could the purpose be of those doing the study? Studies will announce their purpose in the early paragraphs. The general format of most scientific studies is; Introduction and Purpose, Materials and Methods, Analysis and Discussion, and Conclusions and Recommendations. The purpose of any study is what one needs to evaluate to see if the conclusions and results are applicable to one's personal problem. If the stated purpose of the study is to investigate a medical condition for which you are researching for information it is worthwhile to read further. For example, if you are looking for information on the diagnosis of breast cancer and the study says its' purpose is to investigate the accuracy of a particular diagnostic technique for breast cancer, then it is worthwhile to read on and try to evaluate the validity of the study. The validity and the conclusions are a more difficult problem to evaluate and this is where statistical analysis is needed. It is necessary to read the publications sections on Materials and Methods, Analysis, and Conclusions to evaluate the validity of the study. It is not easy, at times, to find enough information to make this evaluation. The applicability of the conclusions of the study to one's particular problem is another decision to make. In general if the problem you are researching is the same as those in the study being evaluated then the conclusions may be applicable. However you must be sure that your particular circumstances are equivalent to those of persons in the study. The motives of the investigators doing the study are much more difficult to determine. However if one is reading a study on the efficacy of a new drug or treatment and the study is being funded by the manufacturer then it is possible that some bias may creep in to favor the use of the manufacturer's product. Another common hidden purpose is the publication of incomplete results to support the need for further study which, of course, will be done by those publishing the study that says more study is needed. It was stated in the introduction that this is not a detailed discussion on how to use statistics, nor a textbook presentation of statistics. However there are certain concepts in statistics that will now be discussed in enough detail to begin your understanding of them and how to evaluate their use. The first one of these is the power of a statistic. This is most easily translated as,did the study have a large enough sample of what was being studied to make the conclusions of the study strong enough that they should be believed. A study will always have a stated purpose. It will be looking to demonstrate some observable effect of some manipulation of the study population. To evaluate the power of the conclusions reached in the study the first basic to look for is seeing if the number of the results is big enough to have the meaning the study says they have. This is an extensive subject to discuss and most published studies do not discuss it. The effective sample size needed relates directly to the smallest worthwhile change that can be observed and analyzed. For example, if one were studying the amount of change in a subject after some treatment and if the possible change was very small then perhaps hundreds or thousands of subjects would need to be studied. Most studies will not discuss this and just expect that the readers will trust the study to have done the analysis correctly. A very long discussion could be given here on the details of evaluating the power. However the most basic thing to look for is to see if the numbers of the things studied is large enough. If an event to be studied is thought to have only a small observable effect then the numbers studied must be large to give the observed results adequate meaning. Most studies of biologic effects require large numbers studied to have meaning. If the study being evaluated has less than one hundred effects evaluated it is generally not large enough. A good statistician can mathematically evaluate the data and likely find some meaning in a study of any size. However it is unlikely the published study will discuss this in enough detail to allow the reader to evaluate the true validity of the results. The Notes on Statistics on the internet by the British Medical Journal (excerpts and links appended) has a great general statement valid for guidance and it is, if the study says it uses statistical methods that are not found in a common book on statistics then distrust it. Rule number one: Are the numbers studied large enough to likely be meaningful? The second basic area of evaluation is the reasonableness of the study. Many studies evaluate events that are so detailed that they are applicable to only a very specific area of the subject being studied and they are simply not able to be evaluated easily without very special knowledge. It is unlikely that reading a study about the specific molecular biologic effects of a process will be easily evaluated unless the reader is very familiar with the detailed specifics in the area being reported on. It may be wise to skip an evaluation of such studies unless they apply in a very general way to an answer to the question being researched. However there are some simple concepts to be evaluated that allow a decision on the reasonableness of a study. The hypothesis to be tested must be adequately defined and if it is not it is not testable. The what that is being studied should be discussed in enough detail that one can judge whether or not the most likely events that could interfere with the validity of any conclusions have been evaluated. The statistic analyses used must then deal with any possible confounding events. A common possible mistake is to pose a hypothesis whose testing is circular. This is where the event being studied is itself used as an explanation for the occurrence of the event. An example of such circular reasoning is seen in the following statements: I am not lying, Since I am not lying, I must be telling the truth. Rule number two: Does it seem reasonable that the study is designed such that it is able to answer the questions asked? The third basic area of evaluation stems from a consideration of the first two rules. This relates to the ability of the study to really demonstrate a difference. The concept of noise is useful in evaluating this area of the study. If the study is evaluating a single measurement then the amount that measurement is likely to differ from the large universe of all measurements of that subject is critical in how well that measurement will be seen in relation to all the events being studied. If the event being studied is only a little different from the average of the universe of the events being studied then it will be hard to see and evaluate with statistical validity. If the study is attempting to see if a particular treatment affects the long term survival of patients with a certain disease and if 70% of people with the disease survive without treatment then the study is going to have to evaluate a large number of people with the disease to see if there was any effect with the treatment being studied. If the study is evaluating the change between two measurements then the concept of the typical error must be considered. This typical error is the statistical measure of the noise in the events being studied that might affect the measurement. Noise in the statistical sense is similar to the noise of all the voices in a crowd when one is trying to listen to just one voice. In biologic studies there are two main areas of noise. First, there is noise in the fact that one biologic entity has many areas of difference in comparison to another. To make the study as valid as possible the biologic entities studied must be as similar as possible and vary only in the parameter studied. For a human, this means age, sex, body weight, and any other parameters not being studied must be as near the same as possible. Second, there is the possible noise that occurs because of inaccuracies in the measurement techniques used. If an instrument can only measure a value to two decimal places then attempting to look for changes to more decimal places will be lost in the noise of the inaccuracies that occur in the third or greater decimal place. For medical clinical studies this is ability of the smallest clinically important change (the signal being analyzed) to stand out enough from the noise. A good example of this would be if the results of a particular test can vary from 10.2 to 18.3 in patients without any treatment and the study is trying to see if that can be changed to a normal range of 10.2 to 16 then the effect being looked for is the change from 18.3 to 16.0. If the allowable error of the test is plus or minus1.8 then this means that much of any possible change may not be seen since a result of 17.8 could conceivably be reported as no change. Some points of interest to remember in evaluating the ability of the study to find a meaningful difference. - it is good if the noise is less than the smallest important change. - if the noise is larger than the smallest important change find a new test. - if the noiseis near the smallest important change need very careful analysis. If a study is looking for a clinically important change in relation to a reference value then greatest likely validity occurs if the change being studied is much greater than the reference value. A clinical study has two major areas contributing to this typical error and these are the variation from subject to subject and the variation in the technical details of the analysis method. This means there can be errors in attempting to get all the subjects of a study to be so similar they are almost identical. The unresolved differences between subjects must be discussed and analyzed in a good statistical analysis of the problem being considered. This also means that the technical methods of obtaining samples to be studied or the technical methods of the sample analysis itself can have errors. Once again, in a good statistical analysis, the study will discuss and have methods to reduce the possible effects of any errors in technique. Most studies published do not report on these details such that the reader can evaluate how well the study deals with these possible problems. However the reader must attempt to make this evaluation. It may be that an evaluation of several studies must be done to get enough information to analyze this. Rule number three: Is it reasonable to believe the effect being studied stands out enough to make the conclusions valid? The last major concept one needs to evaluate is does this study apply to me and my problem? This is the most critical question when attempting to decide whether a particular test or proposed procedure applies to ones' own condition. This is a very hard question to answer when looking at published studies or published discussions of the problem. However some general guidelines can be found in considered application of the first three rules. The predictive value of a test in clinical use depends critically on the prevalence of the abnormality in the patients being tested. This prevalence means how much of the problem exists in the population being studied. This prevalence may very well differ from the prevalence in a published study evaluating the usefulness of the test. This leads to a discussion of the concepts of sensitivity and specificity. - Sensitivity: the proportion of true positive results from the test - Specificity: the proportion of true negative results from the test The sensitivity means how likely a test is to indicate the problem actually exists at the level the test says it does. To relate this back to the concept of noise a very sensitive test can find the proverbial needle in a haystack. However excessive sensitivity can lead to a problem with specificity. This means that the test should not find great numbers of falsely positive results. In the needle in the haystack problem a test with poor specificity would find lots of nuts and bolts and count them as needles. However it is important to know that knowledge of the sensitivity and specificity of any test will not give the probability that it will give a correct diagnosis. The positive predictive value is the proportion of patients with a positive result who are correctly diagnosed. The negative predictive value is the proportion of people with a negative result who are correctly diagnosed. This means that the test is correct when it says a person has a disease or it says a person does not have a disease. It is very important to remember that the predictive value observed in one study does not necessarily apply universally. In many instances an evaluation of the applicability of a particular study to an individual requires a thorough knowledge of the subject being evaluated. It is unlikely that a person without adequate background knowledge of heart disease will be able to evaluate a study that discusses details of platelet aggregation. It is unlikely that a person without adequate background knowledge will be able to evaluate a study that discusses positron effects on a particular atom. To get to rule number four which comes from an evaluation of sensitivity, specificity, predictive value and applicability the concepts of generalization and extrapolation need to be considered. It may be very difficult to evaluate these concepts in any one particular case if the person doing the evaluation does not have certain basic knowledge as mentioned above. However certain things can be looked for; characteristics of the individuals studied, state of the disease studied, and route of the treatment studied. This is to help decide whether or not the individual in question may be so different from the individuals in the study that the results cannot be used in any treatment decision. The person doing the research needs to ask three questions to evaluate these factors. First, am I the same type of person covered in this study? Second, is my disease at the same state of that of the persons in the study? Third, is the route and type of the treatment of the persons in the study the same as that being considered for me? These concepts lead to rule number four. Rule number four: Does this study apply to me? This rule is perhaps the most important one to a particular individual. It is also the one that is most likely to require a consultation with a knowledgeable person in the area of the ideas being evaluated. In the realm of healthcare the skilled, experienced clinician will be better able to evaluate the true validity and applicability of the concept in question. The person searching for information regarding a medical condition will get the best answers to their questions by having information research skills to find studies that seem to apply to them and then have a skilled practitioner to take the results to for a final interpretation. In this era of immense knowledge base access, the skilled and experienced person is still valuable for these interpretations. Statistics are often used to make a point that is not valid. It is always important to evaluate the purpose and motive behind any study results or recommendation. Living in these times of information immensity exposes one to the pointed messages of the advertising industry. It is not unusual now to have a particular healthcare treatment or medication advertised with apparent professional validity and applicability and given the final cachet of the reputation of a large company. It is also not unusual to have studies favorable to a particular treatment or medication given to a healthcare professional by those involved in the marketing of the concept. In both of these instances, those that produced these information products likely present a somewhat manipulated study. In the first instance of the advertising message, a careful observer will find, there is never any information presented that allows a valid statistical analysis of the concepts being sold. In the second instance, the studies presented to a busy healthcare practitioner are likely funded by the manufacturer of the product or technique and if studied carefully do not have the power of a good statistical analysis to support the particular technique or product. The healthcare industry is an immense and profitable business. The true advances in the sciences of healthcare are incredible. However, when evaluating the validity and applicability of any particular concept one must always be aware that some person or company profits from the use of this concept. It is just a fact that developing advances in science cost money and that somehow these costs must be recovered. However, it is easy for those funding the concepts to manipulate the results of a study to support the concept. It may be very difficult to discern this even for a professional skilled in the area of the investigation. It is never to be thought that a supportive statement for a particular medication or treatment is an outright lie. However, the underlying statistics may be manipulated, glossed over or not mentioned at all. This leads to a comprehensive general rule. Rule number five: Can I believe in the conclusions presented? This is the most difficult question to answer and not one that will have an extensive discussion here. Once this entire presentation has been studied and a significant degree of statistical knowledge has been learned, the reader should at least have the ability to pick out information that is most likely to apply to their personal question.They can then take that information to a skilled professional for review and commentary. It is important to remember that skepticism is good! The basic text of this discussion will conclude with a short anecdote I used with patients when discussing any particular medication, test or procedure. - This is as follows: - If one has a hundred doctors in a room and asks them a particular question then one should be aware that: If all of the doctors agree then they are most likely 80% correct. (remember this is as good as it gets!) If two well defended opinions, each with adequate basic science and clinical research support are found, each with apparently valid and applicable results then each can only be 50% correct. If three or more well defended opinions are found then this means that no one really knows and in any particular case one just makes a choice. Now that anecdote is a flagrant generalization but it rests on 40 years of clinical experience. It is very, very unusual to find a medication, test or treatment that is so specific that it is the only recognized and accepted medication, test or treatment. The basis of 40 years of clinical experience also gives the experience of treating conditions not previously known to exist and the experience of stopping a treatment that one was told was the treatment when it was first introduced. This leads directly to the concept that 80% correctness at any given moment in time is as good as it gets. There is also the large area of alternative treatments that covers well studied and defensible herbal therapies or well studied practices such as acupuncture. These alternative treatments are only beginning to be studied in well designed scientific fashion. If one wishes to evaluate any given alternative treatment then the same basic statistical principles apply to give it validity and applicability. If well designed studies can not be found for any given treatment or technique then it is really just a matter of faith and hopefully finding a skilled and honest practitioner of the treatment or technique to advise one. Reprinted by permission CancerLynx - We Prowl The Net You are welcome to share this © article with friends, but do not forget to include the author name and web address. Permission needed to use articles on commercial and non commercial websites. Thank you.

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Motion Picture Movies (1920’s) Although the principle for moving pictures had existed for decades, the popularity of motions pictures (aka movies) did not explode until the 1920’s. At this time, most United States film production occurred in Hollywood with some minor movie productions still being made in New Jersey and Long Island (Paramount). By the mid-1920’s, theaters were operating in full swing with some offering double features and selling seats for as low as a nickel a piece. By the end of the 1920’s, there were more than twenty Hollywood studios and together, in a ten year span, they created the greatest output of motion picture feature films in history. The discovery of film and motion picture cameras The discovery of cellulose nitrate (which was extremely flammable and soon replaced by much safer media material) and the invention of celluloid film for photography opened the door for the capture of people and objects in motion. In 1877, Edward Muybridge used twenty four cameras to produce a series of images on celluloid film of a horse galloping down a track. Filmed on June 11, 1877 in Palo Alto, California, the purpose of the film was to determine if a running horse ever had all four legs lifted off the ground at the same time. The shutter of each of the twenty four cameras was triggered by a trip wire that was activated by the horse’s hooves as it crossed over the wire. The world’s first “motion picture film” had been created. To view the series of photos, viewers had to look into a drum that was turned by a hand crank that sequentially showed the twenty four images, rapidly, in the sequence that they were filmed. By the 1880’s, the motion picture camera was invented and individual component images could be captured and stored on a single reel of film. Eventually this led to the development of the motion picture projector, the mechanism that shines light through the processed and printed film in order to magnify and project the picture on a flat surface where it could be viewed by many people at once. Films created in this period were projected at various speeds using a hand cranked camera. The generally accepted speed was 16 frames per second but sometimes 23 frames per second were used. The reels of film contained instructions that specified how fast each scene should be shown. Thomas Edison creates the first successful motion picture device On October 14, 1888, Louis Le Prince created a film device that took up to ten photographs recorded on a single roll of perforated celluloid film. Unfortunately, a frame rate of 10 frames per second was too slow and the resulting motion picture was unpleasant to view. While Prince worked to improve his movie camera, others around the world were working to develop similar devices. That same year, William Kennedy Laurie Dickson, working for and under the direction of Thomas Alva Edison, developed a device called the Kinetograph. The Kinetograph took a series of photographs on standard Eastman Kodak photographic emulsion (that was invented by George Eastman) coated on a transparent celluloid strip that was 35mm wide. The images could be viewed, one person at a time, by using a separate device called a Kinetoscope. The Kinetoscope produced the animated motion picture by moving a strip of perforated film bearing the sequential images over a light source with a high-speed shutter activated to display each individual image in rapid succession. The Kinetoscope was commercialized and marketed to vendors. The general public could view motion pictures through the Kinetoscope device by inserting a coin into the machine. Several years later, Charles Francis Jenkins and Thomas Armat invented a device called the Phantoscope. The Phantoscope was a projector device that would allow and entire audience to view the film at the same time. This was a great improvement over prior devices that allowed only a single viewer at a time. The first showing of a film using a Phantoscope was in June 1894 in Richmond, Indiana. Later Jenkins and Armat would approach Thomas Edison about selling the device. Edison agreed to the deal on one condition: in classic Edison style, he would henceforth be credited with the invention of the machine that he renamed the “Vitascope” (see below). Louis Lumiere and his brother Auguste Lumiere worked to perfect the Phantoscope projector. Their Cinematographe was a portable three-in-one device that served as the camera, printer, and projector. The Cinematographe projected film at 16 frames per second and was first shown to audiences in Paris in December 1895. The Lumiere brothers sent cameras all over the world to shoot films in an attempt to promote and popularize the device. There were nearly a thousand Cinematographe films made up to 1901. Thomas Edison, using the Phantoscope as a base to design off of, subsequently developed his own form or projector he called the Vitascope. His single user Kinetoscope device proved very profitable for his company but Edison knew that films projected for large audiences could generate even more profits. Thus, Edison sought to develop his own projection systems. Using the Phantoscope that he purchased from Jenkins and Armat, Edison improved on the design to create the Vitascope. For a while, the Vitascope and Cinematographe competed head to head. After a few years, theater owners evaluated both technologies and Edison’s 35mm film format and Lumiere’s 16 frames per second projection speed became the standard for all projectors. The film industry matures The cinematic inventions that were developed during the early 20th century occurred at a rapid pace and served to fuel the growth and popularity of the moving picture industry. But this flurry of inventions that set the motion picture industry in motion also led to a litany of legal lawsuits as inventors fought over patent rights of the various components used to construct the camera and projection machines. By 1900, films had advanced beyond a mere novelty and had begun developing a narrative structure by utilizing many shots and scenes to tell a story. Filmmakers experimented with different techniques such as breaking films into multiple shots of varying angles and distances and shooting with a moving camera (initially all shots were made with still cameras mounted on stationary tripods). By the early 1900’s, a few cinemas existed throughout the country. Tally’s Electric Theatre was opened in 1902 in Los Angeles. 1905 saw the opening of the Nickelodeon Theater in Pittsburgh. These theaters came to be known ad nickelodeons because admission to the motion picture viewing typically cost a nickel (five cents). Outside of the nickelodeon theaters, the general public could view films at travelling exhibits or as a part of the acts in vaudeville programs. Throughout most of the 1920’s, silent films, many with themes derived from vaudeville shows, were the predominant form of motion picture and projectors used in the 1900’s were very noisy. To hide the sound of the noisy projector, theater owners hired a pianist or organist, or sometimes even a full orchestra, to play during the showing of the movie. Most films came with a prepared list of sheet music for this purpose. The movie industry moves to Hollywood Up until 1913, most film production occurred in the New York and New Jersey area but Thomas Edison’s monopoly of film patents prompted filmmakers to move to Southern California hoping to escape the litany of lawsuits that the Edison Company had been bringing against the competition. In addition, Western films were popular during this time and California’s sunny weather and varied scenery worked well for this type of show. As production companies moved to California, they began to construct “dark studios”, a major innovation that took many years to reach other parts of the world. Artificial lighting was used on indoor sets which allowed them to shoot at all hours regardless of weather conditions or available sunlight. As a result, films soon became longer, costlier, and more polished. Technological innovations aside, Hollywood’s organization of the film industry, combined with a new breed of hero (i.e. movie stars), propelled the motion picture industry forward. Taking the lead from Thomas Ince, Hollywood centered production companies began breaking production down and organized into various components such as writing, costumes, makeup, directing, in-house publicity departments, etc. Using Thomas Ince’s “factory system” of production, the studio system was born and included long-term employment contracts for up and coming movie starts. It was in Hollywood that Ince built his studio. The studio was the first of its kind. It featured stages, offices, labs, commissaries (which had to be large enough to serve hundreds of workers their noonday meal), dressing rooms, props houses, elaborate sets, and other necessities all in one centralized location. While the site was still under construction Ince also hired the Miller Brothers Wild West Show, including many cowboys, horses, cattle and a whole Sioux Indian tribe, who set up their teepees on the studio property. When construction was finally completed the streets were lined with many types of structures, from humble cottages to mansions, designed in the style and architecture of different countries such as Mexico and Japan. Extensive outdoor western sets were also built and used on the site for a number of years. According to Katherine La Hue in her book, Pacific Palisades: Where the Mountains Meet the Sea: “Ince invested $35,000 in building, stages and sets … a bit of Switzerland, a Puritan settlement, a Japanese village … beyond the breakers, an ancient brigantine weighed anchor, cutlassed men swarming over the sides of the ship, while on the shore performing cowboys galloped about, twirling their lassos in pursuit of errant cattle … The main herds were kept in the hills, where Ince also raised feed and garden produce. Supplies of every sort were needed to house and feed a veritable army of actors, directors and subordinates.” The Big Five and Little Three studios The Big Five studios had vast studios and elaborate sets. They owned their own film theaters while independent theater owners were required to rent a block of films which often included cheaply made, less desirable B-pictures in the rental block in addition to one prestige, feature A-level picture. The rental business model typically included one high quality A-picture which was rented by the theater for a lump sum and a “B” picture of lower quality which was rented for a percentage of the theater’s gross sales receipts. In the late 1940’s, an antitrust case was brought against them that required that they divest their theater segments of the business. After running a small theater using a projector the brothers purchased together, Warner Bros. Pictures was incorporated in 1923 by Polish brothers Jack, Harry, Albert, and Sam. Their first principal asset, and the one that ensured their success as a big-time Hollywood studio, was Rin Tin Tin, a dog they brought from France. They also created big hits with their cartoons Porky Pig, Daffy Duck, and of course, Bugs Bunny. Warner Bros. also specialized in gangster films. Famous Players/Paramount Pictures Famous Players studio was created when two small film companies merged to form Famous Players. In 1927 they renamed the company Paramount and in 1934 became Paramount Pictures. In 1926, Paramount spent $1 million on United Studios properly located on Marathon Street in Los Angeles. Paramount stars included Rudolph Valentino, Mae West, W.C. Fields, Bing Crosby, and Bob Hope. RKO Pictures, short for Radio-Keith-Orpheum Pictures, was established as a subsidiary of RCA in 1928. Several of the studio owners were former vaudeville theater and vaudeville circuit owners. RKO was the smallest of the Big Five studios and made their name with Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers musicals, King Kong, and the hit Citizen Kane movie. They were later acquired by millionaire Howard Hughes. Loews Inc., created by Marcus Loew in 1904, is the oldest film production theater. Loews later became Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM) when Metro Pictures Corporation, Goldwyn Pictures Corporation, and Louis B. Mayer Pictures Company merged. Their famous MGM lion roar was first recorded in 1928 and played to silent film viewers via a gramophone record. Hits from MGM included Mutiny on the Bounty, A Night at the Opera, Gone with the Wind, and The Wizard of Oz. Tarzan films and Tom and Jerry cartoons were their bread and butter product and favorites with fans. Stars for MGM included Clark Gable, Greta Garbo, and Spencer Tracy. Fox Film Corporation/20th Century Fox Fox Film Corporation was founded in 1912 by nickelodeon owner William Fox. Best known for Fox Movietone news and “B” Westerns, they later became 20th Century Fox through the merger of 20th Century Pictures Company and Fox Film. 20th Century Fox was best known for their Shirley Temple films and Betty Grable musicals. The Little Three Studios The Little Three Studios included Universal Pictures, United Artists, and Columbia Pictures. Universal Studios was founded in 1912 by Carl Laemmle. W.C. Fields, Abbott and Costello comedies, Flash Gordon serials, and Woody Woodpecker cartoons were their mainstay products. United Artists was formed in 1919 by movie icons Mary Pickford, Douglas Fairbanks, Charlie Chaplin, and movie director D.W. Griffith. Spurred by Hollywood producers and distributors who were tightening their control over actors, the idea for the venture began a year earlier when the four stars began to talk of forming their own company to better control their own work efforts. United Artist owned an 18 acre property called Pickford Fairbanks Studio which later became United Artists Studio. Columbia Pictures was originally known as C.B.C. Film Sales Company. Founded by brothers Jack and Harry Cohn and Joseph Brandt, they propelled their studio to the top eight with their hit It Happened One Night, Rita Hayworth films, and their Batman serials. Small studios in Hollywood Other smaller studios existed in Hollywood at the time. Located on “Poverty Row” near the corner of Sunset Blvd and Gower Street, they made cheap films with low budgets, stock footage, and second tier actors. Many films produce by the second tier studios were horror movies, westerns, science fiction movies, and thrillers. Some of the minor studios eventually grew to become major players in the business including Disney Studios. Disney Studios began in the back of the Holly-Vermont Realty office in Los Angeles by Walt and Roy Disney. They later relocated to a 51 acre lot in Burbank and changed their name to Walt Disney Productions. Famous theaters during the 1920’s During the 1920’s, studios built extravagant movie houses designed for orchestras to play music to accompany the projected silent films. The Strand Theater in New York City, a 3,000 seat hall, opened in 1914. The Roxy Theater in New York City, built by Samuel Lionel Roxy Rothafel at a cost of $10 million, opened in 1927 with 6,200 seats available for moviegoers. Sid Grauman, a failed prospector during the California gold rush, opened a series of successful theaters in the Los Angeles area. The Egyptian Theatre located on Hollywood Boulevard, inspired by the discovery of King Tut’s tomb that year, opened in 1922 with 1,760 seats. The opening film was Robin Hood. After his success with the Egyptian Theatre, Sid Grauman secured a long term lease on property located at 6925 Hollywood Blvd. and contracted the architectural firm of Meyer & Holler (who also designed the Egyptian) to design a “palace type theatre” of Chinese design. Grauman’s Theather, now Grauman’s Chinese Theater, established the tradition of having stars place their prints in cement in front of the theater. Stars are born, and lost During the 1920’s, the general public veritably worshipped the stars, much as the general public does today. Douglas Fiarbanks and Mary Pickford were two of the biggest silent movie stars during the 1920’s. Mary Pickford, known as the Queen of Hollywood, became the first star to become a millionaire in 1916. Her marriage to Douglas Fairbanks in March 1920 was a major cultural event. The wedding gift was a twenty two room mansion in what was then the agricultural area of Beverly Hills and marked the start of Hollywood stars moving to lavish homes in the suburbs of West Hollywood. Douglas Fairbanks starred in films such as The Mark of Zorro, Robin Hood, The Thief of Bagdad, The Iron Mask, and the Taming of the Shrew. Many modern day stunts, such as riding down the ships sail using the blade of a knife cutting through the sail, was first performed by Douglas Fairbanks. Douglas Fairbanks and Mary Pickford eventually divorced after Pickford discovered Fairbanks was involved in an affair with another woman. Pickford developed alcoholism and died a recluse while Fairbanks died later in life of a heart attack after vigorously working out, against medical advice, in an attempt to regain his youthful appearance. Other stars of the day included Greta Garbo who starred in The Torrent (1926) and The Temptress (1926) and Lon Chaney, known as the man of a thousand faces, who starred in The Hunchback of Notre Dame and The Phantom of the Opera. Another big star during the 1920’s movie craze was Clara Bow. The red-haired girl from Brooklyn was launched to stardom through carefully orchestrated movie studio promotions. In 1928, Bow became the highest paid movie star earning $35,000 per week. Unfortunately, when talkies came out, the public disliked her heavy working class Brooklyn accent and she immediately fell out of favor. As Hollywood rose during the 1920’s, the film industry worked to form self controlled organizations needed to lobby politicians in order to gain favor and to counter negative publicity from a rash of scandals that were occurring. The infamous Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle rape and murder case caught the public eye in September of 1921. In 1922, Mabel Normans had three criminal cases ongoing including one involving the murder of her lover and millionaire William Desmond Taylor. In 1923, the drug overdose of morphine addicted silent film actor Wallace Reids sent seismic waves through the industry as the public saw movie stars with more money on their hands than they knew what to do with, began leading lifestyles conducive to drug addiction and participating in morally questionable activities. In 1922, the Hollywood studios formed the Motion Picture Producers and Distributors of America (MPPDA). The MPPDA’s main purpose was to re-shape the industry’s public image, to settle issues or common problems, and to keep the industry afloat amidst growing concern to shut it down. A few years later, in 1927, the non-profit organization, The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, was created by Douglas Fairbanks as president. Their main objective was to judge and offer awards for major accomplishments in the motion picture industry. The Academy Awards that were offered eventually came to be known as “Oscars” Sound is introduced in “talkies” Up until the mid 1920’s, the only sounds heard during a silent film were musicians, sound effects, and occasionally live actors delivering dialog. In 1925, Warner Bros. introduced Vitaphone, a synchronized sound system that used sound recorded on a phonograph record that was electronically linked and synchronized with the film projector. The synchroniszation, which was intended to play only sound effects and not actor dialog, was problematic and very difficult to sync with the actors dialog. The first film to use the Vitaphone technology was Don Juan. In 1926, William Fox of Fox Film Corporation introduced the Movietone sound system. Developed in a partnership with General Electric, the Movietone method used a soundtrack that was placed directly onto the film strip. The first movie to use the Movietone process was Sunrise which played in 1927. Fox also introduced the Fox-Movietone News which was the first newscast to feature sound. The first Movietone-News film was one showing the takeoff of Lindbergh on May 20, 1927 from New York on its way across the Atlantic. Even Disney introduced sound in their cartoons with 1928’s Steamboat Willie cartoon debuting Mickey Mouse (although Mickey himself did not speak until his ninth short). Many studios studied the Vitaphone and Movietone technologies and most preferred the Movietone format. The Movietone sound system eventually replaced the Vitaphone method because it did not have the synchronization problems that Vitaphone did. Theaters quickly began converting their halls to sound, and expensive endeavor because the theaters had to be completely rewired for sound. The first sound productions were difficult to make. Some silent actors did not have the voice needed for talkies and fell out of favor with the public. Many actors with heavy accents saw their careers suddenly end and many stars were brought in from Broadway to act in talkie films. In addition, the process of recording sound along with the video was difficult. It was hard to hide sounds such as a rolling camera and actor movement was difficult when trying to remain within distance of the microphone and record their dialog at the same time. Thus, the first talkies were crude without much actor movement. Soon rolling cameras and microphones mounted on long booms that could be held out of camera range were developed. By 1930, silent movies had disappeared forever. Color films were even slower to appear. By the mid-1930’s, various color techniques were attempted and color films began appearing in the theaters. Unlike the introduction of sound, the number of color films increased slowly year after year. It was not until the early 1950’s, as black and white televisions began to make their way into the living rooms of the American public, that the film industry sought the use of color as a way of winning back audiences.

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Library of the History of Autism Research, Behaviorism & Psychiatry Autistic Schizophrenic Children. An Experiment in the Use of D-lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD-25) Archives of General Psychiatry, 1962; 6 (203-213) Since the hallucinogenic properties of D-lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD-25) were accidentally discovered by Hoffman in 1943 there has been wide experimentation with the drug designed to test its properties both as a psychotomimetic and as a therapeutic agent. It has been considered by some investigators as having great value in revealing the nature of the schizophrenic state and thereby advancing the understanding that leads to progress in therapy. However, other investigators, while acknowledging the undoubted psychic effects of the drug, insist that the LSD experience cannot be equated with naturally occurring psychosis. (fn 1) It is not the first psychopharmaceutical agent to be used as an adjunct to psychotherapy; most of its predecessors were greeted with equal enthusiasm by some because of their action in unlocking the gates of repression and thus leading to disinhibition and catharsis. In fact, according to Hoch, careful studies of a large number of patients who were under the influence of different drugs did not reveal any marked specificity as to the use of those different agents. He describes mescaline and LSD as essentially anxiety-producing drugs which, because of their magnification of the patient's symptomatology and the accompanying increase in anxiety and fear of loss of ego integration, may lead to the release of repressed material. These same qualities may be responsible for the precipitation of overt psychosis in borderline cases. (fn 3) However, the facilitation of psychotherapy with these agents is by no means uniform. Variations in response to them by different patients may be due to metabolic as well as psychological and social factors, and the attitude of the psychotherapist who employs these adjuvants has been recognized as subtly — or not so subtly — influencing the results obtained. While the therapeutic value of LSD in the treatment of psychoneurotic patients has been accepted with greater or less enthusiasm by various investigators, its value in the treatment of the psychoses has been considered much more questionable. In fact, by 1954, there seemed to be fairly general agreement that it provided little opportunity for genuine progress in the treatment of schizophrenics. This group of patients was found to be markedly resistant to the drug and relatively higher doses than for normal or neurotic subjects were necessary to produce any effects. Nevertheless, some striking temporary changes were observed in the behavior of schizophrenics who had been given LSD. In a study of 18 schizophrenic patients, Busch and Johnson 4 reported that excitation was the outstanding effect of LSD administration. This group moved and talked more than usual and showed greater interest and emotion. Hoch, Cattell, and Pennes (fn 5) observed psychic changes including hallucination, perceptual disturbances, and unreality feelings in a group of 21 schizophrenics. There was also evidence of anxiety, euphoria, and depression. Pennes (fn 6) reported of LSD and mescaline, "The characteristic effects of both these drugs consisted of an exacerbation of pre-existent symptoms." In a group of 25 schizophrenic subjects he found that responses to LSD could be classified as intensifications in 16 (64%), diphasic (mixtures of intensification and normalization) in 6 (24%), and absent in 3 (12%). Normalization features in the 6 diphasic reactors included definite relaxation, decreased anxiety and tension, decreased concern over phobias and compulsions, subjective euphoric state with lifting of depression, and improved affective display and general contact. At the Second International Congress of Psychiatry in Zurich in 1957, Hoch, Pennes, and Cattell (fn 7) raised the question, "What is the reaction of psychotic subjects to drugs which have strong psychological effects or induce psychotic states in normal individuals?" Their answer was, "The majority of schizophrenics displayed intensification of their pre-existing symptomatology on administration of mescaline or LSD 25... The reactions of schizophrenic patients to mescaline and LSD 25 are usually marked with severe anxiety and other emotional patterns, while disorganization of thought and behavior patterns may be profound." It has been the opinion of some investigators, however, that this disorganization of behavior patterns in schizophrenics might be followed by a reorganization that could be a step toward normalization. Quite recently, Bierer and Browne (fn 8) stated that "We thought this so-called 'disorganization of the psychic integration' must be a temporary removal of the ego-defenses and possibly could be used therapeutically." They decided to combine LSD or LSD plus methamphetamine hydrochloride (Methedrine) with group psychotherapy. Their report on results of treatment of 75 patients, of whom 30 had the diagnosis of schizophrenia or advanced schizoid states, indicated that "burnt out" schizophrenics are among those on whom LSD appears to have no effect. They also state, "Further work is necessary, but it is clear that to include 50% of schizophrenics in a group markedly reduces the chances of success." Sandison and Whitelaw (fn 9) have treated and followed up a substantial number of patients over a period of years, using LSD and chlorpromazine in combination. They found that this method of treatment "shows encouraging results in well-preserved schizophrenics of one to two years' duration that had not responded to orthodox methods of treatment." The work of Abramson and his colleagues, (fn10) in which tape recordings were made of group sessions in which the participants were a patient, a "stablemate," and an interviewer, revealed that "Under LSD the patient's participation in the group process is increased. Both the frequency of the patient's interaction and the amount of the patient's verbal contribution in the group situation are higher in the LSD than in the placebo sessions." Further, "Under LSD the patient's affective references revolving around the self decrease and affective references toward or centering around other persons increase. Under LSD the patient's non-personal references decrease and other-oriented references increase." They believe, "In general, there is just as much if not more change of behavior under LSD for schizophrenic patients than for normal subjects." Since we were involved in the treatment of a group of autistic children, all of whom were mute, or practically so, we were particularly interested in the work of Cholden, Kurland, and Savage," who studied the reactions of chronic, regressed schizophrenic patients to LSD. They reported that, "One catatonic patient who had been mute for some years suddenly burst into loud wailing sobs which were shortly followed by overwhelming bursts of laughter starting 35 minutes after the drug was taken . . . Every few moments for the next few hours she would shake with laughter, and then she might talk a little... She often said she enjoyed things very much and that this was a nice ward, etc... The next morning when she awoke, she was her old catatonic self, unable to speak, unable to show interest in anything about her, and quite withdrawn." On the second day of treatment this patient showed much less change from her usual behavior than she did on the first, and on the third day there was no response at all. Three other regressed schizophrenics also showed a marked change in behavior on the first day of drug administration, although all seemed to develop complete tolerance to the drug by the third day. In another group of patients, a 60-year-old man "responded with wild bursts of laughter which was most unusual for him since Mr. G. never spoke." Of the 20 patients studied, each showed some unusual behavioral manifestation as a result of the drug administration. Some patients showed an intensification of their usual symptomatology and behavior patterns (this was more common in the more acute schizophrenics), while others showed striking reversals of accustomed behavior, as in the case of those who had been mute and who became talkative. At the time that we made the decision to observe the effects of LSD on a group of schizophrenic children (spring of 1959) there was no indication in the literature that the drug had been used with children elsewhere. Since that time there have appeared scattered references to such use, but no detailed reports. In a conference on LSD held in Princeton, N.J., in April, 1959, 12 several investigators reported having treated children with LSD. However, among the 5 references there were a total of only 12 children and results of treatment were not given for most of these cases. One psychiatrist, Dr. T. T. Peck of Texas, did report having administered LSD once a week over a 3-to 6-week period to 5 children ranging in age from 5 to 14. They received an average of over 4 treatments per patient and the results were classified as excellent in 4, poor in 1. However, he also stated that even I treatment in a child provided alleviation of symptoms, which continued when there was also environmental change. Dr. Robert Murphy reported having treated 3 children with LSD over a period of months. One 8-year-old girl, described as an enuretic child "with a long-standing extremely chronic and extremely resistive character disorder" had been in unsuccessful psychotherapy for a year before starting LSD. After working up to regular weekly treatments with LSD she made a very good recovery. Dr. Murphy also states (fn 13) that a 10-year-old girl, moderately autistic, seemed to show profound changes during 3 months of treatment. In that case treatment was interrupted by external circumstances and follow-up was not possible. Dr. A. Hoffer of Saskatchewan states 14 that he has used LSD on only 3 or 4 children, so that its results could not be assessed, but one boy, a severe behavior problem, appeared to have been markedly changed by LSD. Dr. A. M. Hubbard of Vancouver has also used LSD with some children, primarily delinquents, and considers (fn 15) the work to have been 85% successful. He refers to the striking behavioral change in a 13-year-old boy after treatment with LSD. The institution at which the present studies were undertaken was a day school for schizophrenic children. A total of 40 children attended the school which had on its staff a director, a psychiatric director, 2 psychologists, a psychiatric social worker, dance therapist, music therapist, 14 teachers, administrative and housing personnel. A total of 12 children, all autistic schizophrenics, were chosen for the experiment. All were well known to the authors prior to this study. The children — 10 boys and 2 girls — ranged in age from 5 years 11 months to 11 years 10 months. Seven of the children were mute and the remaining 5 used words or phrases occasionally, most often for no apparent reason. Each had noticeable compulsive motor behavior that was characteristic of him. Six of the 12 received tranquilizers regularly. Table 1 summarizes the relevant usual characteristics of the group. The experiment was conducted over a period of several weeks so that only one child received the drug on any one day. Two children were given LSD on 2 separate occasions. In order to minimize the difficulties in administration of LSD to the children, it was decided to give the drug orally to each child in a vehicle to which he was accustomed or of which he was particularly fond. The dosage was set at 100mcg. for each child except for one smaller girl who received 50mcg. and one boy who received 200mcg. on a second administration. In the latter case, 100mcg. was given initially and another 100mcg. about 2 hours later. The relatively high dosage (of 100mcg.) was decided upon in order to eliminate beforehand the factor of inadequate dosage should there appear to be no reaction in the children. Each child was given his drink containing the LSD immediately after arriving at school in the morning. The 6 children who regularly received tranquilizers were given no drugs for 24 hours preceding the administration of LSD. From the time the drug was administered until its effects had apparently worn off, a pediatric psychiatrist with whom the child was very familiar (one of us) was present. Careful notes were taken of all physiological and mental changes that were observed while the child was under the influence of the drug. Blood pressure and pulse were taken immediately after ingestion of the LSD One child vigorously resisted the taking of his blood pressure, and pulse was not obtained in his case. In 4 instances onset of the effect of the drug was noted in 15 minutes. Two others showed a response in 20 minutes, 3 in 25 minutes, and the remaining 5 in 30 minutes. The obvious symptoms were apparent for a minimum of 4 hours. Eight children showed effects for something between 4 and 5 hours and one child for more than 5 hours. Table 2 summarizes the data relevant to administration and duration of effect of the drug. The commonly observed signs of facial flush and pupillary dilatation appeared in the children at varying times from 5 minutes to over 2 hours following ingestion of LSD, although one child developed no obvious facial flush. There was no change in the pulse rate or blood pressure other than that normally associated with a general state of anxiety. In 3 children there were evidences of catatonia, with true waxy flexibility developing in one child who was given 200mcg of LSD. The possible catatonia included a strange, fixed position of the hands in one child; the maintenance of various bizarre positions by another child; and more obvious catatonia in a third who remained in odd positions for various periods of time with marked waxy flexibility of the left arm. Equilibrium was unchanged in 8 instances, but one child developed marked ataxia, a lesser degree of ataxia was seen in 4 other instances, and one child developed dizziness due to whirling. Appetite was markedly affected in all cases. Although the children were offered lunch at the usual time and place, none accepted it except one boy who ate a negligible quantity. As the effect of the drug wore off, all were offered food and ate it. There was no obvious evidence of nausea, which has been reported by some investigators. If nausea occurred it was not sufficient to cause vomiting. Muscle tone varied among the children from relaxed to tense, with 2 of them showing variability dependent on mood. In 2 cases the muscle tone was doughy, and one child gave no evidence of change from his usual state. There was evidence of some change in body awareness or development of new bodily sensations, since all but 4 of the children were observed to repeatedly stroke or move a particular area — most often the lips or mouth. A desire for increased physical contact was apparent with many of the children. This was shown by several as they sat on the doctor's or teacher's lap and cuddled against her to a greater degree than usual, clung to her hand or body, touched her arms, or otherwise tried to maintain some physical closeness. Physical mannerisms characteristic of the children under ordinary circumstances seemed to disappear in several during the experiment but reappeared as the effect of the drug wore off. Table 3 summarizes the somatic reactions to LSD by the children. The most striking of the observable psychic effects of LSD in the children were the mood swings which were sharp and rapid from extreme elation to extreme depression or anxiety. Both the elation and the depression varied in degree and duration among the children. The increase in anxiety, similarly, was moderate on 3 occasions, but severe on 4 and could be described as panic in at least one child. In 8 instances there was no evidence of actual depression but in Richard, Danny, Gene, Ronnie, and Donald there seemed to be flattening of affect. One-half the group gave no apparent sign of unusual anxiety. One child, having left school in the afternoon in a relaxed, happy mood, arrived home in a very agitated state, striking himself and biting others. His usual dose of prochlorperazine (Compazine) and reserpine (Serpasil) was ineffective and it was necessary to call the family doctor. Chlorpromazine (Thorazine) (50 mg.) successfully controlled him. He came to school the next day in his usual mood. On 7 occasions the children seemed to be experiencing hallucinations which appeared during the period of elation and continued through a substantial part of the time the LSD was having its effect. Both auditory and visual hallucinations occurred, although the latter seemed to predominate. Half the children seemed to demonstrate decreased alertness while 4 showed an increase in this quality and the remaining 3 seemed unchanged from their usual state. On 10 occasions the children's remoteness was increased; 4 experiments seemed to have no effect on this characteristic. Eye contact was increased in only 2 children, but decreased in 4. Verbalization and vocalization were affected in quantity rather than quality. Those children who normally use some words or phrases did so more freely under the influence of LSD but did not use any new words. Two of the children seemed to experiment with new sounds. Table 4 indicates the emotional and psychic effects of LSD upon the children. It is of interest to consider in somewhat greater detail the changes from usual behavior which were manifested by some of the children after ingestion of LSD Nancy, a slight girl, 7 years 11 months old at the time of the experiment, had shown fairly substantial improvement in the 2 years she had been attending the school. From constant withdrawal from both adults and children she had progressed to touching other people, sitting on the teacher's lap, and watching other children play. Bodily movements and coordination were greatly improved as were eating, self-help,, use of play equipment, etc. More sounds, but no words, were produced. Constant anxiety seemed to have ended and depression lessened. Under the influence of 50mcg. of LSD, Nancy quickly became euphoric, "singing" while sucking her thumb, and vocalizing almost constantly. At the end of an hour the vocalizing ceased and depression set in. Whistling, never heard before, and preoccupation with her left arm went on for some time. Her lips moved frequently, as though to form words, but no sounds emerged. There was no interest in lunch although she usually eats with great zest. Depression continued for over 3 hours, until the effect of the drug seemed to have worn off. Ralph, a slender, delicate-looking child, 8 years, 4 months old at the time of the experiment, had shown neither development nor regression in the 2 years 7 months he had attended the school. He was a very passive but anxious child, unable to relate to others, with poor coordination, a superficial, bland expression, with occasional self-stimulated outbursts. He was mute although there were some occasional repetitive sounds for communication. His anxiety appeared in hand clenching and teeth grinding and a "startle" response to any movement. He rocked, standing and lying down, and twisted his fingers ; only rarely could he be prodded into limited activity. When given the LSD he was very tense but didn't resist. Within 20 minutes there was both pupil dilatation and mild flushing of the face. Muscle tone was definitely relaxed, and more than usual eye contact was noticeable. In another 15 minutes he was attempting a puzzle, seemed more alert, responding to his name and to commands. He started rocking in a boat with apparent joy, never seen before. For the next 50 minutes he was definitely elated, tried all sorts of equipment and sat in a chair quite relaxed for a fairly long time. In another 25 minutes he was following something with his eyes — apparently visual hallucinations — and making guarding movements with his hands. He became more, depressed, more remote, and continued guarding off motions, ignoring objects placed in front of him. This passivity was followed (about 4 hours after LSD was given) by increased alertness but motions suggesting hallucinations continued. In another hour he was extremely irritable. He had disregarded food at lunch but now took a glass of chocolate milk, whereupon the irritability stopped at once. He rocked on his cot, somewhat depressed, but relaxed. One week later Ralph, was given another 100mcg. of LSD. Within 20 minutes he started jumping up and down, vocalizing "happy" sounds, and soon gave evidence of pleasant hallucinations (auditory). He smiled and manipulated his lips without sound. In another hour he sat motionless with his hands in an odd position, his facial expression changing constantly, but always on the pleasant side. Given a doll he held it, but seemed unaware of it, and when it was taken away his hands resumed their former strange position, possibly catatonic. He wouldn't walk by himself ; when led he moved awkwardly. Later he walked alone, grimacing and motioning with his hands. His mood seemed rather flat. Four hours after ingestion of the drug he took chocolate milk and ice cream, behaved as he normally does, but seemed more awkward. At the time this acute experiment in the use of LSD was undertaken there had already been a number of reports demonstrating the development of tolerance to the behavioral and some of the autonomic effects of LSD in psychotic (11) and nonpsychotic (12) human beings. This quality was also demonstrated in rats 17 which developed virtually complete tolerance in 4 days to the behavioral impairments induced by daily intraperitoneal injections of LSD, although LSD-induced bradycardia was not affected in the same way. It was recognized, therefore, that continued usage of the drug with schizophrenic children might be of little value in the cure of their disease. Nevertheless, it was felt that if they reacted in a fashion similar to that of the adult psychotics described by Cholden, Kurland, and Savage, some marked alteration might occur in the patterns of autism characteristic of them. An analysis of the response to LSD by this group of children reveals many similarities to the behavior of adults to whom it has been given. Not all the children manifested the same changes; for example, apparent catatonia developed in only 3 instances, and ataxia in only 5. However, changes in body awareness, often reported by adults who have had LSD as a sense of distortion of parts of the body, seemed to occur in most of the children. The outward manifestations of this heightened or changed body awareness included running a finger across the lips a great deal, as though the child were experiencing a new or different sensation; much wriggling of the nose; holding food in the mouth for long periods, grinding it with the teeth and in other ways seeming to "feel" rather than to eat it; preoccupation with an arm — looking at it, stroking it, moving it over the face; clutching the penis and the throat. While hallucinations are rare in autistic children and were not observed in this group usually, behavior suggestive of both auditory and visual hallucinations was observed during the experiment. One child stood in one spot for some time apparently listening to something and smiling; another placed his hands over his ears frequently as though hearing something unusual and also seemed to follow something on the ceiling with his eyes ; several assumed an attentive look as though listening to something, plugged or covered their ears and smiled ; eye movements of others definitely suggested visual hallucinations. Although none of the children showed any qualitative difference in speech patterns, there was definitely an increase in the quantity of sounds, laughter, or words produced. A number of children moved their lips as though trying to speak, but no sounds emerged. Some brought out new sounds, never heard before, but no words. One girl who normally uses some words repeated phrases or words continually, responded "No" to everything said. to her, and laughed a great deal. The euphoria commonly associated with the LSD experience was apparent in all except one child. In him there was an occasional fleeting smile, but depression and anxiety predominated for the entire period of over 3 hours. In every other instance there was obvious elation for varying periods of time, with frequent mood-swings seen in a number of children. Quick changes occurred from laughter to depression or anxiety manifested by sweating, clinging to the doctor, and generally fearful behavior. In some children the anxiety reached the point of panic, with the pulse elevated, the body shaking, the child clutching his genitals, stomach, and throat, making guarding motions, and running and clinging to the teacher or doctor for protection. At the opposite extreme there was evidence of relaxation in many of the children as they quietly cuddled in the doctor's lap or sat or lay on the floor or elsewhere in the room. The disappearance of customary physical mannerisms in most of the children gave further evidence of the disorganization of behavior patterns under the influence of the drug. The inability of these children to verbalize their sensations does not preclude the conclusion that much of the behavior described above is comparable with the reactions of adult schizophrenics to LSD. There was relaxation, excitation, euphoria, depression, anxiety, disorganization of thought and behavior patterns, improved affective display and contact. Further use of the drug on a basis which overcame the development of tolerance to it would be required to demonstrate its potentiality for utilizing these effects therapeutically, but the experience with its use in adult schizophrenics offers little hope for its success in the treatment of children. Twelve children, ranging in age from 5 years 11 months to 11 years 10 months, who attended a day school for schizophrenic children, were given LSD on 14 different occasions. Ten of the children received 100mcg., one received 50, and one had 110mcg. on one occasion and 200 on another. The drug was administered orally in a vehicle (Coca Cola, orange juice, etc.) which the children liked. All the children were of the autistic type and all were mute or nearly so. The effects of the drug appeared an average of 20 minutes after its ingestion and lasted about 4. hours. Somatic effects of the drug included facial flush, dilatation of pupils, some catatonia, some ataxia, complete loss of appetite, increased body awareness, and desire for physical contact. Psychic effects included rapid mood-swings from elation to depression, anxiety, or flattening of affect, auditory and visual hallucinations, decreased alertness in most but increased alertness in a few, increased remoteness, decreased eye contact in several and increased eye contact in a few, and increased vocalization and verbalization. The hoped-for change from muteness to speech did not occur. Alfred M. Freedman, M.D., Department of Psychiatry, Flower & Fifth Avenue Hospitals, Fifth Ave. at 106th St., New York 29. 1. MacDonald, J. M., and Galvin, J. A. V.: Experimental Psychotic States, Amer. J. Psychiat. 112:970, 1956. Submitted for publication July 6, 1961. Department of Psychiatry, New York Medical College. Page contents copyright © copyright holder. Reproduced without permission of the author, for educational purposes only, according to the Fair Use doctrine. Website copyright © 2004-2006, Kathleen Seidel. All rights reserved.

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Growing up during the Depression, Sam Marchesi had to drop out of school after eighth grade—soon after his father died—to work and help support his mother and his seven younger siblings. When World War II began, he enlisted in the Army and served in the Pacific. Upon his return, he took advantage of the educational and training benefits of the G.I. Bill, joining the 52 percent of fifteen million returning veterans who did so. He acquired vocational training in architectural drawing and on-the-job training as an apprentice carpenter, skills that enabled him to become a successful custom builder. When I interviewed Marchesi in the late 1990s for a study of the G.I. Bill, he reflected, “I think it was a great thing that the government did, to give us this opportunity to pick up where we left off. We had to face the world. We had to make a living. Thank God the government had the doors open for us.” The G.I. Bill’s transformative effects on the lives of men like Marchesi have become legendary, but just as striking in hindsight is the clearly visible role that government played as the source of those opportunities. In more recent decades the federal government has expanded its efforts to provide college aid to all Americans. But instead of delivering a straight benefit, like the original G.I. Bill, most of that aid has come through roundabout means, like payments to banks to provide students with loans, or loopholes in the tax code to subsidize families to save for or pay for college. Generations of Americans have now graduated with the help of these costly-though-indirect programs. Yet over the years, in conversations with my own students, I’ve noticed that, unlike Marchesi, few of them recognize that they’ve received benefits from government. It’s hard to imagine them reflecting on their HOPE Tax Credits, or their 529 and Coverdell college savings plans and saying, “Thank God the government had the door open for us.” Photo: Mark Thomas And it’s not just my students. In 2008, I conducted a survey to gauge the degree to which Americans who had received various government social benefits recognized them as such. Not surprisingly, most beneficiaries of the G.I. Bill who took part in the survey acknowledged that they had been given a leg up by the government. But of the respondents who made use of tax-advantaged Coverdell or 529 education savings accounts, 64 percent said they had “not used a government social program,” as did 59.6 percent of those who used HOPE and Lifelong Learning Tax Credits. This disparity has far less to do with some inherent difference in character between the Greatest Generation and their grandchildren than it does with a fundamental change that has taken place in the relationship between citizens and the welfare state. Over the past few decades, while many standard social benefits have atrophied in real value, those packaged as “tax expenditures”—the formal name in federal budgeting parlance for subsidies provided through the tax code—have flourished, growing rapidly in value and number. These tax expenditures for individuals and families represented 7.4 percent of GDP in 2008, up from 4.2 percent in 1976. (Tax expenditures for business, such as those for the oil and gas industry, made up another 1 percent.) By way of comparison, Social Security amounted to 4.3 percent of GDP in 2008; Medicare and Medicaid, 4.1 percent. These social tax expenditures comprise a major part of what I call the “submerged state.” By that I mean that they are public policies designed in a manner that channels resources to citizens indirectly, through subsidies for private activities, rather than directly through payments or services from government. As a result, they are largely hidden from the public: through them, government benefits people, providing them with opportunities and relieving their financial burdens, often without them even knowing it. Appearing to emanate from the private sector, such policies obscure the role of the government and exaggerate that of the market. What’s more, the vast majority of Americans garner only modest assistance, if any, from the submerged state. In the case of social tax expenditures, that’s because the most expensive of these subsidies shower their largest benefits on the most affluent Americans. The great drama now unfolding in Washington over how to deal with the government’s deficits and growing debt tends to be framed in conventional ways. Conservatives aim to use this moment to reduce the size of “big government” while liberals find themselves on the defensive, hoping to limit the damage and furious at the president and Democratic congressional leaders for not fighting harder. But these negotiations can actually be an important opportunity to advance progressive goals, if—as the Bowles-Simpson Commission and others have recommended— we scale back tax expenditures. Doing so could improve the nation’s balance sheet and restore some fairness to the tax code. Even more, it could address the real if inchoate sense many Americans have that government has been “growing,” as measured by deficits and new programs, but in ways that don’t benefit them. Saying good-bye to the submerged state could reconnect citizens with government and reinvigorate our democracy. The clarion call of the conservative approach to governance that has dominated American politics for much of the past thirty years has been the demand to rein in the welfare state. Although few provisions have suffered outright termination, average benefit rates for several traditional and longstanding policies—such as welfare, unemployment insurance, Pell grants, and food stamps—have deteriorated in real terms, and in some cases the scope of coverage has atrophied. As deficit hawks continually remind us, costs have grown for the “entitlement” programs—Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid— owing to inflation-protected benefits, soaring health care costs, and the sheer numbers of Americans aging into eligibility. Generally ignored, however, have been the rapidly escalating costs of tax expenditures for social welfare purposes—the sine qua non of our submerged state. Known in informal parlance as “tax breaks” or “tax loopholes,” these policies permit households to pay less in taxes if they are involved in some kind of activity or belong to a class that policymakers deem worthy of public support. From the time Ronald Reagan took office in 1981 until 2010, the number of such tax subsidies had increased by 86 percent, from 81 to 151. As of 2011, the federal government annually doles out more than $1 trillion in these tax expenditures. Understandably, to many people tax breaks may seem substantively different from traditional social benefits. The latter are funded by tax revenues collected from the public and delivered through checks or services to particular citizens, whereas tax breaks function by allowing recipients themselves simply to keep more money, reducing the amount that they would otherwise owe. Traditional social programs also require the development of a bureaucracy to determine eligibility and deliver benefits, whereas the tax expenditures do not. For these reasons, many libertarians and conservatives object to the term “tax expenditures.” While conceding that tax loopholes constitute government intervention in the market, such thinkers equate closing them with raising taxes, unless the changes are offset by lower rates. As a matter of budgeting, however, there is no difference between a tax break and a social program: both have to be paid for, either by raising tax rates or by adding to the deficit. Eugene Steuerle, a tax economist and political appointee in the Reagan administration, said of the distinction between tax expenditures and direct social spending, “One looks like smaller government; one looks like bigger government. In fact, they both do exactly the same thing.” Certainly their status has not eluded the policymakers who crafted them; the Louisiana senator Russell Long, chair of the Senate Finance Committee from 1966 to 1981 and the father of the Earned Income Tax Credit, said of the term “tax expenditures,” “That label don’t bother me.… I’ve never been confused about it. I’ve always known that what we’re doing was giving government money away.” The largest tax expenditures have been around at least half a century, each the product of inadvertent origins. As political scientist Christopher Howard of the College of William & Mary has observed, policymakers involved in the haphazard array of decisions that generated these policies could not have imagined that they were establishing benefits that by the late twentieth century would gain quasi-entitlement status and cost the nation burgeoning amounts. Of the three most expensive ones, the Home Mortgage Interest Deduction was created first, as part of the original tax code in 1913; the preferential tax treatment of employer pensions was established through a hodgepodge of administrative rulings and congressional statues between 1914 and 1926; and the tax-privileged status of employer-provided health benefits resulted from a similar conglomeration of policies during World War II and in the 1950s. In 2011, these three pillars of the submerged state are expected to cost the nation $104.5 billion, $67.1 billion, and $177 billion, respectively. The cost of each component has ballooned, owing not only to market forces but also to the incentives the policies themselves offer that promote consumption in particular forms—such as the purchase of bigger homes, pricier college educations, or more expensive health care—thus inflating their value. Remarkably, despite the vast drain such provisions impose on federal resources, policymakers have mostly allowed them to grow unchecked. Unlike direct social spending, they are not subject to the annual appropriations process in Congress, and thus they have been able to snowball while sheltered from the public glare. Whereas mainstream Democrats have traditionally taken the lead in creating our landmark direct social programs, it was originally Republicans and conservative Democrats who initiated the benefits that operated through the tax code. Doing so enabled them to court their favored constituencies and channel resources toward them, but without creating or enlarging government bureaucracies to distribute the funds. Over the past three decades, however, tax expenditures have evolved into the template of choice for anyone designing new social benefits. Conservatives have actively promoted and protected them, and moderate and liberal Democrats have realized that it is far easier to build a coalition of support for social provision through the tax system rather than through direct spending. Thus they have become willing accomplices. President Clinton promoted and signed into law higher education tax credits, a policy favored by Republicans as an alternative to direct spending ever since the creation of the Higher Education Act of 1965; he also expanded dramatically the Earned Income Tax Credit. President Obama has treated tax expenditures as a policy tool for achieving a broad array of objectives; tax benefits accounted for 37 percent of the $787 billion stimulus he signed into law in 2009, including everything from expansions of existing programs to credits for first-time home buyers and those who purchased energy-efficient doors, windows, and appliances. But the broader goals of progressive politics are undermined by tax expenditures. Reducing them is a goal we should embrace. The problems start with their redistributive impact. Most Americans assume that U.S. government social programs aid primarily the poor and the middle class, but tax expenditures generally shower their most generous benefits on those in the upper reaches of the income spectrum. To be sure, there are exceptions—most notably the EITC, which genuinely aids the working poor, and Clinton’s HOPE credit, which targeted the middle class. But in the main, such policies are upwardly redistributive, despite rhetoric to the contrary. On the rare occasions when policymakers do actually speak about the Home Mortgage Interest Deduction, they portray it as a middle-class benefit that helps to increase home ownership, a pillar of the American dream. Yet countries such as Canada and Australia manage to have U.S.-level rates of home ownership without offering a home mortgage interest deduction in their tax codes. Moreover, in 2004, 69 percent of the benefits of America’s home mortgage interest deduction were claimed by households with incomes of $100,000 or above—the top 15 percent of the income distribution. That same group also reaped 55 percent of the benefits emanating from the tax-free status of retirement benefits and 30 percent of those from employer-provided health benefits. This is because most tax expenditures reward activities that people with greater resources are better poised to take part in: buying more expensive homes and qualifying for mortgages far bigger than those of the typical home buyer; or obtaining generous employer-provided benefits, whose previously broad coverage has declined sharply, particularly among those with low to moderate incomes. Tax expenditures also exacerbate economic inequality by dramatically reducing the revenues government collects, leaving considerably fewer resources available for the programs like Head Start and Pell grants that benefit lower-income Americans. Even more harmful to the United States than the economic effects of these submerged state policies are the effects of the politics they generate. The vested interests that profit from these policies—ranging from the real estate and health care industries to the nonprofit foundation world—are keenly aware of them and invest heavily in their political capacity to preserve and defend core policies. For example, the amount the real estate sector contributed to campaigns more than tripled between 1992 and 2008, growing from $43 million to $138 million in 2010 dollars. Its spending on lobbying escalated far more quickly, increasing by 73 percent between 1998 and 2009. Ordinary Americans, by contrast, have little awareness of the very existence of such policies, even if they are beneficiaries themselves. In the 2008 survey I mentioned above, respondents were asked whether they had “ever used a government social program, or not” and later queried on whether they had ever utilized any of nineteen different social benefits. Those who had benefited from tax expenditures were most likely to deny having used a government social program—for example, 60 percent of those who had used the Home Mortgage Interest Deduction gave that answer. To make sure respondents weren’t just reacting negatively to the term “government social program”—which for some Americans may connote welfare for low-income people—the survey also asked participants whether they agreed with the statement “Government has given me opportunities to improve my standard of living.” Among people with the same income, level of education, age, race or ethnicity, and sex, the greater the number of direct, visible policies they had ever used—from a list including Social Security, food stamps, Pell grants, unemployment insurance, and several others—the more likely they were to agree with this statement. Yet, controlling for the same factors, the more tax expenditures the individual had used, the less likely he or she was to agree. Those who used the visible programs could see government improving their life chances, but those who used the hidden ones failed to observe such effects. This finding is ironic, because policymakers of both parties routinely justify tax expenditures by claiming that they either provide people with opportunities—for example, to pursue education or home ownership—or they improve their standard of living. Such policy effects appear to be lost on the beneficiaries themselves—who, in fact, seem fairly convinced that government did not assist them. The submerged design of tax benefits appears to mistakenly convey to people that they have gained whatever measure of economic security or opportunity they have strictly through their own merits, unaided by government help. We might expect that even if recipients of tax expenditures do not recognize them as public social benefits, then at least the lower tax bills they enjoy as a result would generate more positive views about the tax system. I examined this possibility in the same survey by asking people whether they felt that the amount they were asked to pay in federal income taxes was “more than [their] fair share,” their “fair share,” or “less than [their] fair share,” once again controlling for the factors noted above. All else equal, the greater the number of visible policies individuals had used, the more likely they were to feel that they paid “less than [their] fair share.” By contrast, however, tax expenditures seemed to have no discernible impact on their beneficiaries’ attitudes about taxes, regardless of the enormous drain these policies impose on federal budgets. Evidently, beneficiaries of visible policies understood that taxes help to pay for such programs, whereas those who prospered from the policies of the submerged state failed to grasp that connection. Not surprisingly, given the invisibility of tax expenditures to most Americans, they generate a passive public. If people are barely aware that such policies emanate from government, then they are obviously unlikely to have opinions about them that reflect their interests and values, or to engage in political participation related to them. The same 2008 survey also asked beneficiaries of specific policies who had indicated that they participated in political activities whether they had ever done so with that policy in mind. For example, beneficiaries who had voted were asked if they had ever “taken into account the position of a candidate on the [program used] in deciding either how or whether to vote,” and, if they had ever made campaign contributions, whether they did so “at least in part, because of [their] concern about [the program used].” Beneficiaries of visible programs like Social Security and Medicare reported high rates of action to influence the policies they rely on—far more than beneficiaries of tax expenditures. Certainly part of the problem is that, whereas seniors are mobilized by the AARP and the political parties, no broad-based citizens’ groups advocate on behalf of the public’s interest in tax expenditures, leaving the vested interests’ power unchecked. But even beneficiaries of the food stamps program, who lack a group to mobilize them, targeted their political activity at higher rates than the tax break beneficiaries: among those who had voted, 21 percent reported taking the policy into account when doing so, compared to only 14 percent of Home Mortgage Interest Deduction beneficiaries; the rates for campaign contributing among those same groups were 17.7 percent and 8.1 percent, respectively. In short, while the policies of the submerged state engender activism among the powerful groups that benefit most from their existence, they inculcate only passivity among ordinary citizens. This means not only that their interests are routinely circumvented through these upwardly distributive policies, but also that democracy itself is undermined by their existence. Given how unaware the average citizen is of the submerged state, it’s no surprise that decisions to cut or expand it typically happen with little public airing, usually as part of some larger debate over budgets and taxes. In his first budget to Congress, President Obama proposed to rein in the tax breaks given to the most affluent Americans via deductions for charitable contributions and home mortgage interest by capping their value at a rate lower than the marginal tax rate assigned to those in the upper income brackets. Instead of being able to deduct 39 or 36 percent of the value of their mortgages, in other words, single Americans making more than $174,400 per year would only be able to deduct 28 percent—the same as those who earn $83,600 a year. (This change would actually have reinstated restrictions on tax breaks that existed during the 1990s, signed into law by President George H. W. Bush and ended by his son George W. Bush in 2001. During the decade in which these restrictions were in place, housing prices and charitable contributions soared.) Obama’s proposal was projected to save the federal government $267 billion over ten years—45 percent of the funds needed to finance health care reform. Instantly, the proposal set in motion the typical politics of the submerged state, as vested interests rallied to defend their pet policies while the public remained out of the loop. Each of the organizational “likely suspects” in the real estate industry stormed Capitol Hill, circulated letters to all elected officials, and placed ads in prominent newspapers in order to express their unequivocal opposition to the changes. Charles McMillan, president of the National Association of Realtors, said, “Diminishing or eliminating [the Home Mortgage Interest Deduction] would hurt all families, the housing market, and our national economy”— language that cloaked the fact that the proposed changes would affect only the wealthy, and would simply reinstate prior policies. Perhaps more surprisingly, the philanthropic, foundation, and nonprofit sector mobilized just as quickly—and in some ways more effectively than the real estate sector. They committed two-thirds as much to lobbying—$44 million—but as the presumed beacon of altruism, they were able to stir even more opposition to Obama’s plan. Claiming the moral high ground, the Council on Foundations and others predicted sharp declines in charitable giving if the tax benefit was reduced. Even Democratic leaders in Congress quickly distanced themselves from the president’s proposal. At one press conference, reporters pressed Obama on whether he regretted putting forth the idea, to which he answered forthrightly, People are still going to be able to make charitable contributions. It just means if you give $100 and you’re in this tax bracket … instead of being able to write off 36 or 39 percent, you’re writing off 28 percent. Now, if it’s really a charitable contribution, I’m assuming that shouldn’t be the determining factor as to whether you’re giving that hundred dollars to the homeless shelter.… What it would do is it would equalize. When I give $100, I get the same amount of deduction as … a bus driver who’s making $50,000 or $40,000 a year [who] give[s] that same hundred dollars…. [H]e gets to write off 28 percent, I get to write off 39 percent. I don’t think that’s fair. This explanation—a rare instance in which a public official clearly articulated how tax breaks function and who benefits— failed to be heard amid the fray, as executive directors of numerous philanthropic organizations wrote to Congress insisting that the proposal would “impose a tax on charitable giving.” The proposal never had a chance. Rent-seeking crony capitalism reigned, with interest groups protecting the subsidies that benefited themselves and the affluent, and ordinary Americans had no inkling of what had transpired. Would ordinary citizens be more likely to support efforts like Obama’s if they were better informed about them? A survey-based experiment I conducted with Matt Guardino of Syracuse University in 2008 suggests the answer is yes. After respondents were provided with basic information about the upwardly redistributive effect of the Home Mortgage Interest Deduction— the fact that it benefits mostly affluent people—opposition grew sharply, particularly among those with low to moderate incomes and among liberals and Democrats. By contrast, after being informed that the EITC benefited mostly those in low-to-moderate-income groups, support grew among respondents generally, regardless of income. These findings are consistent with what we know about contemporary American attitudes toward taxes in general. Countless polls in recent years have shown that strong majorities of voters favor higher taxes on the wealthy as the way to close budget deficits and shore up entitlements like Social Security. Similar majorities would likely favor cutting tax expenditures for the well-off if the issue were explained to them. At present, however, few opinion leaders, even on the left, have taken up the cause of tax expenditure reform, except on a few issues, such as ending tax subsidies for oil companies. Indeed, some of the most sophisticated and influential seem confused about the subject. Comedian-commentator Jon Stewart, for instance, has mercilessly skewered Republicans for defending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy. But when Obama gave a speech in April calling for “spending reductions in the tax code,” Stewart took the position—common among conservatives— that the president was engaging in doublespeak: What? The tax code isn’t where we spend. It’s where we collect.… You managed to talk about a tax hike as a spending reduction. Can we afford that and the royalty checks you’ll have to send to George Orwell? American politics today is ensnared in the paradox of the submerged state. Our government is integrally intertwined with everyday life from health care to housing, but in a form that eludes our vision because it makes governance invisible. As a result, many Americans express disdain for government social spending, incognizant even when they themselves benefit from it. They are disturbed by growing deficits, but do not realize that policies whose benefits flow disproportionately to the affluent consume a large portion of growing federal entitlements. They are easily seduced by calls for small government, not realizing that champions of that philosophy brought us the most costly policies of the submerged state. Political and opinion leaders permit this deception to persist by failing to talk openly and honestly about tax expenditures. A minor exception to the rule, Obama has shown that he is quite capable of speaking clearly and candidly about how such policies work and who benefits from them, but the number of occasions when he has done so have been few and far between. His own party in Congress has yet to join him in a full-throated manner; in fact, its leaders themselves torpedoed his efforts in 2009. Without discussion of what is actually at stake in spending through the tax code, citizens are not told what these subsidies really are: special provisions for particular groups of people, especially the wealthy, that are paid for through either higher taxes on other Americans, reductions in spending, or expansions of our deficit. For too long, progressives have accepted the conservative playbook, creating and expanding tax expenditures on the assumption that they can tilt some of their benefits to low- and middle-income Americans. As long as this cornerstone of the submerged state is left intact, it fosters the delusion that governance is generally ineffective and unhelpful to most Americans, and it prompts people to attribute to markets more credit than they are due. Fortunately, and rather ironically, the coming showdown over raising the debt ceiling presents a golden opportunity to substantially scale back the submerged state—and to advance progressive goals in the process. Republican lawmakers, obliged by their base to cut federal spending but fearing an electoral backlash if popular social programs like Medicare are decimated, are increasingly open to the suggestion of the Democratic deficit hawks in the administration and Congress that if the budget ax must fall, it ought to fall most heavily on tax expenditures. It is a negotiating strategy that liberals would be wise to encourage. For those who care about reducing inequality, making American governance more transparent, and reinvigorating democratic citizenship, this is a chance that should not be missed.

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LEO TOLSTOY & HENRY GEORGE – by Victor Lebrun Victor Lebrun was a personal friend and Secretary to Leo Tolstoy. This is a translation of his article published in the July 1956 issue of the French periodical, Contre-Courant, and reprinted in the July-September 1956 issue of the French Georgist magazine Terre et Liberte. Its historical interest, in view of the establishment of Communism in Russia in 1917, needs no emphasis. In giving his extreme and sympathetic attention to other thinkers and writers, the great Tolstoy differed essentially from his colleagues – the geniuses of all countries and all centuries. But nothing shows the complete honesty and surprising liberty of his spirit more than his attitude towards Henry George. Conversion to Georgism It was at the beginning of 1885 that he happened to lay his hands on the books of the great American sociologist. By then the moral and social doctrine of the thinker had been solidly and definitely established. Man’s supreme and unique duty was to perfect himself morally and not to co-operate with the wrong. Thus the social problem would be automatically solved when the majority has understood the true meaning of pure Christianity and when it has learned to abstain from all crimes which are frequently and commonly committed. All reasoning about the precise nature of the citizens’ rights, about laws, about the organisation of governmental compulsion for their protection is anathema to the great thinker. But…hardly had Tolstoy had a glance at Social Problems and Progress and Poverty and he was completely captivated by George’s outstanding exposition. His strict daily routine is broken. ‘This morning I read George instead of writing’,Tolstoy confesses in a letter to his wife. Two days later he adds: ‘I read my George’. (He says ‘my’. He never said this of any other author). ‘This is a very important book. This is a step forward of equal importance to the liberation of our serfs. This is the liberation of the earth from private ownership.’ ‘Their point of view in this matter is the control of men. And it is necessary to read George, who defined the problem with precision and definitively. After this there is no more debating, one has to take resolutely one side or the other. Personally I demand much more than he does: but his project is the first step of the ladder which I would like to climb.’ And the thinker does not hesitate any longer. From this encounter on he resolutely and enthusiastically takes George’s side, and to his last breath for a quarter of a century, he makes every effort without relaxation to make his discovery known. He publishes articles on George: he writes introductions to the remarkable translations of his works. Letters to Stolypin The correspondence of the Georgist Tolstoy with the Prime Minister of the time is also astonishing. Here the summits of the two camps clash, the two leading theories, those who ‘think right’ and the honest ones. In 1907 the people were exasperated. The peasant revolt was in full swing. And the Minister made his soldiers fire at the crowds, hanged peasants almost daily, imprisoned and deported them by the thousands. The gallows had been named after him ‘Stolypin’s necktie’. Tolstoy suffered terribly from the crimes and the hatred he saw growing on both sides. Finally he lost his patience. On the 26th July, 1907, he sent word to the Prime Minister: ‘Peter Arcadievich, I write to you under the impulse of my best feelings towards the son of my friend. ‘You are on the wrong road. You have two possibilities in front of you: the one is to continue not only to take part in but direct all the deportations, forced labour, executions, and not having achieved your aim, leave behind you a sordid memory. Or, doing the opposite, advance the peoples of Europe by helping to destroy the old, enormous injustice of the appropriation of the soil. In the latter way you would truly accomplish a great and good task, and you would appease the people through the most efficient of processes by giving satisfaction to their most loyal demands. ‘This would stop these horrible crimes which are perpetrated on the side of the revolutionaries as well as on the side of the Government. – Leo Tolstoy’ It is after three months that the Minister decides to reply: ‘Leo Nicolaievich, don’t think that I have not given my attention to your letter. I couldn’t answer it because it touched me where it hurt. You consider to be wrong what I consider to be for the welfare of Russia… ‘I don’t deny the doctrine of Henry George but believe that the Single Tax could in time (sic) help in the struggle against the big estates. At present I don’t see any reason why we should, here in Russia, chase the owners from their lands, which they cultivate better than the peasants. Quite the contrary, I see the necessity of making it possible for the peasants to acquire a piece of land of their own… ‘How could I do anything else than what I consider to be right. And you write to me that I am on the road of bad repute, of cruel actions, and above all of sin. Believe me that, feeling the possibility of approaching death, one cannot avoid thinking of these questions, and my road seems straight to me. I understand that it is completely in vain that I write this letter. ‘Accept my apologies. This is the Prime Minister’s answer. And he goes on with his countless crimes. On the 28th January, 1908, Tolstoy loses patience: ‘Peter Arcadievich, why? Why are you losing yourself in going on with your erroneous action which can only lead to aggravation of the general situation and of your position in it? Courageous, honest and noble man, and I know you as such, should not persist with his errors, but should recognise them and direct his forces to correct their consequences… ‘Your two errors: the violent struggle against the irresistible force of the people, and the consolidation of the ownership of land can be corrected by a simple, clear and achievable reform. It has to be recognised that the territory of the country is the equal property of the entire population, and a land tax has to be established which would correspond exactly to the privilege enjoyed by each site. This rent would replace entirely all taxes. ‘Only this measure can appease the people … Only this measure can dispose of the horrible repression which those who revolt have to suffer …I repeat that I write this to you wishing you the best and loving you … – Leo Tolstoy.’ This second letter remained unanswered, but the terrible agony of the horrible regime remained. Some time later the Prime Minister was assassinated by a revolutionary, and in 1918 the communists gained power. The hoarders of territory refused to pay the nation the economic rent. Now everything was taken from them. None escaped punishment. It is terrifying to re-live this era, to re-read this correspondence. The Economy of the Future In thanking George for a present of his works, the master asks the intermediary to tell him that he is ‘enchanted by the clarity, the mastery and conclusions of his expositions; that George was the first who had put down solid foundations for the economy of the future, and that his name would always be remembered with gratitude by mankind.’ Tolstoy wrote to his wife – at the time of George’s death: ‘Henry George is dead, it is strange to say but his death surprised me like the death of a very close friend. The newspapers announce his passing and do not even speak of his books, which are so remarkable and of such great importance.’ A fragment of Tolstoy’s introduction to “Social Problems” shows to what degree he appreciated his works. The great master wrote: ‘Henry George said: “To those who have never studied the subject, it will seem ridiculous to propose as the greatest and most far-reaching of all reforms a mere fiscal change. But whoever has followed the train of thought through which in preceding chapters I have endeavoured to lead, will see that in this simple proposition is involved the greatest of social revolutions – a revolution compared with which that which destroyed ancient monarchy in France, or that which destroyed chattel slavery in our Southern States were nothing”. ‘And see, this is just the enormous importance of the big and real reform proposed by George that has not been understood in the world until now.’ Tolstoy continues: ‘George’s idea which changes the way of living of the people, to the advantage of the big majority – at present downtrodden and silent, and to the detriment of the ruling minority–this idea is expressed so convincingly and effectively and above all so simply that it is impossible not to understand it. For this reason, there is only one way to fight against it, to falsify it and to keep silent about it. Both are practised with such pains that it is difficult to induce people to read George’s books attentively and to deepen his doctrine. In the whole world, among the majority of intellectuals the ideas of George continue to be misinterpreted, and the indifference towards them appears to grow. ‘But a precise, and consequently fertile thought, cannot be destroyed. However one tries to strangle it, it remains more alive than all the other doctrines which are vague and devoid of meaning and behind which one tries to force it. Sooner or later truth will pierce the veil by which it is hidden, and will throw light over the world. Such is the thought of Henry George’. To TM Bondaref, who had written from Siberia asking for information about the ‘Single Tax’: ‘This is Henry George’s plan: The advantage and convenience of using land is not everywhere the same; there will always be many applicants for land that is fertile, well situated, or near a populous place; and the better and more profitable the land, the more people will wish to have it. All such land should, therefore, be valued according to its advantages: the more profitable – dearer; the less profitable – cheaper. Land for which there are few applicants should not be valued at all, but allotted gratuitously to those who wish to work it themselves. With such a valuation of the land – here in the Toula Government, for instance – good arable land might be estimated at about 5 or 6 roubles the desyatina; kitchen-gardens in the villages, at about 10 roubles the desyatina; meadows that are fertilized by spring floods at about 16 roubles, and so on. In towns the valuation would be 100 to 500 roubles the desyatina, and in crowded parts of Moscow or Petersburg, or at the landing-places of navigable rivers, it would amount to several thousands or even tens of thousands of roubles the desyatina. When all the land in the country has been valued in this way, Henry George proposes that a law should be made by which, after a certain date in a certain year, the land should no longer belong to any one individual, but to the whole nation – the whole people; and that everyone holding land should, therefore, pay to the nation (that is, to the whole people) the yearly value at which it has been assessed. This payment should be used to meet all public or national expenses, and should replace all other rates, taxes, or customs dues. The result of this would be that a landed proprietor who now holds, say, 2,000 desyatina, might continue to hold them if he liked, but he would have to pay to the treasury – here in the Toula Government, for instance (as his hodling would include both meadow- land and homestead) 12,000 or 15,000 roubles a year; and, as no large landowners could stand such a pay- ment, they would all abandon their land. But it would mean that a Toula peasant, in the same district, would pay a couple of roubles per desyatina less than he pays now, and could have plenty of available land nearby, which he would take up at 5 or 6 roubles per desyatina. Besides, he would have no other rates or taxes to pay, and would be able to buy all the things he requires, foreign or Russian, free of dutv. In towns, the owners of houses and manufactories might continue to own them, but would have to pay to the public treasury the amount of the assessment on their land. The advantages of such an arrangement would be: 1. That no one will be unable to get land for use. 2. That there will be no idle people owning land and making others work for them in return for permission to use that land. 3. That land will be in the possession of those who use it, and not of those who do not use it. 4. That as the land will be available for people who wish to work on it, they will cease to enslave themselves as hands in factories and works, or as servants in towns, and will settle in the country districts. 5. That there will be no more inspectors and collectors of taxes in mills, factories, refineries and workshops, but there will only be collectors of the tax on land which cannot be stolen, and from which a tax can be most easily collected. 6. (And chiefly) That the non-workers will he saved from the sin of exploiting other people’s labour (in doing which they are often not the guilty parties, for they have from childhood been educated in idleness, and do not know how to work), and from the yet greater sin of all kinds of shuffling and lying to justify themselves in committing that sin; and the workers will be saved from the temptation and sin of envying, condemning and being exasperated with the non-workers, so that one cause of separation among men will be destroyed.’ To a German Propagandist of Henry George’s Views : ‘It is with particular pleasure that I hasten to answer your letter, and say that I have known of Henry George since the appearance of his Social Problems. I read that book and was struck by the justice of his main thought – by the exceptional manner (unparalleled in scientific literature), clear, popular and forcible, in which he stated his cause – and especially by (what is also exceptional in scientific literature) the Christian spirit that permeates the whole work. After reading it I went back to his earlier Progress and Poverty, and still more deeply appreciated the importance of its author’s activity. You ask what I think of Henry George’s activity, and of his Single Tax system. My opinion is the following: Humanity constantly advances: on the one hand clearing its consciousness and conscience, and on the other hand rearranging its modes of life to suit this changing consciousness. Thus, at each period of the life of humanity, the double process goes on: the clearing up of conscience, and the incorporation into life of what has been made clear to conscience. At the end of the eighteenth century and the commencement of the nineteenth, a clearing up of conscience took place in Christendom with reference to the labouring classes – who lived under various forms of slavery – and this was followed by a corresponding readjustment of the forms of social life, to suit this clearer consciousness: namely, the abolition of slavery, and the organization of free wage-labour in its place. At the present time an enlightenment of men’s consciences is going on in relation to the way land is used; and soon, it seems to me, a practical application of this new consciousness must follow. And in this process (the enlightenment of conscience as to the utilization of land, and the practical application of that new consciousness), which is one of the chief problems of our time, the leader and organizer of the movement was and is Henry George. In this lies his immense, his pre-eminent, importance. He has helped by his excellent books, both to clear men’s minds and consciences on this question, and to place it on a practical footing. But in relation to the abolition of the shameful right to own landed estates, something is occurring similar to what happened (within our own recollection) with reference to the abolition of serfdom. The Government and the governing classes – knowing that their position and privileges are bound up with the land question – pretend that they are preoccupied with the welfare of the people, organizing savings banks for workmen, factory inspection, income taxes, even eight-hours working days – and carefully ignore the land question, or even, aided by compliant science, which will demonstrate anything they like, declare that the expropriation of the land is useless, harmful, and impossible. Just the same thing occurs, as occurred in connection with slavery. At the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries, men had long felt that slavery was a terrible anachronism, revolting to the human soul; but pseudo-religion and pseudo- science demonstrated that slavery was not wrong, that it was necessary, or at least that it was premature to abolish it. The same thing is now being repeated with reference to landed property. As before, pseudo- religion and pseudo-science demonstrate that there is nothing wrong in the private ownership of landed estates, and that there is no need to abolish the present system. One would think it would be plain to every educated man of our time that an exclusive control of land by people who do not work on it, but who prevent hundreds and thousands of poor families from using it, is a thing as plainly bad and shameful as it was to own slaves; yet we see educated, refined aristocrats – English, Austrian, Prussian, and Russian – making use of this cruel and shameful right, and not only not feeling ashamed, but feeling proud of it. Religion blesses such possessions, and the science of political economy demonstrates that the present state of things is the one that should exist for the greatest benefit of mankind. The service rendered by Henry George is that he has not only mastered the sophistries with which religion and science try to justify private ownership of land, and simplified the question to the uttermost, so that it is impossible not to admit the wrongfulness of land-ownership – unless one simply stops one’s ears – but he was also the first to show how the question can be practically solved. He first gave a clear and direct reply to the excuses, used by the enemies of every reform, to the effect that the demands of progress are unpractical and inapplicable dreams. Henry George’s plan destroys that excuse, by putting the question in such a form that a committee might be assembled tomorrow to discuss the project and to convert it into law. In Russia, for instance, the discussion of land purchase, or of nationalizing the land without compensation, could begin tomorrow; and the project might – after undergoing various vicissitudes – be carried into operation, as occurred thirty-three years ago* with the project for the emancipation of the serfs. The need of altering the present system has been explained, and the possibility of the change has been shown (there may be alterations and amendments of the Single Tax system, but its fundamental idea is practicable); and, therefore, it will be impossible for people not to do what their reason demands. It is only necessary that this thought should become public opinion; and in order that it may become public opinion it must be spread abroad and explained – Which is just what you are doing, and is a work with which I sympathize with my whole soul, and in which I wish you success.’ * The Emancipation of the Serfs in Russia was decreed in 1861, and was accomplished during the following few years. Tolstoy, Leo, Essays and Letters, Oxford University Press, 1911, Chapter XVI Letters on Henry George, pp 213 – 238

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Arrest and ExecutionJesus' tumultuous last days in Jerusalem and the actual historical evidence of the crucifixion. JESUS IN JERUSALEM AT PASSOVER Now why did he leave Galilee and head for Jerusalem? Jesus apparently at some point makes the decision to leave his home territory and move to Jerusalem. Precisely why he did that is not clear. It would appear that he had some sense of mission and that's clearly what the gospels suggest. That he felt compelled to go to Jerusalem. More than that is not entirely clear from the historical perspective but it seems that Jerusalem, where the temple was located, perhaps on one of the Holy Days, one of the festivals was the attraction for him to go and participate.... The traditional story has Jesus going to Jerusalem at the time of the festival of Passover. Passover is one of the two most important Jewish Holy Days or festivals in the entire year. On the one hand, coming in the spring it celebrates harvest. On the other hand, it commemorates one of the most important historical events in the Jewish tradition. Namely the deliverance from slavery in Egypt, the story of Moses and the Exodus. So it is a celebration of Jewish identity centered in the Temple itself. Now to go to Jerusalem at one of these pilgrim feasts, as they're sometimes called, where everyone is expected to show up at some point during their life, means to join a big crowd. This is one of the really important holidays of all Jewish life. Especially in the ancient times when the Temple was standing and the Temple was the centerpiece of the whole event. If you were a pilgrim coming to Jerusalem in these days you would walk through the streets of this magnificent city, many of which are crowded. Very much like a Roman city in certain places. Very much like an older city, a Greek or even Near Eastern city in other places. But as you approach the Temple mound you come up to this massive, monumental complex that we call the Temple and there are grand staircases up which one can go and get up to the top. From the southern end they're also tunnels much like the way one goes into a football stadium today, where you proceed with all the others up through the tunnel and you come out up on top of the platform in the outer precincts of the temple complex. Now here we could imagine all kinds of people milling about. It's Passover after all. It's a holy time and so they would have come for various reasons. Some just to see, some curiosity seekers, and some there for their own religious devotion, but the temple is going to be where almost everyone would go at some point in time. Now how did the Roman Governor respond to the atmosphere here? It may be the case that the Roman authorities became particularly antsy at times of these festivals when there was the potential for increased political insurrection and agitation. It may be just a function of the number of people there. The size of the crowds that made them nervous, but the authorities, going even back into Herod's day and certainly under the Roman governors, tended to keep a close eye on things like that. It is alleged by Josephus in fact that Herod and then the governors after him actually locked up the garments of the high priest and only gave them out on these holy days so that there was not the occasion for religious activities prompt popular unrest. And yet at Passover they clearly are going to be in all their regalia, and this is going to be a lot of pomp and circumstance. So it's probably the case that [on] any of these holy day celebrations, that the authorities are at least going to be on careful watch and the civic magistrates of Jerusalem themselves are certainly going to be concerned with this.... So what do the Romans do? If the Romans were convinced that the mob scene might break out into open rebellion they might shut the whole thing down. They had done so in the past, and closing the Temple or keeping the people away certainly would not have been out of the question for them. It's probably the case that the soldiers that were garrisoned in Jerusalem were kept close to the Temple. If not in the Temple proper. Now there is an outer court in the Temple called the Court of gentiles where anyone could go including Roman soldiers and it's very possible that there were the local police officials or the odd Roman soldier standing around. But in all probability most of the Roman soldiers would have been stationed in the nearby fortress called the Antonia which literally stands adjacent to the Temple complex and kind of looks over it. They could keep an eye on things there and of course everyone in the Temple knew they were there too. THE CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE What's the traditional account of what Jesus did? According to the traditional story, Jesus came to the Temple during the Passover season, and going up into this mob scene that you can imagine up there, proceeded to do something quite odd. He started to take the tables of the money changers in the Temple. People who would have been selling animals for sacrifice, or doing money changing, as it were, in order for people to buy their proper contributions for the Temple... Jesus is portrayed as taking these money tables, turning them over, kicking the people about, driving them out, even in one case with a whip, and claiming that to buy and sell in the house of the Lord is a transgression against God. What are the problems with [this traditional account]? The difficulty with the story of Jesus and the money changers in the Temple is that the story is told in slightly different ways in different gospels. For example in Mark's gospel and in fact in Matthew, Mark and Luke, all three, this event occurs in the last week of Jesus' life and is clearly the event which brings him to the attention both of the Temple leadership and the Roman authorities. It is in effect what gets him killed. John's gospel, interestingly enough, though, puts the story of the cleansing of the Temple as the very first episode in Jesus' public career. More than two years earlier, and no mention is made of it near his death. So there are a few problems with the story itself, although it is one of the stories that appears in all the gospels, so something is going on there in terms of interest in what Jesus did at the Temple. But let's think for a moment what Jesus might have been doing if we take the story seriously as told in the gospels. To cleanse the Temple of these money changers is an act of protest against something apparently, but what? Now there's no reason to say from a perspective of the way the Temple was run that there's anything wrong with the money changers in the Temple, of buying and selling things that are part of the religious activities of the Temple. In fact it was an absolutely necessary activity within the way the Temple was run. So whatever the protest represents it must be a protest against some sort of idea of what the Temple should be, that they represent as having gone awry. It may be the case that Jesus represents the same kind of criticism that the Phariseesthemselves would have brought against the Temple, that in fact the kind of piety that happens only once a year at Passover is something that ought to happen every day and every week in your private lives. In that sense, Jesus' criticism of the Temple sounds very much like the Pharisees wanting to bring piety home. Wanting to make it much more personal. Another possibility though is that Jesus sounds more like the Essenes who were really criticizing the whole way the Temple is run as having become too worldly. Too caught up in the money of the day, or maybe just too Roman, and if that's the case then his actions look much more like an act of political subversion. These are like three completely different ways of reading the same event. Jesus comes across differently depending on which way you look at the story.... JESUS ARRESTED AND EXECUTED Now what kind of evidence do we have for what really did happen? What happened to Jesus after the Temple incident is a bit unclear. It appears he's actually arrested, perhaps by the Temple guard or perhaps by Roman soldiers themselves. He probably had a trial but whether it was an extensive courtroom hearing or just a quick and dirty justice before the tribunal of the governor is not clear as well. But I think we have to realize that the evidence that we have by the mode of execution, by virtue of the trial stories as told in the gospels and by virtue of what appears in the story of his actual death, suggest that it ultimately fell to Pilate and Pilate alone to make the decision on what would happen to this figure Jesus. Is it likely or plausible that the Jewish authorities did hand him over to the Romans? What the role of the Jewish authority is in the actual arrest and execution of Jesus is difficult to say. Clearly from the traditional stories in the gospels they have a heavy role, and it might very well be that the Temple leadership were concerned with the kind of unrest that Jesus might cause. My own feeling is that there's very little role by the Jewish authorities. Maybe the Temple leadership at most but there's probably no direct historical evidence for an actual trial before the Sanhedrin and the Jewish leadership and clearly the decision to execute on a capital crime was a Roman decision. Certainly it is the case that the idea of the masses of the Jewish people gathered around the Temple had some voice in the death of Jesus is not part of history but a legacy of some later tradition. EVIDENCE OF CRUCIFIXION What do we know historically about crucifixion as a method of execution? How is it carried out? It's not just another myth? No, crucifixion was something very, very real. There are too many ancient sources that talk about it. Josephus himself describes a number of crucifixions that took place in Judea at about this time. So we can be fairly confident [of the crucifixion] as a historical event because it was a very commonplace affair in those days and very gruesome. Now different medical historians and other archaeological kinds of research have given us several different ways of understanding the actual practice of crucifixion. In all probability the feet were nailed either directly through the ankles or through the heel bone to the lower post of the cross. The hands or the arms might be tied rather than nailed. It depends but it suggests really that crucifixion was a very slow and agonizing form of death. It's not from bleeding. It's not from the wounds themselves that the death occurs. It's rather a suffocation because one can't hold oneself up enough to breathe properly, and so over time really it's really the exposure to the elements and the gradual loss of breath that produces death. It's an agonizing death at that. ... [E]vidence of crucifixion in archaeological form has been rare until the discovery that was made in recent times of an actual bone from a coffin which was found to have a nail still stuck in it. This is apparently someone who actually did experience crucifixion. .... Now what apparently happened was the nail that had been used to put him on the cross by being placed through his heel bone had stuck against a knot or bent in some way and so they couldn't pull it out without really causing massive tearing of the tissue and so they left it in, and as a result we have one of those few pieces of evidence that show us what the practice was really like. What's the significance of a sign that they hung up on the cross? When we look at the stories of Jesus' crucifixion in the gospels the different phases, the different episodes that occur between the arrest and the garden of Gethsemane, the trial before the Sanhedrin, the trial before Pilate, the final kind of public scene where the decision is made to send Jesus to the cross. Of all of those episodes, most of them seem to be the product, really, of literary imagination, where people later on, at the time that the gospels are being written, are trying to fill in the gaps in the story, but the one thing that most scholars do agree on is a historical artifact that tells us something about what really happened to Jesus. ...[T]he plaque that was nailed to the cross which identified him as Jesus, King of the Jews. This piece of evidence suggests that he was executed by the Roman authorities on some charge of political insurrection. Now I don't for a moment think that Pilate would have been worried that Jesus could have challenged the power of the empire. That's not the point. The point is any challenge to Roman authority, any challenge to the peace of Rome would have been met with a swift and violent response. And that's what happened? And that seems to be what happened with Jesus... It's probably the case that the plaque that was nailed to the cross is one of the few clear pieces of historical evidence that we have. Precisely because it reflects a legitimate charge upon which the Romans would have called for execution and it stands out so starkly, and in fact it stands in some tension with some of the rest of the story, that it could only be supposed to have been left there because it reflects one of the central events that really happened. The plaque which names him as Jesus, the king of the Jews, suggests that the charge on which he was executed was one of political insurrection. A threat to the Pax Romana but he's also now a victim of the Pax Romana. JESUS' ARREST AND EXECUTION [Why was Jesus killed?] The Roman answer is good enough for me. He was causing trouble. He constituted a security risk and he was dealt with the way the Romans always deal with security risks in the provinces. This was a matter of not even so much politics, as policy. This is how the Romans handled trouble-makers, even if they didn't intend to make trouble.One of the questions that runs like a leitmotif in modern New Testament studies is whether Jesus was fomenting revolution, ...[whether] Jesus' self-concept had to do with being a revolutionary or being someone who was overturning the Roman establishment. For the moment anyway, I'm probably willing to leave that question unanswered. I think the Roman answer is the one that's important, and that is, whatever he was doing, it was considered dangerous enough that he'd be crucified for it. And, that's exactly what they did. EXECUTION BY CRUCIFIXION The Romans had a genius for brutality. They were good at building bridges and they were good at killing people, and they were better at it than anybody in the Mediterranean basin had ever seen before.... Crucifixion was considered such a humiliating form of punishment that if you were a Roman citizen, of course, you couldn't be crucified, no matter what the offense. It was usually the execution of choice... for slaves and people considered beneath the dignity of Roman citizenship. It was a form of public terrorism.... You would be punished by being hung out publicly, naked until you died. And this sent a very powerful message to everybody else in those quarters that if you do or even think about doing what this guy's accused of having done, you, too, can wind up this way and it was very effective; excruciating, perhaps the most excruciating form of capital punishment that we know. Does the manner of Jesus' death effectively tell us who actually condemned him? I mean, sometimes people say the Jews killed Jesus. Is a crucifixion incompatible with that? Absolutely.... It was a Roman job, there's no mistake about that. There has been some examination of the question of whether Jews... actually crucified people in any circumstances. There's some evidence that crucifixion did take place; members of the Pharisee party at one point were crucified, maybe a century and a half before Jesus. But that's disputed. It's a Roman form of execution and it was a public execution on a political charge. THE CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE -- RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL ACT What is the story about Jesus' final days? The gospel stories about Jesus' entry into Jerusalem, the dramatic confrontation in the Temple, the celebration of Passover with his disciples and the rest, and crucifixion, of course, are very dramatic; we all know the ending when the story begins, and that sort of increases its melodramatic value or its drama or pathos. And no doubt for pious Christians the meaning or the significance ofthe story. For the historians this is one set of problems after another as we try to figure out exactly what happened or what might have happened and try to understand what happened. And there are certainly no end to puzzles ... just to begin with a famous incident of Jesus confronting the money changers in the Temple, what does this mean? There have been two classic interpretations. One is that this is Jesus' symbolic overturning of the Temple itself, the rejection of the Temple, that is to say the rejection of Judaism... in favor of a new religion that he's about to introduce. Well, that's a wonderful Christian interpretation, of course, but it's entirely anachronistic and entirely inappropriate in the setting if we think about Jesus himself, as a Jew, as a Jewish teacher and a preacher and a man who lived and died in the social community of Judaism. It's much more likely, then, that he's not overturning in the sense of destroying the Temple, he is trying to purify the Temple. He is preparing the Temple for its new, improved, purified state that will come about shortly, in the end of days.... Passover, of course, is a festival of redemption. The time when God set the Israelites free from Egypt a millennia before, and a time when presumably God would yet set them free again. So this is all in anticipation of the great, great redemption of the end time. What we have then is Jesus making the Temple ready for its new role in the end time. He's purifying the Temple. It is then an act which is very much within the confines of Judaism, very much within the confines of the Jewish belief. So it was not an act of political protest? Was overturning the tables of the money changers a political act? Well, of course it's a political act. Everything is a political act. That is to say that somebody who is taking on the status quo, rejecting authority or rejecting the social norms, rejecting social values to some degree. Yes, of course, that's a political act. But by the same token it is a political act which needs to be understood in religious terms. Just to state the obvious, in antiquity, politics and religion cannot be distinguished. We think that these are separate categories because we are the products of the 18th century deistic philosophers who wrote our Constitution and who constructed our political society for us. But in antiquity nobody for a moment thought politics and religion were distinct. And of course, every political act is religious and every religious act is political. THE CLEANSING OF THE TEMPLE Passover in the occupied Jewish homeland was a tinderbox situation because they were celebrating freedom from imperial oppression in Egypt, while they were under imperial oppression from Rome. So, a large number of Jews in a concentrated area would be a very dangerous situation. And we would have to presume at Passover, that there would have to be certain standing orders, let's say, between the Roman Prefect who was in charge and probably came down to Jerusalem for the feasts and the High Priest, who had to collaborate with the Roman Governor, for what to do if anyone causes a riot or incites a riot, or does anything out of order during Passover, especially Passover.... I would consider the incident in the Temple historical. But this is also very delicate because we're inclined to talk about the cleansing of the Temple and we often see it as Christianity judging Judaism. Try and imagine the Temple for what it was. It was both the House of God and the seat of collaboration. It was the High Priest, Caiaphas, who had to collaborate... with the Roman occupation. Now how would Jesus as a Galilean peasant, see the Temple? I think with ferocious ambiguity. On the one had, it was the seat of God and you would die to defend it from, say, a Roman Emperor like Caligula putting a statue in there. But what would you do if it was also the place where Caiaphas collaborated with the Romans? Was the Temple really the house of God anymore? What Jesus does is not cleanse the Temple. He symbolically destroys it.... And what happens following the incident in the Temple? The most difficult thing for us after 2000 years is to bring our imagination down when we're looking at the passion of Jesus. Because we want to think the whole world was watching, or all of the Roman Empire was watching, or all of Jerusalem was watching. I take it for granted there were standing orders between Pilate and Caiaphas about how to handle, lower class especially, dissidents who cause problems at Passover. If it was an upper class person, a very important aristocrat, of course, they would be shipped off to Rome for judgment. That would be handled completely differently. What would happen to a peasant who caused trouble in the Temple and maybe endangered a riot at Passover? Standing orders, I would take it, crucifixion, as fast as possible. Hang him out as a warning. We're not going to have any riots at Passover. That's, I think, what happened to Jesus. What happened in the Temple caused his death. And I don't imagine any, for example as we find in John's gospel, dialogues between Jesus and Pilate. Now, as Jesus hangs on the cross, can we say what was in his mind? Is there any significance in what he said while was hanging on the cross? What scraps of evidence are there that can tell us something about him and how he died? When you say crucifixion, you say immediately two things. Lower class, because the Romans were not in the custom of crucifying upper class. That was too dangerous. People might get ideas when they saw that aristocrats died just like everyone else. So, lower class and subversion. It tells us that Jesus was perceived, at least by his executioners, as a lower class subversive. And that's very important. The details of the last words of Jesus, for example, we're totally in the realm of gospel, and not of history. Mark tells us that Jesus died being mocked and in agony and I think Mark is writing for the experience of people in the 70's who are dying like that and who need the consolation that Jesus had died that way before, feeling abandoned by God. When you come to John, you have a totally different scenario. Jesus dies when he's good and ready. His last words are to fulfill the scriptures. When that is done he gives up his spirit. There is no mockery, of course. There really is no agony. There almost is no pain. These are different gospel visions of the brute historical fact that Jesus would have died in agony on the cross.... SEARCHING THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES Do we have any evidence or any indication of what the disciples must have thought, or what the Jesus movement made of the death of their leader? Did they think they had been following the wrong person?If I could dare to put myself in the mind of those disciples on the day after [the crucifixion], I would think the primary thing in their mind is not, "Are the Romans going to come after us?" but, "Is God going to come after us? Does this mean a divine judgment on Jesus? That he has not spoken for God? That all of this about the Kingdom of God is all wrong... We're lost." I think what they have to do, first of all, is not try and find out information about what happened. That's not the first thing on their mind. Survival, not information, is what's on their mind. The only place they can go, eventually, is into the Hebrew Scriptures, into their tradition, and find out, "Is it possible that the elect one, the Messiah, the righteous one, the Holy One,... is it possible that such a one could be oppressed, persecuted and executed?" They go into the Hebrew Scriptures, and of course, what they find is that it's almost like a job description of being God's righteous one, to be persecuted and even executed. And slowly then, the searching of the Scriptures convinces them that Jesus is still held, as he has always been, in the hands of God.... WHY WAS JESUS KILLED? It's unclear how he actually gets into trouble. He wouldn't have wandered into the crosshairs of the Priests, because compared to how the Pharisees are criticizing the Priests, what Jesus is doing is fairy minimal.... If he had been complaining about the Priests, or criticizing them, or criticizing the way the Temple was being run, this would just [be] business as usual; this is one of the aspects of being a Jew in second Temple Judaism. So it's really quite unclear how he would have gotten into trouble for religious reasons, which are the reasons the gospels are concerned to construct. I think we have to settle firmly on the historical fact that he was crucified and therefore, killed by Rome.... I would prefer, rather than try to invent or import some kind of improbable religious reason for him getting into trouble and then trying to explain how a religious authority could somehow seduce or cajole Pilate into obliging them and executing Jesus, I prefer a simpler hypothesis. To think that he was turned over to Rome because there was a perceived danger, that Pilate, who has a terrible reputation for the way he behaved when he went up to Jerusalem for these pilgrimage holidays, was on the verge of some kind of muscular crowd control. People would get hurt or killed when Pilate felt so moved. And perhaps for this reason Jesus was turned over to Rome, and sure enough, Pilate, consistent with the record we know of him elsewhere, kills Jesus. But Pilate killed lots of people. But, apparently not Jesus' followers. This was different. That's right. Jesus' followers are not rounded up and killed. Only Jesus is killed. That's one of the few firm facts we have about it. What this means, at the very least, is that nobody perceived Jesus as the dangerous political leader of a revolutionary movement. If anybody had thought he was a leader of a revolutionary movement, then more than Jesus, probably, would have been killed.... I think there's some kind of cooperation between the chief priests and Pilate. The chief priests always had to cooperate with Rome because it's their job. They're mediating between the imperial government and the people. Particularly at Passover, which is a holiday that vibrates with this incredible historical memory of national creation and freedom. And there's Rome and the Roman soldiers standing among the colonnade of the Temple looking down at Jews celebrating this. So it's a politically and religiously electric holiday. And it's in this context that Jesus is turned over to Rome, lest there be, I think, some kind of popular activity. The gospels depict him as preaching about the Kingdom of God in the Temple courtyard in the days before Passover. That could be enough. That could be enough right there. What was he saying? I don't know what he was actually saying about the Kingdom of God, but if we can infer from the bits and pieces we have from the gospel stories, and also what we have in Josephus and other Jewish contemporary records of what other Jews are saying about the Kingdom of God, he might have been saying that it was on its way. That it was coming. That perhaps it was even coming that Passover. And we're seeing this now in American culture with certain kinds of fundamentalist forms of Christianity. If you really think the end of the world is at hand, that has a kind of liberating and frantic energy that goes along with it. It's not good for quiet crowds and social stability. And given the emotional and religious tenor of this holiday, anyway, to have somebody preaching that the Kingdom of God was really on its way, perhaps ... within that very holiday... [is]the equivalent of shouting, "Fire!" in a crowded theater. It would be enough to get somebody in trouble. Even if everybody knew perfectly well that he was not a revolutionary leader. Let's go back to Pilate for a moment. Would Jesus have stood out as being special and unique in the eyes of Pilate? Pilate was not a happy choice as Prefect of Judea. He had a reputation as a man who had sticky fingers. In a period where graft and corruption was the prerogative of a provincial official, he still had a high profile as somebody who was corrupt. He had a reputation for executing untried prisoners, for venality and theft.... He's not somebody you'd want to get on the wrong side of. Pilate occasioned riots in Jerusalem. He would get nervous when there were crowds of Jews. And of course he was legally responsible to be up in Jerusalem when it was the most crowded of all. He would leave this very nice, plush, seaside town in Caesarea, which was, you know, a nice pagan city. Plenty of pagan altars. All the stuff he wanted. And had to go up to Jerusalem where all these Jews were congregating and stay there for crowd control until the holiday was over. He was in a bad mood already by the time he got to town. And Passover would fray anybody's nerves. [And] remember in this period, government depends on spies. It's particularly [important] if you're an occupying power. You need to have spies to know what's going on. People reporting came back, "Lookit, there's somebody who's really getting people excited and agitated talking about a Kingdom of God." Pilate doesn't care about theological niceties. Pilate doesn't even care about legal niceties. This is why ... ultimately, he's fired for his corruption and incompetence. Hearing that somebody is a trouble maker would be enough. Boom. He's dead. I think that's probably what happened with Jesus....

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Ohio Prairie Hall of Fame Ohio Prairie Association Ohio Prairie FAQs Ohio Prairies to Visit Ohio Prairie Plants Info Ohio Prairies Each Season Mission & Vision Statements Officers & Board Members Become a Member Prairie Regions of Ohio New Prairie Plant Names Go to OPA Facebook page Persistence of Ohio Prairies 1978 Ohio Prairies Report OPA FAQ Page 2 13. How Much of Ohio Was Prairie Before Europeans Took Over? When Ohio became a state in 1803, at least 2% was open prairie. Some more accurate, recent investigations indicate that about 4% was actual prairie. As the textbooks say, most of Ohio was originally forest, along with many larger wooded wetlands, marshes, and bogs. But significant regions of Ohio had large landscape prairies. At the greatest extent just before settlement, Ohio had about 1700 square miles of prairie (1,088,000 acres) of prairie. The major prairie areas are shown on the The Prairie Regions of Ohio page. 14. If Ohio Prairies Were Destroyed Before 1900, How Can We Be Sure Where They Were? Good question. Fortunately we know about our destroyed prairies from several accurate sources. The first is the written accounts of early settlers. Because the prairies were so different from the Eastern homeland forest areas from which settlers originated, there are many settler accounts of local Ohio prairies from the early 19th century. These historic writings tell about local prairies, noting the animals encountered there, and the hardships (fires, lack of roads, difficult plowing conditions, other harsh wilderness conditions) that prairie settlers faced. The second strong line of evidence about the size and location of Ohio’s prairies comes from the first official land survey records. Before land could be sold in Ohio, it had to be properly surveyed and the survey results filed in a local courthouse or land office. Because Ohio lands were to be purchased primarily by new settlers from the East who were looking for cheap but productive farmland, the early surveyors kept accurate records of the trees and plants they encountered in their surveys. They were careful to mark the borders of a prairie on their surveys because Easterners originally thought that land that couldn’t grow trees (as on a prairie) had to be infertile and therefore probably wouldn’t make a good farm site. Later, it was discovered that the treeless prairies were extremely fertile. Consequently, the old official land records in all parts of Ohio tell the location and sizes of Ohio’s original prairies. Lastly, remnants of these once-great prairies still survive in ditches, along railroad rights-of-way, in old cemetery corners, and other scattered areas still unshaded by trees. Most Ohio prairie plants were never able to scatter and grow beyond their prairie origins, so today, when we notice a patch of prairie coneflower (Ratibida pinnata) or prairie dock (Silphium terebinthinaceum) growing along a rural lane or an abandoned railroad, we can be pretty sure that these are rare survivors of a prairie that once grew in profusion near the site. By putting dots on a map wherever these prairie plant remnants are seen, the resulting map looks just like the prairie maps made from both settlers’ accounts and like maps from surveyors’ records. Although Ohio’s great prairie landscapes are gone forever, we know for sure where they once were. It’s an exciting story. 15. So, Where Were These Great Ohio Prairies? The records indicate that Ohio’s largest prairies were located in eight major areas (although small prairies existed in all parts of Ohio.) These are shown on the map on the The Prairie Regions of Ohio page. • The Oak Openings. In northwest Ohio was the famous Oak Openings prairies and savannas. This region of dry ridges and low wet swales was a mixture of dry sand prairies interspersed with flat wet prairies and dry oak savannas. • The Wood County Black Swamp Wet Prairie. Also in northwest Ohio, in Wood County, was a curious large, flat wet prairie surrounded by the great Black Swamp, a giant elm-ash lake plain swamp forest. The only remnants of this unique prairie now reside in Wood County’s deep ditches that were originally dug to drain the swamp and prairie. • The Castalia - Sandusky Bay Prairie. Further to the east, in Erie and Sandusky Counties, was the Castalia Prairie, a wet fen prairie. Because portions had blocky chunks of tuffa rock, some of the Castalia Prairie was seldom or ineffectively plowed. Consequently, one of Ohio’s finest, intact prairie remnants is the 40-60 acre Castalia Prairie on Northwest Road at the Resthaven Wildlife Area near the village of Castalia. The modern Castalia Prairie remnant retains a number of rare and endangered plants, moths, and other species. The Castalia Prairie, maintained by the Ohio Division of Wildlife at the Resthaven Wildlife Area, is a state natural treasure. • The Firelands Prairie. Nearby, between Bellevue on the southwest, extending northeast to Huron on Lake Erie, was the great Firelands Prairie. The Firelands Prairie was one of the easternmost large prairies in North America. • The Sandusky Plains. To the south, in north central Ohio, was a significant region of prairies, known as the Sandusky Plains. This large area straddles the headwaters of the north-flowing Sandusky and south-flowing Olentangy Rivers. • The Darby Plains. The sixth great Ohio prairie area was the Darby Plains in the counties west of Columbus. Prairies and savannas stretched across several counties that are, today, an extremely fertile agricultural region. Extensive prairie restorations by Columbus Metroparks are returning several areas to large native prairie. Two state nature preserves, the Bigelow and Smith Cemetery Prairies, and a few railroad rights of way give a glimpse of the botanical beauty of the great prairie area. • Adams County (Lexington Plains) Prairies. In the south, near the Ohio River, in hilly Adams County, there are numerous prairie patches and remnants. The Adams County prairies are noted for their abundance of rare and uncommon prairie species. This interesting region is actually a northern extension of the Kentucky bluegrass ecological region south of the Ohio River. • Mad River Prairie Fens. In southwest Ohio, in the greater Dayton area, were a good number of small valley-bottom fen prairies. Along local rivers and creeks there were a number of larger local prairie landscapes. • Other Ohio Prairies. Other prairies, usually small ones, were scattered across the rest of Ohio. In fact, prairie openings in the Eastern forest extended all the way to the Atlantic Ocean. Ohio is the eastern edge of the large landscape prairies of the Midwest, but small prairie areas were found far to the east. 16. How Can We Know What Plants Were On Original Ohio Prairies? Another good question. We have discovered where Ohio’s prairies were. But do we know what they were, what plant species lived there? Yes, we do, by these means. Neither the early surveyors nor the settlers were botanists. Therefore, the early records merely mention “prairy” or “grasses.” The prairie plants were a mystery to those from the forested East. The historical records of Ohio’s early landscapes aren’t much help in determining what prairie grasses and forbs actually grew in the state. But other records do give us a pretty accurate rendering of Ohio’s natural prairie botany. By the end of the 19th century, and well into the 20th, Ohio colleges and universities had botany departments with capable professors and students. These individuals made field collections of local plants and deposited these mounted, dry specimens in college herbaria, repositories of identified, pressed plants. From these many historical records we can determine almost all of the species of plants that once grew in Ohio’s local prairies. For example, in the 1890s a Sandusky High School science teacher, Edwin Lincoln Moseley, frequently took students on all-day field trips to distant parts of Erie County in the northern part of the state. He and his students collected hundreds of plant specimens from forests, marshes, and local prairies, noting the species and locations. E.L. Moseley then compiled this great list of local plants and had it published. There were still many local patches of unplowed prairie, and Moseley’s lists of plants provides an unparalleled picture of the field botany of the great Firelands Prairie once prominent in Erie and Huron Counties. Botanists in other regions of Ohio likewise collected local prairie plant specimens that still survive in historic herbaria. Lastly, rare prairie plant survivors are still being discovered in ditches, along railroads, open woodlot edges, and other isolated spots. Consequently, we have a very accurate listing of what plants lived on Ohio’s prairies. The discovery of these plants, both as inhabitants of the original prairies (from the collected plant records) and also as live remnant populations, has been (and continues to be) a great scientific investigation. Therefore, we now know both where Ohio’s prairies were, and what plants lived on them. 17. What Kinds of Prairie Existed in Ohio? Another good question. A prairie is not just a prairie. There are several distinct types of prairie in North America, and Ohio had examples of most of them. First, the kind of prairie Ohio didn’t have. The great shortgrass prairies of the high plains and regions next to the Rocky Mountains were absent from Ohio. These great grasslands supported the enormous herds of bison (“buffalo”) and the Plains Indians. Rainfall is restricted on these prairies, with just enough (<1 ft, <30 cm) to grow short native grasses. These short grasses are very nutritious and can support large roaming herds of bison. Ohio, however, has too much rainfall for these dry-region grasses. Our prairie grasses were much taller. Ohio didn’t have the kinds of prairies found in Montana, Wyoming, and other Western States. It was too moist for these prairie plants. Ohio’s prairies were tallgrass prairies, prairies that were dominated by two or three species of tall native grasses. The most common of these was the king of the prairie, big bluestem grass. Big bluestem in Ohio grows to 6 - 8 ft or more. Indiangrass is another such grass, followed by switchgrass and prairie cordgrass. So, in general, most of Ohio’s prairies were tallgrass prairies with very tall mature grasses. But prairie ecologists divide the tallgrass prairie into a number of specific kinds, depending on the amount of moisture in the local soil. Two areas may have identical amounts of rainfall, but very different kinds of plants will grow in each. The amount of moisture in soil greatly affects the kinds of plants that will grow on a site. For example, one site may have been flat and wet with heavy clay soil. Nearby could be a rolling site with a sandy soil. Both sites get exactly the same rainfall but will have very different prairie plant communities. Prairies are divided by available soil moisture, in the following categories. Wet (or Hydric) Prairie. A wet prairie experiences lengthy periods of wet or saturated soil. Wet prairies are usually on low or flat sites often with heavy clay soils. Wet prairie plants grow well in these harsh conditions. Wet prairies are often very fertile and always have large amounts of vegetation (biomass). But they tend to have reduced kinds of plants (reduced biodiversity). Wet prairies once covered large areas of Ohio, especially on the flat Lake Plain in the northern counties adjacent to Lake Erie. Mesic Prairie. Mesic (“MEE- zic") prairie grows on soils that are not excessively dry nor excessively moist. Soil moisture is ideally even. Mesic prairie soils are frequently loams, with even amounts of sand, silt, and clay. Mesic prairies have a large number of plant species. Dry (or Xeric) Prairie. Xeric ("ZERR - ic") prairie grows in sand or other dry soils, often on hillsides or other well-drained sites. Because moisture is less available, xeric prairie plants are usually smaller and more widely spaced than those on hydric and mesic sites. But xeric prairies frequently have rare or uncommon plant and animal species. The famous sand prairies of the Oak Openings region west of Toledo are quintessential xeric prairies in Ohio. Then there are two intermediate prairies, sharing some of the qualities and plants of the two adjacent prairie types. Wet-Mesic Prairie. Wet-mesic prairie is intermediate between wet and mesic prairie. A few species of plant prefer wet-mesic prairies. Dry-Mesic Prairie. Dry-mesic prairie is less dry than a xeric prairie, but not as moist as a mesic one. Again, a few species of plants grow particularly well on these prairies. Prairies, then, can be classified by their soil moisture, in this sequence (wet to dry): Wet Prairie – soils very wet for lengthy periods. Wet (or Hydric) Prairie – soils very wet. Wet-Mesic Prairie – soils somewhat wet. Mesic Prairie – soils neither too wet nor too dry. Dry-Mesic Prairie – soils somewhat dry. Dry (or Xeric) Prairie – soils very dry. But this arrangement, based only on soil moisture, fails to identify a few local prairie types that are controlled by other local factors. One important such local prairie is a fen. The word fen comes from Great Britain and Europe where there are landscapes dominated by plants that grow only in wet areas of alkaline or calcareous soils. A number of Ohio wet prairies grow in these soils, the most famous, perhaps, is the Castalia Prairie at the Resthaven Wildlife Area near Castalia, Ohio. Groundwater here rises up through pure limestone and marl (calcium carbonate), making the soil very alkaline (>7pH). A number of very rare prairie species require this wet prairie, fen condition. Many local prairies in southwest Ohio are fen prairies. A few Ohio xeric prairies are so-called “sand barrens,” areas with infertile sand and a reduced number of prairie plant species. Most prairies, even xeric ones, have very fertile soils. Sand barren prairies tend to have infertile soils and support reduced numbers (but very interesting) prairie plant species. Lastly, in steep or hilly parts of Ohio many local prairies are known as “goat prairies.” Goat prairies are apparently called that because only a goat could remain standing in these often rocky, sloped sites. Many of the interesting prairies of Adams County in Ohio’s southern region are goat prairies. Goat prairies may be the only prairies that could survive without frequent fires because they are often on almost vertical, harsh, cliff-side sites where shading trees have a tough time growing to full size. Of course, both sand and goat prairies tend to be dry or dry-mesic prairies. Ohio has a wonderful diversity of prairie types. 18. Is a Savanna a Type of Prairie? Well, yes it is, and no it isn’t. True prairies have few or no trees. Unshaded sunlight dominates the prairie landscape. But some prairie areas are curious mixtures of open prairie and scattered forest trees. These are known as prairie savannas. A savanna is generally defined as a prairie area with scattered trees (usually oaks) that allow unshaded sunlight to fall between the widely spaced trees. Beneath each tree, however, the prairie can be quite shaded, creating a varying sequence of shaded to unshaded habitats. Savannas are dominated by scattered oaks, usually of the following species. The classic savanna oak (on wet-mesic, mesic, and dry-mesic sites) is the famous bur oak, Quercus macrocarpa. Also on similar sites can be the great white oak, Quercus alba. Black oaks, Quercus velutina, are common savanna oaks on dry and dry-mesic soils. On wetter sites the swamp white oak, Quercus bicolor, can sometimes be found in a savanna setting. Prairie savannas are important and exceptionally rare environments, some of the rarest in the world. The Oak Openings region west of Toledo has some of the world’s finest prairie savanna habitats, with a large number of rare or endangered plants and animals. Prairie savannas should be specially treasured. Prairie savannas are special places where ecological forces are in centuries-long conflict. As noted at the beginning, a prairie that is not frequently burned soon becomes overgrown and crowded out by shrubs and trees. But in a few areas, usually on lighter, drier soils, fires did not occur with annual frequency. Fires were frequent enough to retard shading by shrubs and brush, but not frequent enough to stop the growth of scattered oak trees. Oaks (and one or two species of hickories) are well-adapted to fire. Most young sapling trees are killed by a prairie fire. And so are oak seedlings if the fires occur almost annually (as they did when Native Americans lived in Ohio). But if prairie fires in dry and dry-mesic areas are slightly less frequent, with occasional fire-free intervals of, perhaps, 10-20 years, then seedling oaks can grow tall enough that the flames of a prairie fire can’t kill all of the limbs. Oak trees, especially those that grow in savannas, have thick, insulating bark, and withstand much hotter fires than other tree species. Oaks are the best-able trees to withstand fires, and therefore in sandy dry prairie areas, where the prairie vegetation isn’t as dense as on wetter sites (has less fuel), oaks can begin to invade the prairie and survive with less frequent fires. After oaks reach 25 ft or more, the heat of a surrounding prairie fire only kills off the lower branches. The tree survives. A savanna is created. If the fires cease altogether, however, new young oaks will start growing densely. In a few short years, the former prairie or open savanna will become a shaded oak forest. This interplay of fire and shade on the prairie savanna makes this rare environment unique and ecologically entrancing. Savannas are special interfaces between the open, sunlit prairie and the fully shaded, tree-canopied forest. Savannas share characteristics of both the forest and the prairie, but in interesting ways unique to this special environment. 19. Weren’t Most Ohio Prairie Fires Set Naturally By Lightning, Not Humans? A lot of people think so. They are certain that most natural landscape fires in prehistoric Ohio were touched off by lightning, not by humans. They believe this simply because they don’t think Native Americans had any reason to set wild landscapes on fire, and because they still believe that frequent wildland fire is ultimately destructive. This may descend from the European view of America’s “noble savages,” a perception that Native Americans were never contaminated with the destructive ideas of European life. It is commonly believed that Native Americans always lived in perfect natural harmony with their environment, and in modern western eyes, the frequent setting of wildland fires doesn’t fit with this idealistic (but unsubstantiated) view. Frankly, there is no evidence whatsoever that Native Americans refrained from setting frequent landscape fires in presettlement Ohio. On the contrary, there is overwhelming evidence that natives set fire to virtually all landscapes that would support fire. Only areas that were wet were spared. What is the evidence of frequent, human-set landscape fires? First, we turn again to the earliest written records of Ohio landscapes. Virtually every record of Ohio’s early forests (early 19th century and before) tell of our great forests. But the descriptions of these don’t match with modern forests – and not because modern forests have been logged, either. Early Ohio forest descriptions tell, of course, of the great size of the trees. These great trees could not be harvested without iron tools, unavailable to early Native Americans. Naturally, trees were of great size. But tree size is not an indication of the presence or absence of frequent fire. The absence of fire is indicated by the presence of brush and small trees between the large, mature trees. In virtually every modern Ohio forest (where fires have been absent for decades), the ground layer is covered by low shrubs, brush, vines, and sapling trees. One can often see only a few hundred feet into a modern forest because of the thick, low brush. This modern condition is seldom, if ever, described in early Ohio forest accounts. Early Ohio forests are frequently described as absent of low brush. The forest floors were said to be open, park-like and easily traversed. They this could be arranged only by frequently burning the leaves on the forest floor. But couldn’t lightning have set these forest-floor leaf fires? It could, but only rarely. If lightning-caused forest leaf fires were common, then today’s forests would look like early Ohio forests. They don’t because neither humans nor lightning frequently ignite modern Ohio forests. Without fire, forest-floor brush continues to choke the modern forest. Native Americans abhorred this brush because it made walking difficult. Like it or not, Native Americans frequently burned Ohio’s landscapes, even the forested ones. But the greatest fires, of course, were the prairie fires. Annual fall or spring leaf fires had low flames that moved slowly across the forest floor, killing brush and small trees, leaving the large trees unharmed. But prairie fires were very hot, quick, and fast-moving. What is the evidence that humans set these areas on fire? The best evidence is that there were large prairie landscapes in Ohio. The undeniable truth is that any unburned (or un-mowed) Ohio prairie will in a decade or so become brush-shaded and lost. Fires are essential factors in the maintenance of prairies in high-moisture areas such as Ohio. If there was a natural prairie, there was frequent fire. Otherwise, the prairie became shaded and lost to brush and forest. But still, why didn’t natural lightning keep Ohio’s prairies sufficiently burned? That’s the crucial question to ask anyone who contends that Ohio prairie fires were a result of lightning, not humans. The question is, “What is the evidence that natural lightning was the major cause of Ohio prairie fires?” No such evidence has ever been presented. Still, many conveniently attribute Ohio prairie fires to lightning, mostly because they have no reason to believe that Native Americans would have done this. But, they did. Again, what is the evidence? It is this. All Ohio fire departments are required to report to the state fire marshal the cause, size, location, type, and other information on every fire responded to in Ohio. Consequently, an examination of the state database on reported wildland fires will reveal their locations and dates. This has been done (the analyzed data are too lengthy to include here), and the modern lightning-set wildland fire data show that today there are never enough lightning-caused wildfires to maintain Ohio’s prairies. For example, most of Ohio’s lightning occurs during the “green” months, in late spring, summer, and early fall, when prairies are green and actively growing. Anyone who has tried to burn a prairie during this period knows that even setting such a fire is difficult, and getting it to spread further into the green prairie is slow and uncertain. Green grass doesn’t burn well, even if it’s 6 ft tall. Real prairie fires, ones that kill brush and seedling trees, occur either in late fall, after the vegetation is somewhat dry, or in March or April when prairie vegetation has almost completely dried and is very flammable. The fire marshal lightning fire data simply show that very little ground-touching lightning occurs in Ohio when prairies could be easily set afire. There is no reason to believe that lightning occurs less frequently today than it did several hundred years ago. Lastly, unlike in the Rocky Mountains where “dry” lightning is well known, Ohio lightning is commonly accompanied by drenching rain. Even if Ohio prairies were occasionally touched by fire from the sky, the concomitant rain would have extinguished any fire spread. In summary, the only way prairies could have existed for 5000 years or so in Ohio was for them to be frequently set afire by human beings. Without the fires, Ohio’s great forests would have soon over-shaded the sun-dependant prairies. But human-set fires retarded forest expansion into the prairie, and also provided deer-attracting areas that could be easily “hunted” by the fires themselves. Dry lightning in dry environments, when prairies can be burned in late fall and early spring, simply doesn’t occur often enough to maintain large prairie landscapes in the Buckeye State. Ohio prairies were therefore anthropogenic, human-caused. Ohio prairies are a valuable, direct natural legacy of Ohio's great Native Americans. Native Americans didn't just live on Ohio's prairies, they created and maintained them.

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U.S. Civil War History & Genealogy Gettysburg Ghost Stories I WE ARE NOT ALONE On a cloudy day not very long ago, Joseph and Martha, alluded by previous visits to the Gettysburg battlefield, again made the trip. As with many others, they could not seem to get enough of the place and were drawn back repeatedly. They looked forward to each visit, learning new and interesting anecdotes each time. However, on that cool and cloudy fall day, Joseph and Martha were about to embark on a journey of lifetime. Their day started the same as all the others, excited about the visit. They were enjoying a leisurely day of browsing and getting acquainted with new parts of the battlefield of Gettysburg. Although they have been close to the Wheatfield before, they never walked it nor read the markers. Joseph and Martha paused long enough to read a tablet describing gruesome accounts of the battle on the Wheatfield. That field on July 2,1863 was turned into what they have described as a 'Whirlpool of death' in the late afternoon. The battle raged for two and a half hours as the Confederates under General James Longstreet attempted to crush the line held by the Union troops. Each side held the field at different times, six to be exact. As Longstreet's men forced the assault, the Union sent in reinforcements, pushing back the Confederates. Men on both sides took what little shelter they could find in that open field-- the 'stony-hill and stone wall providing defenses for some. Still, with each renewed attack men fell wounded and killed in the valiant assault. At about 6:30 p.m. the Confederates began to surround the Wheatfield resulting in the Federals falling back. Pools of blood were on the field, along with the wounded, dead and dying. At the end of the day, General Longstreet's Confederates were victorious and held the Wheatfield. Now that Joseph and Martha had a better understanding of the terrible loss of life that took place in front of them, they continued their walk onto the field with a solemn attitude. With a slight chill in the air and overcast skies, the battlefields had very few visitors that day. As they walked the hallowed-ground of the Wheatfield, they could not help but notice they were alone. " What a difference between today and that ill-fated day of July 1863," Martha remarked.. " Back then, this field was packed full of desperate soldiers and today only the two of us." They continued their walk to the first New York Light Artillery Battery D monument. They stood there looking at the impressive monument with its bronze cannon leaning against a spoked wheel. Martha was talking about the monument when she abruptly stopped in the middle of a sentence looked at Joseph. Simultaneously, both suddenly had a strange feeling someone was behind them. Quickly turning around, what they did NOT see startled the frightened couple even more nobody was there. The first words coming out of Joseph's and Martha's mouths were identical--- "WE ARE NOT ALONE!!" For those that are skeptical, I would suggest taking a walk in the Wheatfield, preferably after dark and alone, and see if you do not get a bone chilling feeling. THE BEAT OF A DISTANT DRUMMER The battle of Gettysburg on July 3,1863, became known as The High Water Mark of the Confederacy. At 1:00 in the afternoon, General Lee, in an attempt to crush General Meade's troops, chose to attack dead center into the Union forces, then on Cemetery Ridge. Trying to break the Union battle lines, Lee instructed his massed artillery to open fire on the unsuspecting men, sending a barrage of deadly shells into their foes. To this, the union soldiers answered with their own lethal volley in a punishing manner. The exchange of artillery fire continued for some time. However, because of the limited vision caused by the powder darkened skies, Lee's attempt to soften the Union lines was mostly inconsequential. When the guns ceased, General Lee instructed General Longstreet to begin the mass assault on the Union position. The famed General George Pickett was directed to send his 15,000 Confederates into the center of the Union Line in a desperate attempt to break, and ultimately win the three day battle. The men marched a mile across the field, each step of the way being bombarded with shot and shell, and when within range, fired upon by volleys of musketry. With dead and wounded rapidly littering the field, the men desperately fought their way forward. The effort was in vain, for only a few could reach the Union line before being driven back. In about an hour it was all but over, there on the bloodstained field were 10,000 casualties. After Pickett's charged failed, the battle was over and for Meade, a decisive victory. For many reenactors, walking Pickett's Charge is an honor and done in memory of those who died in that futile attempt more than a hundred and thirty years ago. Each person has his or her own reason, but for Mike and Dan, they wanted to experience what it felt like just to walk that same battlefield. However, they would ' experience' more than just a feeling. On a cool day, Mike and Dan decided it would be a good time to walk the field, and after an early breakfast, drove to the Virginia monument. The sun had just begun to rise and the battlefield was void of any people, perfect for contemplating on the war dead, as they would walk. As Mike and Dan started their stroll, they tried to imagine what was going through the minds of the thousands of Confederates as they face sure devastation. As hard as they tried, they could not come close to the frightful sight witnessed by the soldiers under Pickett's command. Slowly continuing across the field, they stopped about a third of the way when both said it seemed as if an energy was all around them. They looked around and still were the only people on the desolate field. Mike and Dan heard of people experiencing a certain unexplainable " feeling", yet until then had never personally had it happen to them. Unsure of what was happening, they continued walking, trying to understand the unknown source of energy. When about half way across Pickett's Charge, Dan stopped again, turned to Mike and said, " Listen do you hear that? " Listening intently, he heard nothing until a few steps later, then he heard it too. They could hear the faint beating of a drum, the same beat heard as troops march. Thinking it strange, they concluded other reenactors must have been some where close by, also visiting the battlefield in the early morning hour. They again looked around as before, not a soul was within their sight. Not overly concerned, Mike and Dan resumed their walk, only to be stopped again by the sound of drums, this time louder. Now troubled by the unexplained event, they came up with several possibilities trying to ease their minds. Satisfied that the sound was coming from a distance and carried to them, they started walking. Just when they thought they had the logical answer, the drumming started again, louder than before. Thinking other reenactors playing their drums were getting closer, they could not understand why they could not see them yet. The drumbeats continued to get louder, just as if the drummers were approaching Mike and Dan, still, they could see nobody. By now, the mysterious beating of drums baffled the two men. As they stood as still as statues, they heard the drums increase in volume to such an extent, they believed the sound to be coming from a few feet away! They did not speak or move as the phantom drumbeats continued, apparently moving in the direction of the Union side. Mike and Dan stood there, nervous and trembling, hearing the drum beats passby, then the sound continually diminished until finally they could no longer hear it. After the initial shock of the unexplained event, Mike and Dan are forever convinced that they had witnessed first hand a supernatural event. REENACTING THE PAST Gettysburg draws many Civil War reenactors to the town and surrounding battlefield, but why? Perhaps because it was the site of one of the most famous battles in American history, or, could it be the close connection between reenactors and the spirit world? We may never know, but what we do know is that uneven proportions of reenactors have strange encounters and sightings with their counterparts of the past. Several of these stories recently reported follow. A couple of uniformed Civil War reenactors were taking in the sights on the battlefield when they decided to visit Big Round Top. They were driving at low speed, with the windows rolled down to allow the best view of the area, making an occasional stop. They crossed Emmitsburg Road and went on at low speed still taking in the sights, when they heard soft voices in conversation. At first they thought it was the radio but soon discovered it was off. They had a strange desire to find where the voices were coming from and, consequently, believing the sounds to be from a nearby picnic area, drove into it. Once in the picnic area they found nothing --not a soul to be found. The two men, confused and questioning their own minds, continued their journey to Big Round Top. Reports of people hearing voices, cannon shots, muskets, and noises of all description, only to find there is no source for the unexplained sounds, are common occurrences on the battlefield. The next time you hear an unexplained sound while on the battlefield with no visible origin, you might ask yourself, " Do I just hear extraneous noises, or could I be listening to a supernatural experience?" Two reenactors dressed in their Civil War apparel, ventured into the Triangular Field wanting to get a first hand look at the locality. As they passed through the gate and started down the slope of the field, they talked and looked around at the view. Nobody else was in the area, or at least, they saw nobody. All the two men could heard was the muffled noise of distant traffic. Soon they were half way down the slope into the field and could no longer hear the traffic. Now what they heard was the distinct firing of cannons and the beating of drums. A quick look around for the origin of the sounds showed nothing but the emptiness of the Triangular Field, void of any other human beings. The two men both agreed that what they had just experienced was an unearthly visit from the past. Not knowing why it had occurred, the reenactors, as they vacated the field, left a token cigarette on a rock inside the gate for the unseen apparitions. In the evening around 8:30, two reenactors, fully dressed in their sharpshooter uniforms, ventured up the hill to the top of Little Round Top. Because of the time of year, darkness had already set in and the two men were equipped with only a lantern to guide their way. Looking around some, they made their way to the top of the 44th New York Monument to extend their somewhat limited view. One man at first looked to his left, then forward, and finally to his right in the direction of Governor K Warren's vigilant statue. Governor K. Warren was the Union officer who, during the Battle of Gettysburg, went atop Little Round top because it offered a good view of the area to observe enemy actions. While up on the ridge, Warren spotted the Confederates and then was searching for his union soldiers. The men walked toward the Warren statue, stopping near the boulder with the Signal Corps Memorial Tablet. As one of the reenactors looked at Warren's statue, he was frozen with fright when, to his astonishment, Warren's head shifted twice, looking toward the stunned man. Thinking he was "seeing things," he quickly told his friend to look at the Warren statue again, the head shifted, looking toward the dazed reenactors. After the two men witnessed the same occurrence, they immediately left, walking briskly away, almost running down the path from Little Round Top. Remember, the two men were outfitted in Union uniforms- is this the spirit of Governor K Warren still looking for his Union soldiers? EVIL IN THE TRIANGLE Until the time they visited the battlefield of Gettysburg, most people never experience ghost or the supernatural. Yet, once introduced to those fields of violent deaths, many people experience feelings never before felt. For some, it is extended past the point of feelings and they hear unexplainable sounds, voices, and, the most chilling of all, witness obscure apparitions.. Who are these people? They come from all walks of life, construction workers, lawyers, doctors, clerks, clergy and truck drivers, just to name a few. Neither age nor gender makes a difference. For many, the story is the same or very similar, reporting their first time encounters. Probably the most frequently heard statement is, " I got a strange feeling on the battlefield." Most have no idea what that feeling means, still, they believe it has something to do with supernatural forces surrounding Gettysburg. Some people, on visiting the battlefield, have a strong feeling of déjà vu, the sensation of being in that spot before, thought its their first time there. A good example would be General Patton, of World War 2 fame, known to have said on several occasions, " I've been here before, " as he walked ancient battlefields. For some people it goes beyond the déjà vu stage, having powerful feelings of being killed in the battle of Gettysburg. Still others find they are troubled in certain spots on the battlefield, some so much so they are physically unable to go near specific areas. With thousands of people visiting Gettysburg each year, many never experience anything out of the ordinary or have any desire to return. On the other hand, many are moved by their experience in Gettysburg and unexplainably keep returning to the hallowed ground. When asked why they return, one answer often heard is, "I don't know why, I can't explain it, there's just something about Gettysburg that makes me want to come back." Some say because of the thousands of soldiers dying so traumatically and quickly, their spirits remain where they died, unable to make the transition to the other side. For these souls, they are still fighting the Battle of Gettysburg- a haunting reminder of another world. Although it is impossible to know the exact number of people's encounters with the unexplainable in Gettysburg, particular sections or areas have high frequencies of occurrences. When one studies the reports, it becomes evident that those areas were witness to heavy destruction with a tremendous amount of loss of life. One of these places is the Triangular Field. On July 2, 1863 around 4 p.m., Robertson's Brigade of Longstreet's Corps arrived on the field, advancing against Union positions. Later, the 4th and 5th Texas assisted, attacking Little Round Top until dark. Following is just a sampling of the many experiences people have had while at the area of the battlefield known as the Triangular field. A CONFUSED AIR Recently, Charlie and Linda made one of their treks to Gettysburg, anticipating another enjoyable visit. The day happened to be pleasant, partly cloudy and mild. They spent some time in town, going through many establishments, browsing and purchasing an occasional item. After that, they decided to take a leisurely tour of the battlefield, with no particular target in mind just drive aimlessly around. They slowly drove along the peaceful roads, often stopping to walk out to a monument or marker. Charlie remarked that although he has been on the battlefield often, he constantly sees more monuments previously unknown to him. They are simply amazed at the vast number and variety of monuments found at Gettysburg Battlefield. Charlie and Linda stopped at some popular spots; Devil's Den, Little Round Top, and the High Water Mark. As expected, they were enjoying a relaxing and pleasurable tour, as they randomly moved across the battlefield. Until this time, neither Charlie nor Linda had ever had any unusual experience of any kind associated with the spiritual world. This would soon change. While walking part of the High Water Mark, Charlie suggested they go to the Triangular Field. He did not know why, he just knew he wanted to go there. They finished walking the High Water Mark, entered their car and continued their leisurely journey parking near the Triangular Field. As they walked into the field, Charlie remembered what he had read about the struggle that took place there. Walking farther, they remembered the pain and suffering that went on during that terrible time, and soon began to get strange feelings. Both told each other about the peculiar feeling they were experiencing. If only one had experienced it, it would not have been too serious, however, with both affected the same way, they knew something out of the ordinary was taking place. Reluctantly, they continued, drawn forward by some unknown force. Charlie happened to have with him a police scanner, on, but with the volume turned down. Oblivious to the scanner, Linda and Charlie were more tuned-in to the strange feeling coming over them, than the muffled sounds emitted by the electronic device. They took a few more steps when the sounds of the scanner got their attention. For some unknown reason, the volume increased dramatically, then as quickly, returned to its previous setting. Temporarily forgetting the Triangular Field, Charlie's attention was directed to the malfunctioning scanner, checking the battery connections or any other obvious potential problem. Everything checked out ok and no sooner did he lift his head away, than the scanner again blurted loud sounds. He listened intently and to his surprise, heard channels coming in that were not designed for the scanner, not one but many! They could not believe what they were hearing. The scanner acting erratic and weird was as if was possessed, with no control whatever over the inner workings. Charlie and Linda looked at the scanner, then each other, and without so much as a word, turned about-face and left the field. Once back to their car, Charlie tried the scanner- it worked perfectly! They had no doubt in their mind that they crossed paths with a powerful force from another dimension. For another person, the Triangular Field would provide a memory in her mind she would never forget. Most encounters with the ghost are of a nonphysical nature, usually just hearing or perhaps even seeing a phantom. However, occasionally people have been known to be touched by a ghost. Such was the case of a young woman, Kelly, as she ventured onto the battlefield. It was not the first time she was on the battlefield, but for Kelly, it was the first time she ever encountered any abnormal experience. It was just another typical day at Gettysburg and a group of people, including Kelly, chose to walk the battlefield at night. What began as an entertaining filled trip onto the field was to take a bizarre turn for the unsuspecting Kelly. The small group of people walked onto the Triangular Field in the dark of the night, allured by the unknown. As they walked along, they told jokes about the ghosts and sarcastically dared them to show their faces. They chuckled and giggled, half-serious about the ghost appearing, still taunting. Kelly and the others were close enough to hear and see each other, but not close enough to touch. Walking deeper into the Triangular Field, Kelly could see the others several yards away. She was listening to one of her group tell stories about the dead found on the field, when suddenly and without warning, someone grabbed her by the hair, jerking her head back. She let out a frightful scream, quickly turning to see the culprit, however, much to her surprise, no one was there. Her head ached after the pull, bringing tears to her eyes. The others ran over to her, none saw anything in the area. For Kelly, the Triangular Field will forever hold a haunting memory and reminder that there are powerful and unexplainable force lingering on that bloodstained ground IF LOOKS COULD KILL Both during and after the filming of Gettysburg, scores of reenactors were drawn to the mystique of the battlefield. Of these, there have been many with frequent reports of unusual occurrences, ranging from strange sounds and smells, to actually seeing illogical visions. One explanation is, because reenactors customarily dress in uniforms while visiting the battlefield, the spirits see them as familiar or " one of the boys." These sightings or visualizations happen more than have been reported. Many remain untold simply because the person or persons involved do not think people will believe them, or possibly they feel what they saw was just their imagination. Yet of the many reports, the main subject seems to be soldiers, Confederate and Union, randomly appearing day or night on all parts of the battlefield. This is not unusual when one considers the immensity of the battle. On July 1, 2 and 3, 1863, more men died at Gettysburg than any other battle on this continent upwards of 50,00 dead and wounded. With so many souls suffering horrifying deaths, is it any wonder so many people make contact with apparitions. One of these reports occurred several years ago during July to a group of Confederate reenactors portraying a Virginia infantry unit. The group consisted of five men, gathered with thousands of others for a once in a-lifetime event, the 130th anniversary reenactment of the Battle of Gettysburg. The Virginia group set up camp along with other reenactors, partaking in a variety of living history events, sightseeing, and just plain having fun. The third day, they had a very long day, filling every minute with as much excitement as possible. They knew soon they would have to leave Gettysburg, perhaps never again to return, As the evening approached, the Virginia group, still dressed in their Confederate uniforms, left their campsite to once again tour the battlefield, soon arriving at Devil's Den. They had all been there several times and suggested walking up to Little Round top, to which they quickly agreed, hoofing up the paths. Once up the hill they decided they should not miss the area of the 20th Maine charge before parting, and shortly were walking through the woods. As they walked, examining everything in sight, they commented on the bizarre feeling they were getting in the densely wooded section of the hill. It was twilight with patches of fog in the vicinity, when one man thought he saw something ahead. Sure enough, out of the fog emerged three Confederate soldiers with forbidding looks on their faces, dressed in ragged and torn uniforms. The Virginia reenactors all stopped and watched curiously as the three Confederates approached, none speaking, just examining the reenactors. When the three were close enough, the Virginia men, thinking they were also reenactors, asked with what group they were. No response. They thought they did not hear and again asked the same question, but again, no response . The three mysterious men, now only several feet from the group, stopped momentarily to observe the reenactors, then walked off. Quite bewildered, the Virginia group watched as the three Confederates walked into the fog, even more astonished when the soldiers vanished. A few of the reenactors quickly ran to the spot they last saw the three men, but not a trace of any of them was to be found. The Virginians dumbfounded, looked at each other for confirmation on what they had just witnessed. They concluded that they were visited by three phantom Civil War soldiers. The reenactors believe that, after being scrutinized, the apparitions were satisfied they were no threat to the Confederacy, and continued on their timeless vigilant journey, back into their clandestine world. A THIRST FOR THE UNKNOWN As the sun rose and burned off the lingering fog, another day in Gettysburg began. Among a group of tourists were a young man and woman, Mark and Linda, dressed in Civil War clothes. They got an early start and visited many battlefield sites, like Little Round Top, Devils Den, and the Wheatfield, on that hot summer day. Absolutely enchanted by the monuments and places of century old carnage, they could not bring themselves to leave. They stopped only briefly for quick snacks and cold drinks to help alleviate the punishing heat furnished by the unforgiving sun. Soon, Mark and Linda found the day was almost consumed, as it was already late in the evening with very little sunlight remaining. Still thirsty from the days relentless heat, Mark took a drink from the bottle of soft drink he purchased earlier, but found it to be warm and undrinkable, so he told Linda they should go back to Town. Driving through the battlefield, however, they were impelled to make just one more stop before leaving-- the High Water Mark. So drawn to, and impressed by that spellbinding area, Mark wanted a keepsake of the moment. Therefore, he directed Linda to sit and pose upon a caisson while he took a photograph. As he focused his camera to take the picture, he noticed a very dark unrecognizable image behind Linda. Thinking a person's shadow or reflective glare caused the image, Mark slightly moved the camera and began to refocus. To his utter astonishment, the image now took the shape of a man mounted on a horse. As Mark watched through his lens during that instant of time, the man dismounted and the image just as quickly disappeared. Mark still shaken by the incident tried to finish taking the picture but found the camera inoperable. Having another camera in his car, Mark quickly retrieved it, hoping to get another glimpse of the phantom horseback rider. This time, as he looked through the lens and snapped the shutter, he could see Linda as before, however, no other figure appeared in the scene. As they talked about what had just happened with disbelief, Mark, now thirstier than before, needed to quench his thirst. For some strange unexplained reason, he felt compelled to stop yet again at the nearby Cushing monument. Linda was leading the way as she stepped on something in her path, then Mark following, stepped on the same object stopping briefly to kick it out of the way. After viewing the Cushing monument, they returned the way they came, using the same route, and again stepped on the same object Mark kicked aside minutes earlier. Thinking it was a tin can, Mark this time wanted to pick the object up and dispose of it when, to his amazement, saw it was a rusted Civil War canteen. Mark and Linda are convinced, to this day, that the apparitions of the man dismounting the horse, and the Civil War canteen mysteriously appearing in their path, were supernatural. They believe a spirit from the battle of Gettysburg attempted to come to the aid of Mark, seeing him as perhaps, a thirsty soldier, on that blistering hot summer day, over one hundred and thirty years later. If you are interesting in receiving the Weekly Fireside, a newsletter we publish each week, please send your email address to [email protected]. You DO NOT have to be a subscriber to AOL to receive our newsletter. 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Ballet Vs. Danza: Often times when words are translated from Spanish into English, much of the meaning gets watered down or lost. From my understanding, in the Spanish language the words carry a depth to them and implied meaning that just doesn't carry over into the English language very well. It takes a whole lot of explanation to convey the meaning behind Spanish words. So as I study and research folklorico in the English language, I think that a lot of the information is vague because we just don't capture the understanding and differentiate between terminology very well. Therefore, it gets challenging to gain an accurate and thorough understanding at times. This week's post looks at one such example. As I have been researching on the web, several terms for Mexican folk dancing have popped up. Everything from the basic "folklorico" to "ballet folklorico", "danza folklorica", "baile folklorico", "danza folclorica", "folklorico de Mexico" and so on. Oftentimes, the articles are the same, just one is in English and the other in Spanish, sharing the same pictures and information. So I assume it is common practice to interchange the different terms and still mean the same thing. Yet, I believe there are some distinguishing differences. In the United States, however, I believe all Mexican folk dancing in general gets lumped into the classification of folklorico or ballet folklorico. As I starting mingling in folklorico circles, I began to hear the terminology of "ballet folklorico" and "danza folklorica." I was asked on occasion, "Is your group ballet or danza?" Hmmm. What's that all about? Time to investigate. Wow, did that ever open a can of worms! Let's begin with some basic literal translation. The Spanish word baile is translated as "dance" (noun). The Spanish word danza is translated as "dance or baile" (noun). The Spanish term el ballet is translated as "ballet" (noun). So el ballet is a type/style of baile or danza, yet often I see baile and ballet used the same. To complicate the matter further, danza folklorica or danza folclorica is translated as "folk dance". Baile folklorico is also translated as "folk dancing". Ballet Folklorico is defined as "folkloric ballet". Yet in English, the terms Ballet Folklorico and Danza Folklorica, seem to be interchangeable as, while looking up specific explanations and definitions on them in English, Danza Folklorica was defined as Ballet Folklorico. A bit confusing to say the least. So this launched a quest for obtaining a better understanding. There are numerous resources on the web that give their definitions and philosophies on folklorico. With so many opinions and interpretations it makes it difficult to come to any definitive conclusion. There are multiple ideologies on the subject. Here are some of the definitions of ballet folklorico I've come across. What is ballet folklorico specifically? Here are some answers: - Ballet Folklorico is the style of dance pioneered and founded by Amalia Hernandez in the 1950's. Some believe that her style is the only true ballet folklorico. Some resources also imply that there are only a few true ballet folklorico groups in the entire world. These articles also state that Mexican folk dances are non-changing, although culture changes and choreography my be updated, the dances themselves do not change. Any alteration to the original ballets gets classified as modern or interpretive dances rather than Ballet Folklorico. - Wikipedia states a couple of unique characteristics of what ballet or baile folklorico is: "A good rule of thumb is if the woman raises her hands about her head (thus showing her legs), it is folklorico." Another is, "Baile folklorico, literally, "folkloric dance" in Spanish, is a collective term for traditional Latin American dances that emphasize local folk culture with ballet characteristics - pointed toes, exaggerated movements, highly choreographed." and "Baile folklorico differs from danzas and regional bailes. "Folk dances", that is, "dances that you will find in the villages, not on stage."" (More on that in the next section) and lastly, "Folk dance of Mexico (Spanish - baile folklorico) covers a wide range of dance forms that evolved from the Spanish conquest of the Aztec Empire to about 1750." - More generalized definitions of ballet folklorico include, "Dances performed from Mexico." and "Mexican folk dancing, especially a program or repertoire of such dancing." and yet another, "stunning and culturally rich dances that display the colorful heritage of Mexico and traditionally have been a way of honoring the Mexican culture." Three Forms of Mexican Folk Dance "The first is 'danza', which is an indigenous ritual dance, performed in religious or community settings. The second category of Mexican folk dance forms, is 'mestizo', which showcases the western influences on the indigenous dance, in either steps or the theme. The 'bailes regionales' or the regional dances, are a manifestation of the dance form by each community. This is usually presented in community or theatrical performances." Another resource, ebfedance.org, states this about the three forms: "There are three major Mexican folkloric dance traditions: Danza: Danzas are indigenous dances generally religious/spiritual in nature, and mostly performed in ritual and community settings. Mestizo: Metizos are indigenous dances that reflect European influences in steps, theme, instrumentation and costuming, or some combination of these influences. They also are generally religious in nature. Bailes regionales: Bailes regionales are the type with which most people are familiar. Most dances presented by ballet folklorico groups in the United States and Mexico are bailes regionales. The dances, social in origin, are presented in community and theatrical performances. They reflect the rich cultural heritage and unique characteristics of the regions they represent." A third resource also follows the same pattern of classifications. Here is what dance.lovetoknow.com states: "Danza - the native ritual dance used for religion and community. Mestizo - Western-influenced dance that has been combined with indigenous form, which is the type of dancing usually presented at Mexican Independence Day celebrations, and other festivals and holidays. Bailes Regionales are regional dances that are created by individual communities. As a tourist in Mexico, you will often find these in community theater and dance studio performances." Just from these three resources you can see that there is some variation to the definitions of the terms. And if that isn't confusing enough, there are a plethora of dance terms that break down the dances themselves into categories such as polkas, waltzes, chostize or "schottische" and so on. So basically, I have concluded that there are the broad general umbrella terms of "Ballet Folklorico" or "Danza Folklorica". Then you have the sub-categories of danza, mestizo and bailes regionales. Under the sub-categories come all the sub-sub categories of more specific dances. OMG! How do you see it? One maestro stated this, "Danzas are traditional dances/movements that were executed by the native indigenous people to celebrate the day of their patron saint, the coming of the harvest, a religious offering to obtain a wish from a certain deity, or a simple way to celebrate a specific event. Danzas date back long before the Spanish conquest. Bailes in Mexican folklore are dances that were imported mostly from Europe and different parts of the world. They came to Mexico with a certain technique and rules that had to be followed in order to execute them. Danzon and the Polka being perfect example of it. Mexico has a tremendous influence from many countries around the world, however, the styles of dances that we inherited had specific steps, counts, and movements that had to be done to be considered authentic. Danzas are more of a lyrical expression of the people. It is their way to express a certain feeling through movement and dance." TAKING IT A STEP FURTHER: So far we've explored the text book definitions and explanations. I want to return to the question, "Are you ballet or danza?" or "Is your group ballet or danza?" What is really meant by these questions? What are they truly asking and wanting to know? It's funny how the meaning of terms change in modern vernacular. American society loves to reinvent and reassign meaning to words. As society changes, so does its vocabulary. What once meant one thing, now means something else. For example, the word "gay." Take a moment to catch your breathe. I can hear several of you saying, "I can't believe he went there!" Allow me to explain. There was a time in history that gay meant "joyously happy." However, in modern society, it needs no further explanation. We all agree the meaning has changed. Or has it? I wonder if the terms ballet and danza might also be taking on new meaning or implication in dance terminology. As I was doing my text book research, I came across two interesting pieces of information. One was an article, another was a classification. The article was about some ballet photos that had been apparently tagged or labelled as danza in the media. The tone of the article seem to suggest that this was potentially offensive. It carried an air of disgust. As if danza is somehow beneath ballet. The article expressed that the dancers were good sports about it and were not offended; however, they had every right to be! The second piece of information I came across was a classification. One resource listed ballet folklorico as [fine] "art." The same resource listed danca folklorica as [dance] "sport." So is danza folklorica like Mexican "Zumba" now? I realize that competitive ballroom dancing is classified as a sport and can be seen time to time on sports television network channels. Also, The International Olympic Committee recognizes competitive ballroom dancing now. But the classification of "sport" seems to separate it from being "art". This whole idea of "ballet vs. danza" and "art vs. sport" reminds me of my days in college. While I was shopping around for colleges to study music, during my senior year of high school, I became aware that a music conservatory would be a better option. A music conservatory is completely dedicated to music rather than a college that is dedicated to multiple areas of study. I was accepted into Wheaton Conservatory of Music in Illinois. I was also accepted into Wheaton College, a partnering institution, to get the general education classes and pursue a liberal arts degree. The Conservatory itself had students of all ages. Shortly after arrival on campus, the "attitude" of the Conservatory became quite evident. Conservatory students were classically and "properly" trained musicians. I went there to study Vocal Performance. Therefore much of what I studied was opera music, German Lieder, Italian & French classics, etc - all the great composers. A very sophisticated and proper education. Pop music wasn't acknowledged as music, it was noise. Musical Theater was snubbed too. If you wanted to study musical theater then you had to go to the college and enter into a Communications program. So operatic studies were fine art and musical theater was considered communication. Sounds like the same thing in the dancing world. Ballet is classically trained dancers whereas danza is something else - sport. On a side note, I find it interesting that there is classic opera and modern opera. Modern opera tends to be more theatrical in my opinion. Many of the musical theater productions I have seen recently are very operatic in style. More and more opera singers are crossing over and I feel the lines are blurring a little. If there is truly a difference between ballet folklorico and danza folklorica, then perhaps what's happening is similar to the blurring in opera and musical theater as dancers from both sides are crossing over and infusing their technique into the dances. Just a thought. Anyways, let's run with this whole idea of modern vernacular. Here are some of the definitions I use to define the terms ballet and danza based on this argument: Ballet = traditional, Danza = modern/interpretive Ballet = Academy Trained, Danza = Street Trained Ballet = Fine Art, Danza = Sport Ballet = Theatrical & Staged, Danza = Local & Common Ballet = Accomplished/Professional, Danza = Amateur Ballet = Authentic/True, Danza = Counterfeit Ballet = Graceful Movement, Danza = Rapid Footwork Ballet = Classic, Danza = Contemporary & Popular Ballet = Old School, Danza = New School Ballet = Refined, Danza = Impure Ballet = Enduring, Danza = The Latest Dance Fad How far should we run with it? We could go on and on, but I think you get my point. So when someone asks me the question of whether I'm "ballet or danza?", they are really asking me what training and background I come from. That's how I see it. I have taken folklorico workshops where maestros point out various elements of the dances they are teaching. Often they point out the infusion of ballet movement in the dance. So regardless of whether I am aware of it, or "properly" trained and educated about it, I am doing the ballet aspect of the dance because it's built into it. I also want to point out that some people with high society and/or fine art mindsets tend to respect the dancing more when performed in theaters and "proper" settings. You can do the same dances in a theater and suddenly they're art. Perform them on the street and they are a cute self expression of folkloric dance. Likewise, singers that perform opera outside on the street are labelled "street musicians" and opera singers on stage are considered "Divas, Stars & Artists." Give me a break. Perhaps I am over doing it here. I am being dramatic for the purpose of making my point. Exaggerating. I just find it awkward that someone would ask "Ballet or Danza?" and I am trying to make sense of it all. Perhaps it was just an anomaly that I was asked this question. Anomalies happen! A wedo doing Mexican folk dance is another one! It's fun to think about nonetheless. There are obviously many different schools of thought on folklorico and sometimes the terminology and meanings get confusing. They don't always agree. I believe if I were to be studying this in Mexico and in Spanish it would be much more clear and precise. Regardless of the grey areas and different contexts of thinking, I enjoy it. At the end of the day, I just want to dance all of it whether it be ballet, danza, baile, folclorica, folklorico or whatever you want to call it. All this talk about my days in music conservatory brought several memories to surface. Another interesting thing about my experience there was I had to choose a specific instrument of focus. I played french horn and sang. I was told that I had to choose my instrument, either the horn or my voice. I couldn't do both. One area of focus only. They wanted you to be specific. I went to conservatory for voice and that's what I auditioned for during the application process. I thought it would be fun to play my horn in the orchestra on the side. But that was against the rules. So I dropped playing the horn and focused all my attention on voice. Yet, all vocal students had to be piano proficient and pass a test. So I studied piano for a bit until I passed my piano proficiency examination. The ultimate goal was to achieve a level of perfection in your chosen instrument thus creating a demand for your skill and the opportunity of making a career of it. I suppose that if I were to solely focus on polkas, I would learn a whole lot of them and do them well, which I think would be a lot of fun personally. However, my audience would be limited because who wants to watch 45 minutes if straight polkas? Boring! Folklorico dance groups really have to be diversified in the various regions in order to put together a show that appeals to the masses. I suppose I could be part of a show and just do my polka segment. "Call Mike! He's the polka man!" As I mentioned earlier I received a lot of feedback this week. I encourage everyone to check out my Facebook page: One Big Wedo (Guero) and read the comment left on my timeline status announcing last week's blog. Multicultural California shared some of the experience of the El Mitote show with Sol de Mexico Ballet Folklorico and I believe that many of my readers would find it interesting to read. Check it out! I also wanted to share this Peanuts cartoon that one of my followers sent me: I have no doubt that there are many people that have a heart for folklorico dancing. I have no doubt that there are people who truly love to dance folklorico. I believe that if your heart is in it, then it will also reflect in your attitude and the atmosphere that you bring into a group. You can teach people technique, but you can't teach them heart. You can show them what it looks like, but they have to choose to have it and let it show. People with heart and passion strive to be technically proficient. They practice and are driven people. In my week 13 post, "Competition Movie Time" I shared about my experience at a folklorico competition. The group that took first place in the adult competition were the underdogs in a sense because they were a newer group on the scene. There were several well known, strong and technically better groups that competed that day. What set this group apart? Heart! They were truly winners and brought heart, soul, enthusiasm, passion and technique in a balanced way that set them apart from the others. They didn't solely depend on heart to "sell it", they had technique too. Lastly, to those who question my "heart" and think that I am disqualified from having it in my folklorico dancing because I am not Mexican and do not personally have the cultural heritage and upbringing. Perhaps they are right that I will never "own it" in that personal sort of way. I understand that there is a pride of the Mexican heritage and something deeper involved. All I can say is that I can relate in that there have been times I have felt a sense of Patriotism to the United States. I imagine it is the same feeling Mexican people have toward their homeland as well. We all have a rich cultural heritage that is unique and special to us. An interesting fact in my family bloodline is that I had relatives that came over on the Mayflower. I'm sure we can relate to one another in that we all have a heritage and embrace it in out own ways. I was not born in Mexico, true. I will never know what it was like first hand to be raised living in Mexico, speaking the language and experiencing the life there. However, I did live with a Mexican family for ten years and learned much from them about their way of life and culture. I have had the privilege of experiencing Mexico during my early years in California and my trips south. I have also experienced Mexico through the folklorico. No, that doesn't make me Mexican. But it has given me an understanding and respect for the people, heritage and the culture. And I am going to give as much heart in my dancing as I've got. At the end of the day, critics will be critics. I will always have my critics as I am not true and authentic to the region. I get to enjoy being the critic of my critics! One Big Wedo is just my sole experience of folklorico. I'm just one person. A different wedo may have a completely different experience and perspective all together. This one is mine. So there you have it - wedo out! Contact Information for "The Big Wedo": Google E-mail: [email protected] Facebook: One Big Wedo (Guero) Twitter: Michael Smith @onebigwedo Contact Information for Ballet Folklorico de Herencia Mexicana: Richard Solorzano, Director: (909) 201-1957 Facebook: Herencia Mexicana Duarte Studio Practices: Herencia Mexicana practices on Saturdays from 3:00 to 5:00 pm. Please call before coming! Note: Looking for your own adventure or journey? Herencia is a great place to find one! Herencia Mexicana practices in Duarte, California. Folklorico lessons and performances are both available. Herencia Mexicana performs for private & public events of all kinds. Book your event today! Herencia Mexicana welcomes new students. No previous folklorico or dance experience required. All are welcome.

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Research has shown health benefits of laughter ranging from strengthening the immune system to reducing food cravings to increasing one's threshold for pain. There's even an emerging therapeutic field known as humor therapy to help people heal more quickly, among other things. Humor also has several important stress relieving benefits. Stress Management Benefits of Laughter: * Hormones: Laughter reduces the level of stress hormones like cortisol, epinephrine, adrenaline, dopamine and growth hormone. It also increases the level of health-enhancing hormones like endorphins, and neurotransmitters. Laughter increases the number of antibody-producing cells and enhances the effectiveness of T cells. All this means a stronger immune system, as well as fewer physical effects of stress. * Physical Release: Have you ever felt like you "have to laugh or I'll cry"? Have you experienced the cleansed feeling after a good laugh? Laughter provides a physical and emotional release. * Internal Workout: A good belly laugh exercises the diaphragm, contracts the abs and even works out the shoulders, leaving muscles more relaxed afterward. It even provides a good workout for the heart. * Distraction: Laughter brings the focus away from anger, guilt, stress and negative emotions in a than other mere distractions. * Perspective: Sudies show that our response to stressful events can be altered by whether we view something as a 'threat' or a 'challenge'. Humor can give us a more lighthearted perspective and help us view events as 'challenges', thereby making them less threatening and more positive. * Social Benefits of Laughter: Laughter connects us with others. Also, laughter is contagious, so if you bring more laughter into your life, you can most likely help others around you to laugh more, and realize these benefits as well. By elevating the mood of those around you, you can reduce their stress levels, and perhaps improve the quality of social interaction you experience with them, reducing your stress level even more! How To Use Laughter: A recent study showed that pre-school-aged children laugh up to 400 times a day, but by the time we reach adulthood, we laugh a mere 17 times per day on average! You can raise your laughter level with the following strategies: * T.V. and Movies: There's no shortage of comedies out there, both at the theater and in the aisles of the video stores, as well as right on your T.V. While wasting your time watching something marginally funny may actually frustrate you, watching truly hilarious movies and shows is an easy way to get laughter into your life whenever you need it. * Laugh With Friends: Going to a movie or comedy club with friends is a great way to get more laughter in your life. The contagious effects of laughter may mean you'll laugh more than you otherwise would have during the show, plus you'll have jokes to reference at later times. Having friends over for a party or game night is also a great setup for laughter and other good feelings. * Find Humor In Your Life: Instead of complaining about life's frustrations, try to laugh about them. If something is so frustrating or depressing it's ridiculous, realize that you could 'look back on it and laugh.' Think of how it will sound as a story you could tell to your friends, and then see if you can laugh about it now. With this attitude, you may also find yourself being more lighthearted and silly, giving yourself and those around you more to laugh about. Approach life in a more mirthful way and you'll find you're less stressed about negative events, and you'll achieve the health benefits of laughter. * 'Fake It Until You Make It': Just as studies show the positive effects of smiling occur whether the smile is fake or real, faked laughter also provides the benefits mentioned above. So smile more, and fake laughter; you'll still achieve positive effects, and the fake merriment may lead to real smiles and laughter. Psychoneuroimmunology and Humor Every year, there is more evidence that your thoughts, moods, emotions, and belief system have a fundamental impact on the bodyís basic health and healing mechanisms. Whether or not you get sick depends on your bodyís ability to fight off infection and disease. In 1980 (prior to the discovery of the AIDS virus), the departing editor of the New England Journal of Medicine, Dr. Franz Ingelfinger, estimated that 85% of all human illnesses are curable by the bodyís own healing system. We now know that building a positive focus in your life plays an important role in supporting the body's ability to do this. The bodyís healing system responds favorably to positive attitudes, thoughts, moods, and emotions (e.g., to love, hope, optimism, caring, intimacy, joy, laughter, and humor), and negatively to negative ones (hate, hopelessness, pessimism, indifference, anxiety, depression, loneliness, etc.). So you want to organize your life to maintain as positive a focus as possible. Emotion: The Key to the Mindís Influence on Health Candace Pert noted in Bill Moyersí Healing and the Mind television series (and more recently in her book, The Molecules of Emotion) that emotions--registered and stored in the body in the form of chemical messages--are the best candidates for the key to the health connection between mind and body. It is through the emotions you experience in connection with your thoughts and daily attitudes--actually, through the neurochemical changes that accompany these emotions--that your mind acquires the power to influence whether you get sick or remain well. The key, according to Pert, is found in complex molecules called neuropeptides. Peptides are found throughout the body, including the brain and immune system. These neuropeptides are the means by which all cells in the body communicate with each other. This includes brain-to-brain messages, brain-to-body messages, body-to-body messages, and body-to-brain messages. Individual cells, including brain cells, immune cells, and other body cells, have receptor sites that receive neuropeptides. The kinds of neuropeptides available to cells are constantly changing, reflecting variations in your emotions throughout the day. The exact combinations of neuropeptides released during different emotional states has not yet been determined. The kind and number of emotion-linked neuropeptides available at receptor sites of cells influence your probability of staying well or getting sick. Building more humor and laughter in your life helps assure that these chemical messages are working for you, not against you. There is no longer any doubt that your daily mood or frame of mind makes a significant contribution to your health--especially when it persists day after day, year after year. Anything you can do to sustain a more positive, upbeat frame of mind in dealing with the daily hassles and problems in your life contributes to your physical health at the same time that it helps you cope with stress and be more effective on the job. Your sense of humor is one of the most powerful tools you have to make certain that your daily mood and emotional state support good health. How Humor Contributes to Health The mere fact that you feel better after a good laugh is enough for many to conclude that humor must be good for you. But new evidence confirms what our grandparents knew all along. Your sense of humor not only enriches life; it also promotes physical, mental and spiritual health. Research has shown that muscle relaxation results from a good belly laugh. One study even showed that people using a biofeedback apparatus were able to relax muscles more quickly after watching funny cartoons than after looking at beautiful scenery. You can see this effect in your own laughter, if you look for it. In my keynote addresses, I have a routine in which I get everyone in the room doing belly laughter for half a minute. Afterwards, I ask them what changes they notice in their bodies. The first comment is usually, "I feel a lot more relaxed." The next time you have a good long laugh, look for this feeling of relaxation and reduced tension. Reduction of Stress Hormones When youíre under stress, your body undergoes a series of hormonal and other body changes which make up the "fight or flight" response. Even though thereís no physical threat to your life, your body reacts as if there were. If youíre under stress day after day, this preparation for a vigorous physical response (which never occurs) itself begins to pose a threat--to your health! Anything which reduces the level of stress hormones in the blood on a regular basis helps reduce this health threat. The limited research on stress-related hormones and humor has shown that laughter reduces at least four neuroendocrine hormones associated with the stress response, including epinephrine, cortisol, dopac, and growth hormone. This is consistent with research showing that various relaxation procedures reduce stress hormones. Immune System Enhancement It has long been recognized that stress weakens the immune system, leaving you more vulnerable to illness. Only in the mid 1980s, however, did researchers begin to study the impact of humor and laughter on the immune system. The best evidence that humor boosts the immune system comes from studies where immune system measures are taken before and after a particular humorous event--usually a comedy video. But research showing that individuals with a better sense of humor have stronger immune systems is also significant, since it shows the importance (for your health) of making the effort to improve your sense of humor. The greatest amount of research to date has focused on immunoglobulin A, a part of your immune system which serves to protect you against upper respiratory problems, like colds and the flu. Our saliva contains IgA, and this is often referred to as the bodyís first line of defense against upper respiratory viral and bacterial infections. Several studies have shown that watching as little as 30 or 60 minutes of a comedy video is enough to increase both salivary IgA and blood levels of IgA. This has been shown for both adults and children. Immunoglobulins M and G have also been shown to be enhanced as a result of humor/laughter. Laughter even increases levels of a substance called Complement 3, which helps antibodies pierce through defective or infected cells in order to destroy them. Several different aspects of the cellular immune system have also been shown to be enhanced by watching a comedy video. B cells are produced in the bone marrow, and are responsible for making the immunoglobulins. If you count the number of these cells in the blood before and after a comedy video, you can demonstrate a significant increase in the number of B cells circulating throughout the body following humor. Watching a one-hour humorous video also increases the activity--and number--of natural killer cells, the number and level of activation of helper T-cells, and the ratio of helper to suppresser T-cells. Natural killer cells have the role of seeking out and destroying tumor cells in the body, as well as battling the latest cold- and flu-generating viruses and other foreign organisms. Humor has also been shown to increase levels of gamma interferon, a complex substance that plays an important role in the maturation of B cells, the growth of cytotoxic T cells, and the activation of NK cells. It also tells different components of the immune system when to become more active, and regulates the level of cooperation between cells of the immune system. Taken as a whole, itís clear that there is something about humor and laughter that causes the immune system to "turn on" metabolically and do more effectively what it is designed to do--promote health and wellness in the face of internal or external threats. Duration of Humor-Induced Immuno-enhancement Only a few studies have examined the duration of the immuno-enhancement effects of humor. This may be an artificial question, since emotional changes are known to cause fluctuations in the immune system, and your emotional state generally depends on whether or not youíre dealing with anything stressful at the moment. If something happens to make you angry or anxious soon after watching a comedy video, this counteracts the immune benefits resulting from the video. This is where the strength of your own sense of humor comes in. If you are able to find a light side of the situation, you sustain the immunoenhancing benefits resulting from the humor youíve been exposed to. The limited research along these lines suggests that a strengthened immune system is sustained for 30 minutes for IgA, IgG, number of B cells, activation and number of T cells, activation and number of natural killer cells, and gamma-interferon. The immunoenhancement effect was still present 12 hours later for IgA, IgG, number of B cells, complement 3 and gamma-interferon. No attempt has been made to study durations beyond 12 hours. Sense of Humor and Immunity Given all the evidence that watching a humorous video strengthens different components of the immune system, it makes sense that individuals who have a better developed sense of humor--meaning that they find more humor in their everyday life, seek out humor more often, laugh more, etc.--should have a stronger immune system, because they get more of the kinds of benefits offered by watching a comedy video by exercising their sense of humor more often. Consistent with this expectation, three studies have shown that individuals with higher scores on a sense of humor test have higher "baseline levels" of IgA. Humorís ability to protect you against immunosuppression during stress was evident in a study which compared people with a well-developed sense of humor (they found a lot of humor in their everyday life or frequently used humor to cope with stress) to people with a poor sense of humor. Among those who rarely found humor in their own lives, especially when under stress, greater numbers of everyday hassles and negative life events were associated with greater suppression of their immune system (IgA). Among those with a well-developed sense of humor, on the other hand, everyday hassles and problems did not weaken the immune system. Their sense of humor helped keep them from becoming more vulnerable to illness when under stress. Norman Cousins drew the attention of the medical community to the pain-reducing power of humor in his book Anatomy of an Illness. This spinal disease left him in almost constant pain. But he quickly discovered while watching comedy films that belly laughter eased his pain. In his last book, Head First: The Biology of Hope, he noted that 10 minutes of belly laughter (just counting the laughing time) would give him two hours of pain-free sleep. Over a dozen studies have now documented that humor does have the power to reduce pain in many patients. Many patients discover this in their own experience. Rheumatoid arthritis patients who report more chronic pain, for example, also say they look for humor more often in everyday life. Theyíve learned that humor helps manage their pain. Consistent with this idea, one study showed that when elderly residents of a long-term care facility watched funny movies, the level of pain they experienced was reduced. In a study of 35 patients in a rehabilitation hospital, 74% agreed with the statement, "Sometimes laughing works as well as a pain pill." The patients had such conditions as traumatic brain injury, spinal cord injury, arthritis, limb amputations, and a range of other neurological or musculoskeletal disorders. For those who do experience pain reduction following laughter, why does it occur? One possibility is distraction. Humor draws attention away from the source of discomfort--at least momentarily. The most commonly given explanation, however, is that laughter causes the production of endorphins, one of the bodyís natural pain killers. This explanation makes good sense, but as of 1999, no one has been able to demonstrate it with data. Investigators who have tried to show the endorphin-humor connection have failed to do so. Regardless of whether laughter does or does not cause the release of endorphins into the blood stream, its ability to reduce pain is undoubtedly partly due to its reduction of muscle tension. Even brief relaxation procedures have been shown to reduce pain--both in laboratory and clinical settings. Many pain centers around the country now use meditation and other relaxation techniques to reduce the level of pain medication needed by patients. Laughter is just one additional technique for achieving the same effect. Laughter also provides an excellent source of cardiac exercise. The next time youíre having a good belly laugh, put your hand over your heart when you stop laughing. Youíll see that your heart is racing, even after 15-20 seconds of laughter. It will remain elevated for 3-5 minutes. This has caused some to refer to laughter as "internal jogging." You can give your heart a good workout several times a day, just by laughing. One physician noted that his patients who say they laugh regularly have lower resting heart rates. While this is no substitute for real exercise, many seniors and bed-ridden patients donít have the option of other forms of physical exercise. For them, laughter is FUNdamental to good cardiac conditioning. Other physical health benefits may result from humor and laughter, but scientists have been very slow in looking for them. Laughter may turn out, for example, to help lower blood pressure. As your heart beats more rapidly during laughter, it pumps more blood through your system, producing the familiar flushed cheeks. Not surprisingly, blood pressure increases during laughter, with larger increases corresponding to more intense and longer-lasting laughs. If this were a lasting increase, it might be harmful. When laughter stops, however, blood pressure drops back down to its baseline. Given the relaxation effect of laughter, laughter may help bring blood pressure levels below one's baseline. At this point, however, researchers have made little effort to examine this possibility. Laughter triggers a peculiar respiratory pattern which offers health benefits for certain individuals. In normal relaxed breathing, there is a balance between the amount of air you take in and breathe out. The problem is that when you are not breathing deeply, a considerable amount of residual air remains in the lungs. When youíre under stress, breathing becomes even shallower and more rapid, reducing the amount of oxygen taken in and producing a still greater amount of residual air. This breathing also occurs more from the chest, instead of the diaphragm. (Relaxation techniques emphasize the importance of breathing from the diaphragm.) As this residual air stays in the lungs for longer periods of time, its oxygen content drops and the level of water vapor and carbon dioxide increases. The health risk here arises for individuals prone to respiratory difficulties, since the increased water vapor creates a more favorable environment for bacterial growth and pulmonary infection. Frequent belly laughter reduces this risk by emptying your lungs of more of the air thatís taken in. When you laugh, you push air out of your lungs until you canít push out any more. Then you take a deep breath and start the same process all over again. Each time you laugh, you get rid of the excess carbon dioxide and water vapor thatís building up and replace it with oxygen-rich air. Hospitalized patients with respiratory problems are often encouraged to breathe deeply and exhale fully, but nurses have difficulty getting them to do so. Most patients enjoy a good laugh, though, so many nurses have learned to tell them a joke from time to time or give them a comedy tape to view. Emphysema and other respiratory patients often have a build-up of phlegm or mucous in their respiratory tracts. Nurses try to get them to cough to loosen up and expel these substances, but they generally donít enjoy coughing, so the phlegm builds up. When they laugh, however, they inevitably start coughing, producing exactly the effect the nurses want--and the patients have a good time in the process. Do People with a Good Sense of Humor Get Sick Less Often? We have seen that humor and laughter positively influence our body in ways that should sustain health, but little research has been done on whether a better sense of humor actually helps keep you from getting sick. However, since people with a better sense of humor have higher IgA levels, and since research has shown that those with higher levels of salivary IgA are less likely to get colds or be infected with Streptococcus, humor should reduce the frequency of colds. The only study to directly examine this question found that the impact of oneís sense of humor upon colds depends on the kind of sense of humor you have. It was only individuals whose sense of humor took the form of seeking out and appreciating humor who had fewer and less severe colds/flu than their low humor counterparts. Surprisingly, those whose sense of humor took the form of initiating humor more often did not have fewer or less severe colds/flu. The researchers argued that being a person who likes to tell jokes or otherwise initiate humor takes them into more frequent contact with other people, which serves to expose them to infectious agents more often, robbing them of the advantage that a more active sense of humor otherwise offers. Obviously, more research is required to clear up this confusing picture. Among adults, if we look at bodily symptoms alone, independent of any diagnosed illness, there is some evidence that individuals who have more negative reactions to humor (finding a lot of different types of humor aversive or objectionable) report more bodily symptoms and complaints. Students complaining of cardiovascular symptoms and gastroenterological symptoms also have been shown to have this more negative reaction to humor. Coronary heart disease (CHD) has long been linked to the so-called Type A personality. One pair of researchers observed over 25 years ago that only type B individuals use humor as a coping tool in dealing with stress and hostile feelings. Hostile humor has also been found to be the main kind of humor enjoyed by Type A patients, while Type B patients enjoy non-hostile as well as hostile humor. This is consistent with the findings showing a close relationship between hostility and heart disease. While laughter at hostile humor must provide some of the benefits described above for CHD-prone individuals, those benefits are clearly not enough to offset the bodily effects caused by hostility to begin with. Developing non-hostile aspects of oneís sense of humor to counteract this effect is essential for Type A individuals. DADDY DAB PERSONAL NOTE: I was lucky enough to attend a trial study for Laugher Therapy. I personally found it to be a useful tool in dealing with both my HIV infection and depression. At first, you may be skeptical; I was. But if you'll let go and just experience the laughter exercises, you will hopefully experience the results and benefits I did.

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Ani White is a postgraduate Media Studies student. This article was written for Fightback’s magazine on Urban Revolution and the Right to the City. To subscribe to Fightback’s publications, click here. Te Matakite o Aotearoa: The Māori Land March is a documentary depicting the Māori Land March of 1975, which was a key moment in the ‘Māori Renaissance’ of the 1970s. A growing, youthful urban Māori movement fused with existing rural forms of Māori organisation to organise the March, which contested urban rhythms imposed by colonisation and capitalism, asserting an indigenous rhythm through unified ways of vocalising and walking in urban space. The narrative of this documentary presents unity between rural and urban Māori, and thereby contests colonial ownership of urban spaces. My analysis draws on European theorisation of urban space, while seeking to supplement its limitations with indigenous and Kaupapa Māori theory. The city and indigeneity Urban indigeneity poses a contradiction in colonial mythology. Colonial projects in Aotearoa / New Zealand and in other settler nations such as Canada and Australia have depicted indigeneity as essentially rural, thereby casting urban indigeneity as “inauthentic”. However, this image erases both the reality that most indigenous people live in cities, and that cities are built on appropriated indigenous land. More fundamentally, the call for indigenous sovereignty always has implications for urban space that are often neglected: “Most cities are located on sites traditionally used by Indigenous peoples… The creation of Indigenous “homelands” outside of cities is in itself a colonial invention. Moreover, for many indigenous peoples, ancestral homelands are not contained in the small parcels of land found in reserves, reservations, and rural Māori and rural Aboriginal Australian settlements; rather, they are the larger territories that include contemporary urban settlements” (Peters and Andersen 7-8) Indigenous claims could thus be considered in terms of the right to the city, a slogan coined by French Marxist Henri Lefebvre. Lefebvre suggested that “the city” as object is always falling away, leaving “the urban” as a surrounding space. He would later begin to more broadly theorise the role of the class struggle in “the production of space,” not simply the city. However, Marxist geographer David Harvey suggests that while Lefebvre’s intellectual legacy may be important to theorising ‘the right to the city,’ actually-existing urban social movements offer more explanatory value. Lefebvre himself similarly contends that “only social force,” in the form of “groups, social classes and class fractions,” can solve the problems of urban space. The core of Kaupapa Māori has been defined as “the affirmation and legitimation of being Māori”. Although Kaupapa Māori theory has only recently been codified in academic work, its heritage is older, particularly drawing on oral history. I will therefore refer to both the filmed verbal accounts of participants in the march, and more recent Kaupapa Māori scholarship where relevant. Alongside centring the verbal speech acts of movement participants, I will also refer to Michel de Certeau’s discussion of walking as a kind of ‘speech act’ that defines and is defined by urban environments. Young urban Māori played a key role in the ‘Renaissance’ of the 1970s, undermining attempts at assimilation. Before World War II, 90% of Māori lived in rural spaces. The post-war era saw substantial Māori urbanisation, driven partly by state policy, both to meet labour needs and in an attempt at assimilation. However, despite this attempt at assimilation, the majority of urban Māori continued to identify with their tribal heritage. By the 1970s, “radical urban indigeneity” increasingly threatened the state as it mingled with other radical urban currents. Historian Aroha Harris explains the significance of younger, urban, educated Māori layers in the indigenous movement of the 1970s: “Amongst the many critics [of ongoing land grabs] was a group of Māori university students and graduates, which evolved a few years later into Ngā Tamatoa. Members were young, educated, and urbanised; some were unionists, others experienced political activists. They were leaders and social commentators recently come-of-age, the new face of Māori activism. For Ngā Tamatoa, Māori affairs policy provided some immediate catalysts for modern Māori protest. Although many of the issues they raised were long-standing, like te reo and the Treaty of Waitangi, the reasons for protest and resistance were contemporary, like the politics of integration and marginalisation in the cities. Ngā Tamatoa also heralded a new analysis of the Māori experience of colonisation; one that understood racism and how it worked”. The production of Te Matakite o Aotearoa: The Māori Land March was enabled in part by these new urban groups; Ngā Tamatoa, the Polynesian Panther Party and New Perspectives on Race (a group involving both Māori and Pākehā) are credited as key coordinators of the film, among others. The Māori Land March of 1975 was also a high point for unity between these younger urban formations and “older rural traditionalists”. New urban groups such as Ngā Tamatoa combined forces with older Māori collectives including the Māori Council, uniting to frame the Treaty of Waitangi as a tool for historical redress. Cultural critic Brendan Hokowhitu contends that, although won through unified struggle, the ratification of the Treaty of Waitangi Act (1975) and the Waitangi Tribunal came to reproduce exclusion of urban Māori as “inauthentic” Arguably this is a case of the limited “decolonisation” seen in many settler-colonial polities over the 20th century, which saw a transition from classically assimilationist colonisation to a more sophisticated “incorporation by recognition,” leaving underlying power relations largely intact. The decades-long tension between sections of the Māori sovereignty movement, produced partly through negotiation and compromise with the Crown, was prefigured in the aftermath of the 1975 Māori Land March. Differences between young militants Ngā Tamatoa and respected elder Dame Whina Cooper emerged immediately after the march, with Ngā Tamatoa staying at parliament after Cooper had advised them to disperse. Despite this thorny aftermath, the march itself presented a unified front, and Harris concludes that “its dignity has made a permanent impression on New Zealand’s history”.Contention between sections of the movement is not presented in the documentary Te Matakite o Aotearoa: The Māori Land March, which concludes with the march arriving at parliament and presenting its demands. Talking out and talking in The documentary Te Matakite o Aotearoa: The Māori Land March “talks out” to Pākehā audiences as part of a strategy for historical redress. Barry Barclay, a Ngāti Apa filmmaker and Kaupapa Māori theorist, considers filmmaking in terms of hui, or conversation based on principles of mutual respect. Barclay suggests a distinction between “talking out” to Pākehā audiences and “talking in” among Māori. This perhaps chimes with Australian Aboriginal (Yiman) sociologist and film critic Marcia Langton’s suggestion that ‘Aboriginality’ in film can be defined by three overlapping fields of interaction – colonial stereotypes of Aboriginality, dialogue between Aboriginal cultures, and dialogue between Aborigines and non-Aborigines. I suggest that while the Māori Land March was enabled by “talking in” among Māori – between different iwi, between young and old, between urban and rural Māori – the documentary and march are also acts of “talking out” to Pākehā. As a Pākehā viewer, I seek to engage in the dialogical space created by the film. On an institutional level, the documentary was produced for TV2, with a majority-Pākehā audience. Within the film, use of Te Reo Māori is usually repeated in English (especially in interviews and narration). This implies an audience that speaks English and not Te Reo Māori – not necessarily a Pākehā audience, but certainly including Pākehā. At the beginning of the film, prominent activist Eva Rickards explains the significance of whenua to Māori people, again implying an audience that may not be versed in Te Ao Māori, yet grounding the story in that world. In an interview after the outset of the march, leading Ngā Tamatoa member Tama Poata explains that he considers Pākehā awareness to be one of the movement’s key goals: “Something extraordinary has to be done about [land theft], to make the bulk of New Zealanders aware of the situation because there’s not enough of them aware in my opinion what the real facts are related to Māori land.” The film presents a united front to audiences; between rural and urban Māori, younger and older, men and women, between iwi, and with the minority of Pākehā who participated. In interviews, movement leaders emphasise the unity of the march, particularly across generational lines. Tama Poata underlines that “old and young” have come together for the march, describing the sense of unity as “extraordinary.” Esteemed kuia and movement leader Whina Cooper later echoes this sentiment, explaining in an interview before the final stretch of the hikoi: “Our young people are changing. They’re finding out now that to go alone without the support of the old people, they won’t reach the goal that they want to reach. So now they’re following the old people around to get all the knowledge of the past, so as to stand as a kind of an instrument for the future.” In a more incidental way, footage of meetings shows the cooperation between various actors necessary to organise this month-long hikoi. Practical affairs – allocation of vehicles, medical care for people with blisters or injuries – are delegated in a deliberative way acknowledging varying knowledges, skills and needs. Tama Poata also mentions in an interview that men are doing the dishes, acknowledging the division of unpaid labour necessary for a unified collective feat on this scale. The community forged by the hikoi could be considered a form of kaupapa whānau, a family forged out of common aims and outlook, not necessarily or solely out of kinship ties. Walking as speech The combination of verbal accounts and walking as a unified ‘speech act’ contests colonial arrangements of urban space and time. De Certeau suggests that walking “follows” place names, both mobilised by the names and investing them with new meaning. Early in the documentary, after marchers set out from Northernmost marae Te Hāpua, a kuia declares “Wellington, here we come.” In a sense Wellington, as a centre of colonial power, both hails and is hailed by the marchers, a form of karanga. Their hikoi follows and reshapes the possibilities of Wellington, as an urban and civic centre. Lefebvre argues that urban rhythms can only be understood with reference to historical and natural rhythms. This is intended as a “poetic” approach as well as a “scientific” method. Rhythm-analysis of Te Matakite o Aotearoa: The Māori Land March reveals an interplay of natural, social, economic and urban rhythms, with the march setting a unified social rhythm that ultimately intervenes in urban spatial and temporal practices. Early in the film, a poem by Hone Tuwhare narrates the internal world of a marcher. Although this marcher is presumably Hone Tuwhare himself, with the poem containing biographical details relevant to his life, the particular embodies more general shared concerns. A number of significant, mostly slower rhythms run through the visual and aural elements; the rhythm of Tuwhare’s poetry, rhythms of the seasons and weather, the pace of aging, and crucially the rhythm of walking, a simultaneous rhythm that expresses social unity. Natural and social rhythms are interlinked, both at a measured pace. These rhythms exceed the urban, even the human individual – as the opening narration notes, “Whatungarongaro he tangata, toi tu te whenua; man comes and goes, the land is permanent.” Despite this sense of slower interlinked natural and historic rhythms, there is also a more immediate urban economic insecurity to the poem, mentioning fears that Tuwhare may lose his flat in Dunedin. This worry of the everyday, the particular, the personal, manifests more general concerns. As de Certeau mentions, “to walk is to lack a place”, and in this case the commitment to participate in a month-long (economically ‘unproductive’) walk requires taking a risk in terms of economic security. Partly this is an urban concern, one of the necessary social “waste products” (poverty, insecurity) of the profit system, yet this insecurity also results from a more generalised alienation of land from the people. In other words this alienation is not solely urban or rural. Tuwhare refers to “all the different people worrying differently”, and underlines the togetherness of shared concerns. Marchers who stay the distance also have the comfort of shared homes, stopping off at marae each night, a prominent example of the “circular migration” that can allow urban indigenous people to retain connections with rural indigenous communities. Unity and urban space This conscious togetherness allows the marchers to contest urban spatio-temporality effectively; through Auckland to Wellington. In what has become a definitive image of the Māori Land March, thousands of marchers cross the Auckland Harbour Bridge. This image is arguably so definitive because it contests urban space, placing a claim on a notable urban landmark. In the documentary, the camera follows cars first, clear embodiments of urban rhythm, until the march passes through the background. Cars continue to dominate the foreground for a few shots (although waiata become more audible than cars), before the film moves in closer to the march, and finally cuts to a more widely photographed and circulated genre of angles on this historic moment; long shots facing back toward the marchers as they stream off the bridge in the foregound. Although the marchers are not blocking traffic, instead using the footpath, they eclipse the stream of cars, even dwarfing the bridge from certain angles. Urban codes of space and time are transformed, inverted, if only temporarily; Māori primacy is clear. Ngāti Whātua leader Joe Hawke, who led the march across the harbour bridge, explains in a filmed interview that the bridge was built on Ngāti Whātua land, and the iwi never received compensation. Soon after explaining the significance of this action for his iwi, Hawke explains the significance of the march more broadly, commenting that “this is the first time I have ever seen our Māori people in some way become a unified voice.” The significance of the march is both in its display of indigenous unity and its claim on urban space. When the hikoi reaches Wellington, they march on the motorway, their unified social rhythm slowing the flow of traffic, urban rhythms interrupted through collective intervention. The motorway sequence begins with fixed aerial shots, narrated first by a Radio New Zealand commentator and then by Tama Poata, before moving in closer for a handheld interview. This movement in position is comparable to de Certeau’s ironic fears about the methodological “fall” from an elevated position of knowledge to the apparently unknowing space amongst the crowd, the move from “voyeurs” to “walkers”. However, the film clearly locates cosmopolitan knowledge among the crowd. Tama Poata discusses international indigenous struggles in Australia, the ‘Third World’ and the USA, finally asserting unity in diversity and dispossession: “We vary in some things but basically the struggle is the same, those that have and those that have not.” As the march enters the city, the camera joins, walking with the hikoi up Lambton Quay. Finally, the marchers enter parliament hailed by a karanga, vocalisation and walking again setting an indigenous rhythm in urban space. Without necessarily dichotomising urban rhythms against indigenous rhythms, this action interrupts colonial capitalist configuration of urban space and time. The film concludes with iwi leader Joe Cooper reading the “Memorial of Right,” signed by tribal elders, to parliament. Although these concluding formal demands do not advance an explicit programme for urban transformation, the march re-occupies urban space, a tactic that poses the question of ownership in the production of space. The formal demands are also more expansive and inclusive than what was ultimately implemented, including a “national referendum” of Māori for any changes to land rights. The 1975 Māori Land March was a historic moment of Māori unity; between iwi, youth and elders, urban and rural Māori. As a speech act, a form of “talking out” to Pākehā, the Land March interrupted rhythms imposed by colonisation and capitalism, asserting a unified indigenous rhythm through collective ways of vocalising and walking in urban space. The narrative thrust of the march (and the documentary film) presents unity between rural and urban Māori, contesting colonial ownership of urban spaces. Barclay, Barry. Our Own Image, Longman Paul Limited, 1990. Harris, Aroha. Hikoi: Forty Years of Māori Protest. Wellington: Huia Publishers, 2004 Harvey, David. “Introduction.” Rebel Cities: From the Right to The City to the Urban Revolution. London: Verso, 2012. Hokowhitu, Brendan. “Producing Indigeneity.” Peters, Evelyn, and Andersen, Chris, eds. Indigenous in the City: Contemporary Identities and Cultural Innovation. Vancouver, BC, CAN: UBC Press, 2013. ProQuest ebrary. Web. Accessed 23 April 2015. Langton, Marcia. “Well, I Heard It on the Radio and I Saw It on the Television”: An Essay for the Australian Film Commission on the Politics and Aesthetics of Filmmaking by and About Aboriginal People and Things. North Sydney, NSW: Australian Film Commission, 1993. Lefebvre, H. and Regulier, C. “Attempt at the Rhythmanalysis of Mediterranean Cities.” Rhythmanalysis. Continuum: London, New York, 2004. Lefebvre, Henri. “The Right to The City.” Writings on Cities. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1996. Lefebvre, Henri. “Plan of the Present Work.” The Production of Space. Trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Peters, Evelyn, and Andersen, Chris. “Introduction.” Peters, Evelyn, and Andersen, Chris, eds. Indigenous in the City: Contemporary Identities and Cultural Innovation. Vancouver, BC, CAN: UBC Press, 2013. ProQuest ebrary. Web. Accessed 23 April 2015. Steven, Geoff. Dir. Te Matakite o Aotearoa: The Māori Land March. Produced with the assistance of Queen Elizabeth II Arts Council of New Zealand, World Council of Churches Programme to Combat Racism (by agreement with Ngā Tamatoa and Polynesian Panther Party), coordinated by New Perspectives on Race, produced by SeeHear Ltd and TV2, 1975. https://www.nzonscreen.com/title/te-matakite-o-aotearoa-1975.

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The Law Demystified Series 1: Criminal Breach of Trust CRIMINAL BREACH OF TRUST: The principal objective of criminal law is to punish an offender. The nature of the offences, for the purpose of these objectives, varies from offences ranging from theft to homicide, murder, etc. It is, however, imperative to note that the Indian Penal Code, 1860, not only deals with offences that are obviously criminal in nature, but also deals with intricate offences, earmarked with human intricacies and complexities like breach of trust, misappropriation of another's properties, etc. Against this background, let us take a look at the various aspects of criminal breach of trust, which offence is dealt with by our criminal statutes as a penal offence. The offence of criminal breach of trust in India closely resembles the offence of embezzlement under English Law. Offences committed by trustees with regard to trust property fall within the purview of criminal breach of trust. Similarly, a partner in a partnership firm can be held to be guilty of criminal breach of trust in respect of a partnership asset. CRIMINAL BREACH OF TRUST -MEANING: Section 405 of the Indian Penal Code defines criminal breach of trust. In a layman's language, criminal breach of trust may be defined as the fraudulent appropriation of another's property by a person to whom it has been entrusted, or into whose hands it has lawfully come. The ownership or beneficial interest in the property in respect of which the criminal breach of trust is alleged to have been committed, must be in some person other than the accused, and the latter must hold it on account of some person or in some way for his benefit. ESSENTIAL INGEDIENTS OF CRIMINAL BREACH OF TRUST: There are a few essential ingredients that are absolutely necessary to attract the provisions of S. 405 viz., criminal breach of trust. These are:i. The accused must be entrusted with property or dominion over the property;ii. The person so entrusted must-a. dishonestly misappropriate or converts to his own use that property, orb. dishonestly uses or disposes of that property or wilfully suffer any other person to do so in violation of-· any direction of law prescribing the mode in which such trust is to be discharged, or · of any legal contract, made touching the discharge of such trust. CRIMINAL BREACH OF TRUST - PUNISHMENT: Section 406 of the Indian Penal Code states that:"Whoever commits criminal breach of trust shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both." AGGRAVATED FORMS OF CRIMINAL BREACH OF TRUST: The Indian Penal Code also incorporates, within its ambit, provisions dealing with aggravated forms of criminal breach of trust. In these provisions, the ingredient which makes the offence more aggravated is the position and the nature of trust reposed in the accused, the abuse of which the law esteems as especially flagrant, blatant, thus calling for commensurately enhanced punishment. Such aggravated forms of criminal breach of trust as enumerated by the Indian Penal Code, 1860, are as follows: · Section 407 deals with criminal breach of trust committed by a carrier, wharfinger or warehouse-keeper, and the punishment for the same is imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to seven years and a fine;· Section 408 deals with the same offence, viz., criminal breach of trust, committed by a clerk or servant and this offence shall be punishable by imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to seven years and a fine;· Section 409 states that when a public servant commits the offence of criminal breach of trust, such person shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to ten years and a fine. Courtesy: Vijay Times News Action Against Prominent Businessmen Datuk Halim Saad and Anuar Othman For Criminal Breach Of Trust And Former Finance Minister Tun Daim Zainuddin For Abuse Of Power In The 756.7 Million Metramac Scandal. Police Report Made By Tan Kok Wai (Cheras Police Station , Monday): Police Report By DAP National Organising Secretary And MP For Cheras Tan Kok Wai In The Cheras Police Station On 16 January 2006. I am lodging a report against prominent businessmen Datuk Halim Saad and Anuar Othman for criminal breach of trust and former Finance Minister Tun Daim Zainuddin for abuse of power. My report is based on the judgment by Judge Datuk Gopal Sri Ram's on 12 January 2006 which represented the Court of Appeal’s judgment on the Metramac Corporation Sdn Bhd (Metramac case) W-02-1009-2003 and W-02-1013-2003. A copy of the Court of Appeal judgment comprising Gopal Sri Ram, Hashim bin Dato' Yusoff and Zulkefli bin Ahmad Makinudin is enclosed. My report is based on the findings by the Court of Appeal as follows:- In or about September 1990, there was a public demonstration at the toll booth established by the defendant along the Cheras highway protesting at the imposition of a toll. The Federal Government stepped in to deal with the situation. By its letter dated 12 September 1990 DBKL asked Syarikat Teratai KG Sdn Bhd (STKG) to suspend the collection of toll at the Cheras tollbooth. This spelled disaster for it was exposed to a loan repayment of RM 40 million which it had planned to pay from toll collection. In the second place, the whole of the shareholders funds amounting to RM 65 million would be wiped out. DBKL in its letter of 20 October 1990 agreed in principle to take the option of terminating the first concession and paying compensation. But no figure was mentioned although the defendant had put forward an estimated sum of RM 764.2 million as compensation. An appeal to the then Minister of Finance, Tun Daim Zainuddin, fell on deaf ears. He simply told the defendant's then existing shareholders that the Federal Government was not in a position to pay the defendant any compensation. By letters dated 12 November, 1990 and 24 November 1990 a company called UEM Bhd, a public limited company made an offer to purchase all the shares in STKG for a sum ofM$97.5 million. The shares were to be purchased by a company nominated by UEM. That company was Metro Juara Sdn. Bhd. which had merely two shareholders who were also its sole directors. These gentlemen were one Anuar Othman and one Dato Halim Saad. No one in his or her right mind will consider the choice of selling of their shares to Metro Juara at RM 97.5 million as a choice at all. All the independent evidence on record points to this being in reality a crude case of economic duress presenting itself in a more subtle form. Now, the offer by UEM to buy out the defendant’s shares for RM 97.5million simply does not make any commercial sense. Here you have a company that has just had its loan and shareholders capital wiped out in one stroke. It had no money in its coffers. It had huge debts. It had no prospects of receiving any compensation from DBKL. So why pay RM 97.5 million for the shares of such a company? The answer is simple enough. Anuar Othman and Dato Halim Saad had something which the plaintiff did not. And that was the patronage of the then Minister of Finance, Tun Daim Zainuddin. An agreement called the Share Sale Agreement dated 23 January 1991 was executed. Thereafter, the defendant's name was changed to Metramac Corporation Sdn Bhd. Not long after the take over, a strange thing happened. Where doors were once closed to the defendant before its take over, as if by the utterance of a magic spell all bureaucratic doors were opened to the defendant after its take over by Metro Juara. And, as if by the rub of a magic lamp, the Federal Government and DBKL who hitherto claimed to be impoverished suddenly found themselves flush with funds. They were now in a financial position compensate the defendant. The figures are staggering. In one way or another the defendant was to receiving total sum of M$756 million. In its letter of 30 August 1991, DBKL said that it would pay the defendant RM312 million for the cost of works done. On 13 February 1992, the Federal Government in conjunction with DBKL agreed to subsidies the defendant with a sum of RM405 million to enable the defendant to meet the cost of financing the works to be undertaken under the agreement that was to be entered into between DBKL and the defendant. Mark you, at this point in time, not a stick of work had been done under the new concession agreement. On that very day, that is to say, '13 February 1992, two other events occurred. First, DBKL entered into another concession agreement with the defendant. I will refer to this as the second concession agreement. Second, the Ministry for Public Works gave the defendant an undertaking to pay it RM 32.5 million as "payment for share premium" not "previously taken into account": So far as this case is concerned, the words within quotation marks are meaningless. Because they have no nexus whatsoever to any of the agreements entered into between the several parties. You may well ask how all this could have happened without the direct involvement of Tun Daim. It is also incomprehensible why the defendant as it was constituted immediately before the takeover by Metro Juara was not given this same financial support by the Federal Government. After all, at least two of the pre-takeover shareholders were either Government concerns or Government assisted concerns. And in the case of Tabung Haji, the ultimate beneficiaries would have been the poorer section of our society. I think that it is a fair question to ask why taxpayers' money was channeled into the hands of two private individuals - to profit them - instead of a wider section of the general public. It is not at all clear why the Minister for Finance used his power to favour Anuar Othman and Dato Halim Saad. For the sake of completeness, it must be mentioned that the RM 32.5 million mentioned earlier was siphoned out of the defendant's account by Anuar Othman and Dato Halim Saad. An international misappropriation of such a company’s property, moveable or immoveable criminal breach of trust within section 405 of the Penal Code and, if the misappropriation is done by directors, as was the case here, it is the aggravated form of criminal breach of trust under section 409. By doing so, the two businessmen could face a maximum 20-year jail term with whipping and fine upon conviction. The police should also investigate and take action against Tun Daim for clearly abusing his powers to profit the two individuals at the expense of public interest. This is my report. TAN KOK WAI 532A, Batu 3 ½ , Jalan Cheras, 56100 Kuala Lumpur. Tel. No. 03-92857532 The people behind Gerbang Perdana SPECIAL REPORTS ARCHIVES MALAYSIA TODAY SPECIAL REPORT ON GERBANG PERDANA SDN BHD Raja Petra Kamarudin (1) Gerbang Perdana Sdn Bhd, the Johor-Singapore 'Crooked' Bridge or 'Half-Bridge' contractor, is 20% owned by (2) DRB-HICOM Berhad (3,680,000 shares), 20% owned by (3) Detik Nagasari Sdn Bhd (3,680,000 shares), and 60% owned by (4) Merong Mahawangsa Sdn Bhd (11,040,000 shares).(3) Detik Nagasari Sdn Bhd is 100% owned by (5) Hyundai-Sime Darby Berhad (Change of name from Transwater Bina Sdn Bhd to Transwater Corporation Sdn Bhd on 03.04.1986, and to Transwater Corporation Berhad and to Hyundai Berjaya Corporation Berhad on 21.07.2003, and to Hyundai-Sime Darby Berhad on 26.04.2005).(4) Merong Mahawangsa Sdn Bhd is 50% owned by (6) Ibex Corporation Amalgamated Sdn Bhd and 50% owned by (7) Ibzi Holdings Sdn Bhd. (5) Hyundai-Sime Darby Berhad is 46.6% owned by Tan Sri Dato' Seri Vincent Tan Chee Yioun, 10.62% owned by Dato' Dr Tengku Retwan bin Tengku Mansor, 6.32% owned by Datuk Tengku Adnan bin Tengku Mansor, and 5.85% owned by The Estate of Dato' Wan Adli bin Dato' Wan Ibrahim (see full list below).(6) Ibex Corporation Amalgamated Sdn Bhd (suspected to be the nominee company of the previous Menteri Besar of Johor) is 65% owned by Dato' Yahya bin A. Jalil and 35% owned by Datin Mahmudah bte Md Ali. (7) Ibzi Holdings Sdn Bhd is 99% owned by DYAM Tunku Ibrahim Ismail ibni DYMM Baginda Al-Mutawakkil Alallah Sultan Iskandar Al-Haj (The Tengku Mahkota of Johor) and 1% owned by Raja Zarith Sofia bte Raja Idris (his consort). The full corporate and financial details of the above are as follows: (1) Gerbang Perdana Sdn Bhd (Company Reg. No. 469478-X) Registration Date: 26-09-1998 Registered Address: 3374, GF Jalan 8/31Taman Sri SerdangSeri KembanganSelangor Business Address: 3, Jalan 222Petaling Jaya Selangor Type of Business: Design and Build Contractor for the Gerbang Selantan Bersepadu ProjectAuthorised Capital: RM50,000,000.00Paid Up Capital: RM18,400,000.00 Directors:Name & Address (IC No.) - Position - Appointment (1) Dato' Yahya Bin A. Jalil (560819-01-6437) - Managing Director -02-01-1999 13, Jalan 12/1046200 Petaling Jaya Selangor (Also owns 65% of Ibex Corporation Amalgamated Sdn Bhd that owns 50% of Merong Mahawangsa Sdn Bhd and that owns 60% of Gerbang Perdana Sdn Bhd) (2) Mohd Musthafa Bin Lathif (590608-71-5147) - Alternate Director - 23-12-200326 Medan Athinahapan 2 Taman Tun Dr. Ismail Kuala Lumpur (3) Yoong Hoi Shing (521121-01-5115) - Director - 06-01-200061 Jalan SS1/1947300 Petaling Jaya Selangor (4) Kamal Hisham Bin Jaafar (700301-01-5853) - Director - 03-05-20026 Lorong MutiaraKampang Melayu Johor (Also Director of Ibzi Holdings Sdn Bhd and Merong Mahawangsa Sdn Bhd ) (5) Tan Sri Dato' Razali Bin Ismail (390414-02-5037) - Director - 02-01-19991802, Desa Kudalari3, Lorong Kuda 50450 Kuala Lumpur (6) Azahar Bin Abdul Aziz (550518-07-5397) - Director - 02-01-1999 27G, Jalan Pandan Indah 1/17 Pandan Indah 56100 Kuala Lumpur (7) Chock Eng Tah (571023-10-5227) - Director - 14-07-2003 38, Jalan USJ 2/51 UEP Subang Jaya Selangor (8) Mohd Redza Shah Bin Abdul Wahid (630127-01-6269) - Director - 31-03-2006 6, Lorong PJU 7/21B Mutiara Damansara 47800 Petaling Jaya Selangor (9) Kong Seng Huat (590327-06-5117) - Director - 28-08-2003 65, Jalan SS 26/9 Taman Mayang Jaya Selangor (10) Datuk Mohd Khamil Bin Jamil (560120-08-6175) - Director - 31-03-2006 Lot 2929, Jalan 5Kemensah HeightsUlu Kelang68000 AmpangSelangor (11) Anand Pon A/L Ponnudurai (561230-01-5351) - Director - 9-04-20027-08- 4, Pantai Hill ParkBlok 7, Fasa 5 Jalan Pantai 5920 Kuala Lumpur (Shareholders:Co. Reg. No. - Name of Company - Total Shares (1) 203430-W - DRB-HICOM Berhad - 3,680,0002) (2) 339525-W - Detik Nagasari Sdn Bhd - 3,680,0003) 463227-X - Merong Mahawangsa Sdn Bhd - 11,040,000Financial Highlights (December 2003):Fixed Assets RM7,147,914.00Current Assets RM152,861,746.00 Total Assets RM -613,682.00Issued Capital RM7,609,000.00Paid Up Capital RM7,609,000.00Unappropriated Profit RM -10,668,353.00Long-Term Deffered Liabilities RM2,445,671.00Current Liabilities RM160,623, 342.00Operating Revenue RM201,078,016.00Profit Before Taxation RM -3,123,252.00Profit After Taxation RM -3,155,055.00Profit Attributes to Shareholders RM -3,155,055.00Unappropriated Profit Carried Forward RM -10,668, 353.00Unappropriated Profit Brought Forward RM -7,513,298.00 Detik Nagasari Sdn Bhd Company Reg. No. 0339525-WRegistration Date: 10-04-1995Registered Address:11th Floor, Menara BerjayaKL Paza, 179, Jalan Bukit BintangKuala LumpurBusiness Address:83, Jalan SS 25/2Taman Bukit EmasPetaling JayaType of Business: Construction & Infrastructure BusinessAuthorised Capital: RM100,000.00Paid Up Capital: RM100,000.00 Directors:Name & Address (IC No.) - Position - Appointment (1) Kong Keng Ling (561105-08-5865) - Director - 25-09-19982) (2) Datuk Wan Lokman Bin Dato Wan Ibrahim (460525-02-5129) - Director - 05-09-1996 Shareholder:Transwater Corporation Bhd (Company no. 0067617-M) -100% (Change of name from Transwater Bina Sdn Bhd to Transwater Corporation Sdn Bhd on 03.04.1986, and to Transwater Corporation Berhad and to Hyundai Berjaya Corporation Berhad on 21.07.2003, and to Hyundai-Sime Darby Berhad on 26.04.2005).Financial Highlights:Fixed Assets RM 1,321,800.00Current Assets RM 94,382.00Total Assets RM 1,416,182.00Current Liabilities RM 1,606,440.00Total Liabilities RM 1,606, 440.00Paid Up Capital RM 100,000.00Rev. & Other Reserves RM -290,258.00Net worth RM -190,258.00Total RM 1,416,182.00Turnover RM -3,588.00Profit Before Tax RM -130,153.00Profit After Tax RM -130, 153.00Profit & Loss for the Year RM -130,153.00(4) Merong Mahawangsa Sdn BhdCompany Reg. No. 0463227-XRegistration Date: 30-05-1998Registered Address:3374, FG Jalan 18/31Taman Sri SerdangSri KembanganSelangorBusiness Address: 3, Jalan 222Petaling JayaSelangorType of Business: Property Development Authorised Capital: RM1,000,000.00Paid Up Capital: RM 600,002.00 Directors:Name (IC No.) - Position - Appointment (1) Anuar Hakim Bin Abdul Rahim (671127-06-5483) - Director - 09-12-1998 (2) Kamal Hisham Bin Jaafar (700301-01-5853) - Director - 24-09-2002 (Also Director of Gerbang Perdana Sdn Bhd and Ibzi Holdings Sdn Bhd) (3) Dato' Yahya Bin A. Jalil (560819-016437) - Director - 30-05-1998 Shareholders (company no.) - % of shares:1) Ibex Corporation Amalgamated Sdn. Bhd (0065712-X) - 50%2) Ibzi Holdings Sdn. Bhd. (0483228-P) - 50%Financial Highlights (December 2000): Fixed Assets RM417,235.00Other Assets RM12,304,537.00Current Assets RM132,798.00Total Assets RM12,854,570.00Current Liabilitites RM9,555,270.00Long Term Liabiltites RM244,163.00Total Liabilitites RM9,799,433.00Paid Up Capital RM600,002.00Shares Reserves RM -44,,865.00Net Worth RM555,137.00Minority Interest RM2,500,000.00Total RM12,854,570.00Profit Before Tax RM -7,661, 183.00Profit After Tax RM -44,865.00Profit & Loss for the Year RM -44,865.00(5) Hyundai-Sime Darby Berhad (Change of name from Transwater Bina Sdn Bhd to Transwater Corporation Sdn Bhd on 03.04.1986, and to Transwater Corporation Berhad and to Hyundai Berjaya Corporation Berhad on 21.07.2003, and to Hyundai-Sime Darby Berhad on 26.04.2005).Authorised Capital: RM500,000,000.00Paid-Up-Capital: RM182,563,000.00 Directors:Name - Position - Appointed (1) Yeoh Choon San - Managing Director - 28-11-20032) - Independent Non-Executive - 7-7-20034) (2) Yip Jon Khiam Non-Independent Non-Executive - 6-12-20045) (3) Dato' Ahmad Zubair bin Haji Murshid - Non-Independent Non-Executive - 06-12-20046 (4) Dato' Kalsom binti Abd. Rahman - Independent Non-Executive -01-03-2005 7 (5) K Shekhar a/l S Krishnan ?Non-Independent Non-Executive - 31-03-2005 Shareholders:Shareholders - Shares Held - %1) Tan Sri Dato' Seri Vincent Tan Chee Yioun - 52,654,550 - 46.6%2) Berjaya Group Berhad - 52,654,550 - 46.6%3) Bizurai Bijak (M) Sdn Bhd - 52,276,550 - 46.26%4) Dato' Dr Tengku Retwan bin Tengku Mansor - 12,000,000 - 10.62%5) Batumadu Sdn Bhd - 12,000,000 - 10.62% 6) Arbaain bin Bakar - 12,000,000 - 10.62%7) Yeoh Choon San - 11,000,000 - 9.73%8) Datuk Tengku Adnan bin Tengku Mansor - 7,139,000 - 6.32%9) The Estate of Dato' Wan Adli bin Dato' Wan Ibrahim - 6,608,750 - 5.85%10) Angsana Embun Sdn Bhd - 6,608,750 - 5.85%Financial Highlights (April 2004):Fixed Assets RM39,336,055.00Other Assets RM4,407,956.00Current Assets RM264,419,305.00Total Assets RM318,163, 316.00Current Liabilities RM126,641,947.00Long Term Liabilities RM20,087,511.00Total Liabilities RM146,729,458.00Turnover RM1,013,598,578.00Profit Before Tax RM132,716,083.00Net Worth RM171,322, 588.00(6) Ibex Corporation Amalgamated Sdn BhdCompany Reg. No. 0065712-XRegistration Date: 19-12-1980Registered Address:Bangunan Ash Hiani, 3374, Jalan 18/31 Taman Sri SerdangSri KembanganSelangorBusiness Address: 3, Jalan 51A/222Petaling JayaSelangorType of Business: Property RentingAuthorised Capital: RM5,000,000.00Paid Up Capital: RM2,000,000.00Directors:Name (IC No.) - Position - Appointment1) Dato' Yahya Bin A. Jalil (560819-01-6437) - Director - 19-12-1990 2) Datin Mahmudah bte Md Ali (700301-01-5853) - Director - 04-12-1986Shareholders:Name - % of shares1) Dato' Yahya Bin A. Jalil - 65%2) Datin Mahmudah bte Md Ali - 35% Financial Highlights (December 1998):Fixed Assets RM6,041,716.00Other Assets RM677,280.00Current Assets RM2,488,599.00Total Assets RM9,207,595.00Current Liabilities RM9,319, 847.00Long Term Liabilities RM3,381,483.00Total Liabilities RM12,701,330.00Turnover RM1,061,035.00Loss Before Tax RM1,729,031.00Net Worth 朢M3,493,735.00(7) Ibzi Holdings Sdn Bhd Company Reg. No. 0483228-PRegistration Date: 11-05-1999Registered Address:157A Jalan Sri PelangiTaman PelangiJohor BahruJohorBusiness Address: Bukit PelangiJalan Pasir PelangiJohor BahruJohorType of Business: Investment Holding CompanyAuthorised Capital: RM5,000,000.00Paid Up Capital : RM 250,000.00Directors:Name (IC No.) - Position - Appointment1) DYAM Tunku Ibrahim Ismail ibni Duli Yang Maha Mulia Baginda Al-Mutawakkil Alallah Sultan Iskandar Al-Haj (5811220-01-5621) - Director - 01-08-2002 2) Raja Zarith Sofia bte Raja Idris (590814-08-5254) - Director - 01-08-20023) Kamal Hisham bin Jaafar (700301-01-5853) - Director - 01-02-2003 (Also Director of Gerbang Perdana Sdn Bhd and Merong Mahawangsa Sdn Bhd )Shareholders:Name - % of shares1) DYAM Tunku Ibrahim Ismail ibni DYMM Baginda Al-Mutawakkil Alallah Sultan Iskandar Al-Haj - 99%2) Raja Zarith Sofia bte Raja Idris - 1% Financial Highlights (not available - presumed DORMANT)Special Report on the NEP archives Website - http://malaysia-today.net/reports/2006/06/people-behind-gerbang-perdana.htm We are a Community of Victims Against : (1) Cold & Cruel Corporations (2) Unscrupulous Employers, Businessmen, etc., (3) Confidence-tricksters, swindlers, charlatans, cheats, thieves, scoundrels, etc., portraying and masquerading as honest, decent and up-right citizens & genuine business people. These dirty spineless crooks and scamsters ought to be charged for CBT (Criminal Breach of Trust) in the courts of law and justice. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. Justice shall prevail! (4) MCA, MIC and other component race-based or ethnic-based parties who kow-tow & kneel before their political masters or political Gods, to pilfer and loot the country's wealth and the Rakyat's taxes. These cronies beholden to the ruling elites, masquerading and posturing from their high-moral grounds-stance, worldly-sounding rhetorics and policies, but in reality are nothing more than paying lips-service. Pulling the wool over the Rakyat's eyes all these years since Independence, until March 8th 2008, when Malaysia woke up from it's reticence and stupor, to send it's strongest message to the ruling elite's evil regime, namely the Govt. of the day, that "Enough is Enough!". It's inevitable that change is imminent. It's only a matter of time. Publishers, investors, movie-directors, film producers, are cordially invited to apply. Pls. send complete C.V. and resume to be short-listed for final interview. Contact email: [email protected] Available Hard-cover, Paper-backs, e-Books (down-loadable). #1 Best-Seller - 1 Million copies sold worldwide!

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Patterson, P. J. 1936(?)– P. J. Patterson 1936(?)– Prime minister of Jamaica P. J. Patterson, the prime minister of Jamaica, is the first son of two black parents ever elected to the top position in the government of that island nation. He won the prime ministership in March of 1993 after having been appointed to the job in 1992 by his predecessor, Michael Manley. Patterson could have delayed a popular election until 1994, but instead called for a vote in 1993 and won by a landslide. As Washington Post reporter Douglas Farah put it, the victory “was unexpectedly large and was interpreted as a personal triumph for Patterson, who emerged as a strong leader in his own right after years as a protege of longtime party leader Michael Manley.” The soft-spoken, genteel Patterson represents a departure from the dramatic and blustering leaders that have characterized Jamaican politics for the last two decades. Patterson’s platform was not significantly different from that of his principal opponent, former prime minister Edward Seaga. Both men spoke of improving Jamaica’s dreadful economic woes through free market enterprise and decreased dependency on financial aid from the International Monetary Fund and other foreign sources of loaned capital. The primary difference between the candidates was one of personality: Patterson touted his humble island origins and called himself “one of the people,” a statement that bears weight in a country with a 75 percent black population. A correspondent for Economist magazine noted that Patterson drew his wide support “not only from the poor, but also from the rapidly expanding class of entrepreneurs and small investors who, in a booming stock market, have done well from his government’s version of popular capitalism.” Patterson was born in a small village in western Jamaica in the 1930s. At that time the island was under the rule of Great Britain and had been for almost three hundred years. Patterson’s childhood years were a time of political foment in Jamaica, as members of the fledgling People’s National Party (PNP) and the Jamaican Labor Party (JLP) sought independence from Britain and a form of true representative government for the nation. Independence was not in fact achieved until 1962, but by that time Jamaica’s two major political parties were well established, as was an elected parliament. Patterson earned a law degree in London and returned to Jamaica to work for the PNP. He told Newsday: “I come from a rather different background than either of the two previous leaders [of Jamaica]. I reached the pinnacle of Born Percival James Patterson, C. 1936, in rural Jamaica. Education: Earned law degree studying in London, England. Politics: Head of People’s National Party, Jamaica. Prime minister of Jamaica, 1992—. As member of People’s National Party, served Jamaican government in a variety of positions, 1970-92, including foreign minister, minister for foreign trade, minister of production and planning, and deputy prime minister, 1989-92; is currently chairman of majority party in Jamaican parliament. Addresses: Office —Office of the Prime Minister, Kingston, Jamaica; or, c/o Jamaican Embassy, 1850 K. St. N.W., Suite 335, Washington, DC 20006. leadership in the party having served at all levels: as organizer, as constituency chairman, as member of the party executive, as vice president of the party, as chairman of the party—and, indeed, I think I am the first person who has come up through the ranks of the party in this way. I think that many people would view that as a new phase, a new chapter in our political process.” Patterson’s growing responsibility within the PNP inevitably brought him into contact with Michael Manley. The charismatic Manley’s mixed racial background led to his portrayal as “a ‘brown’ populist leader…who promised radical but vague changes in the condition of life faced by the masses, and was sympathetic to the cultural and racial aspirations and expressions of the black masses,” wrote Carl Stone in Class, Race and Political Behavior in Urban Jamaica. The son of the party’s founder, he was elected prime minister in 1972. Wildly popular among the Jamaican poor—who called him “Joshua” after the Old Testament liberator of the same name—Manley at first pursued a left-wing agenda. “Manley embodied the ideas of the Third World movement for independence from the centuries-old tyranny of empire,” wrote Robert Borosage and Saul Landau in Mother Jones. “His strategy for achieving an independent Jamaica…brought him to the forefront of the non-aligned movement and into an alliance with Cuba’s Fidel Castro [the revolutionary leader who oversaw his country’s development into a Communist state]. Manley’s policies indeed caused the national security elite of the United States to ‘vex themselves.’” The Manley government was pioneering in its introduction of black executives into the uppermost circles of power. Patterson was one who benefited from this reversal of longstanding racist practices. Having proven his worth to the party from the grass roots level upwards, he was promoted both within PNP ranks and into the government as well. By the mid-1970s he held the important positions of foreign minister and minister for foreign trade. His duties took him to the United Nations and all over the world as Jamaica sought markets for its exports such as sugar, rum, bananas, coffee, and bauxite (the primary source of aluminum). Manley’s left-wing policies alienated his government from the United States. As Borosage and Landau explained, “Aid, credit, and loans to Jamaica slowed to a trickle, and assorted destabilization tactics surfaced from 1976 to 1980, including the outbreak of daily and deadly street violence.” Reluctantly, the government instituted austerity measures that weakened some of its progressive reform programs. As the 1980 elections approached, the violence increased; it is estimated that as many as 800 people died in politically-motivated slayings during a contest that retired Manley from power and introduced Edward Seaga to the prime ministership. Seaga was the leader of the Jamaican Labor Party, the more conservative of the two major political divisions in Jamaica. Under Seaga, the island was brought into a close relationship with the administration of President Ronald Reagan in Washington, DC. Like many a conservative government elsewhere, the Seaga regime reduced government spending on social programs even as the inflow of capital from the United States and other sources increased. During these years, Manley and Patterson were top-ranking members of the “opposition”—namely, the People’s National Party. At various times during the 1980s, Patterson served as vice president and chairman of the party, offering a non-violent protest against the government’s policies and platforms. Borosage and Landau noted that despite a massive influx of foreign loans, “Seaga ran aground. Debt doubled while productivity declined. And the expected private foreign capital never arrived [in Jamaica]. By late 1988, as Seaga’s tenure drew to a close, the Jamaican economy was producing less per capita than it had been ten years earlier under Manley. Unemployment had risen to an official rate of 25 percent.” Under these circumstances, Manley and the PNP were able to return to the fore and defeat Seaga by a wide margin in a 1989 popular election. After years with the “opposition,” Patterson returned to the government officially as deputy prime minister. He was given the onerous task of reforming the sagging Jamaican economy and instituting new policies destined to reduce the enormous national debt. The Manley government of 1989 was more moderate in tone and less dedicated to socialist objectives, but even the dynamic Manley could not stave off massive inflation and the devaluation of Jamaican currency brought on by the country’s level of indebtedness. In 1991 alone, the island’s inflation rate hit 80 percent, and one American dollar was worth more than 20 Jamaican dollars. The government also continued a futile battle against Jamaica’s most lucrative export—illegal drugs, a $100 million industry in the nation’s farming districts. Tough times notwithstanding, both political parties agreed that the austerity measures instituted were absolutely essential for any preservation of a viable Jamaican economy. Manley was stricken with cancer in 1991. By the following year he had become too ill to continue his duties as prime minister. He stepped down, and Patterson became prime minister in his place by appointment. Patterson took office in March of 1992 and did his best to stabilize the fluctuating currency values and reduce inflation. Patterson’s reception by the poor in Jamaica is well reflected in a random comment recorded by Laurie Gunst in the Nation. A fish-seller in the coastal village of Belmont said she was happy about Patterson’s promotion. She added, however: “P. J. can’t help [us], really. We can’t buy food in the shops again. Chicken fly so high we only see its shadow. It goin’ to banquets elsewhere.” Indeed, the Los Angeles Times reported in May of 1992 that expatriate Jamaicans in the United States and Canada were sending record amounts of food, clothing, and other items through the mail to needy family members still on the island. Patterson had to continue to tackle these economic woes without eroding his party’s popularity with the electorate. Patterson might have taken two years without an election in order to wait until conditions improved. Instead, he ordered a general election for the spring of 1993. Seaga was his principal opponent from the opposition, and within his party he contended with an almost equally-popular candidate, Portia Simpson, the Minister for Welfare, Labor, and Sports. Perhaps recalling the extreme violence of the 1980 elections, Patterson announced his decision to hold a vote only three weeks before the balloting took place. Although the candidates attended the usual round of vociferous rallies, they all called for a peaceful election and took pains to appear cordial to one another in public. The cordiality was not tried by any major platform differences. Both Seaga and Patterson agreed that a free market economy was the best course for Jamaica and that a reduction of national debt was essential. The campaign hinged on more personal matters. Patterson accented his rural Jamaican origins (Seaga was born in Boston) and, on occasion, used songs such as “Young, Gifted and Black,” “I Am a Born Jamaican, a Son of the Soil,” and “My Leader Born Ya,” at his rallies. Seaga, in turn, subtly tried to denigrate Patterson by comparing him to the young American television personality and rapper Will Smith, better known as the “Fresh Prince.” The comparison backfired when observers noted that the low-key, goateed Patterson was indeed “fresh,” with his decidedly different style of communication. As Farah commented in the Washington Post, the new prime minister “won praise for moving away from the strongman leadership style of both Manley and Seaga and making government more accessible to the people.” Under Patterson’s leadership, inflation has stabilized and the Jamaican dollar is stronger. He told Black Enterprise that his country will move from a deficit to a surplus in foreign exchange reserves by 1994, and by 1995, will no longer require further assistance from the International Monetary Fund. “With creativity, discipline, determination and hard work,” he concluded, “we will enter the 21st century as a strong nation.” Newsday contributor Douglas Century noted that despite its economic woes and its sporadic, politically-motivated violence, Jamaica “appears a model of regional stability” in the Caribbean. Patterson’s peaceful assumption of power as an elected official certainly heightens this sense of stability. Patterson himself told Newsday: “I think [Jamaicans] are remarkable in that between 1944 and now we have changed governments solely by the democratic process. The way in which this has been done has established a tradition, and I think with time we have acquired political maturity and political sophistication.… Undoubtedly, there are always things which make for the possibility of social tension. Those have to be faced very squarely, and certainly in our case we think it is very important to keep in close touch with the people at all times, to give them an understanding of the difficulties we face and why and how we’re seeking to overcome them. We have to keep the people a part of the solution, so that they do not feel that the government is the problem and they have no contribution in finding ways and means of overcoming these problems.” Brown, Aggrey, Color, Class and Politics in Jamaica, Transaction, 1980. Payne, Anthony, Politics in Jamaica, St. Martin’s, 1988. Stone, Carl, Class, Race and Political Behavior in Urban Jamaica, Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1974. Black Enterprise, December 1992, p. 22. Economist, March 21, 1992, p. 48; March 27, 1993, p. 47. Emerge, June 1993, p. 18. Los Angeles Times, May 10, 1992, p. 27. Mother Jones, March/April 1991, p. 26-29. Nation, July 13, 1992, p. 48-51. Newsday, October 5, 1992, p. 37; October 15, 1992, p. 33. New York Times, March 29, 1992, p. L-3. Washington Post, March 30, 1993, p. A-16; March 31, 1993, p. A-22. —Anne Janette Johnson "Patterson, P. J. 1936(?)–." Contemporary Black Biography. . Encyclopedia.com. (April 24, 2017). http://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/patterson-p-j-1936 "Patterson, P. J. 1936(?)–." Contemporary Black Biography. . Retrieved April 24, 2017 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/patterson-p-j-1936 Patterson, P. J. 1935– P. J. Patterson 1935– Prime minister of Jamaica A successful leader in a troubled Caribbean country with a tradition of white political leadership, P. J. Patterson is the first prime minister of Jamaica to have been born of two black parents. Implementing the free-market reforms that swept the region and much of the Third World during the 1990s, he proved to be a skillful and steady chief executive, bringing new prosperity to an island nation that, despite its well-known tourist industry, has suffered considerable economic difficulties since gaining independence in 1962. Groomed to be prime minister by his charismatic predecessor Michael Manley in 1992, Patterson, as leader of the People’s National Party (PNP), won Jamaica’s 1993 elections and led the party to victory once again in 1997 even after the imposition of austerity measures designed to put the economy on a firmer footing. Percival Noel James Patterson was born in 1935 in St. Andrew, Jamaica, the son of a farmer in the island’s rural western region. He excelled as a student in primary and high schools and earned an honors degree in English at the University of the West Indies. While still a student he became politically active in the then British colony that had a history of colorful and contentious politics. He worked for the PNP, which in the 1960s and 1970s supported socialist programs aimed at improving the quality of life of the impoverished Jamaican masses through government control over industry, and forged ties with such leaders as Cuba’s Fidel Castro. Patterson, a newly minted college graduate, decided to continue his education in London, England. After obtaining a law degree in 1963, he passed the bar in Britain and Jamaica. When he returned to Jamaica, he found that his education made him a valuable asset to the PNP, which was struggling for ascendancy over its longtime rival, the Jamaica Labor Party (JLP), in the wake of independence from Britain. Patterson rose through the ranks of the PNP, becoming a party vice president from 1969 to 1982, campaign director for the general elections of 1972, 1976, and 1989, and chairman, winning election to the Jamaican parliament, and assuming leadership of various government ministries in the 1970s and 1980s. He began to work increasingly closely with Manley, a natural leader At a Glance… Born Percival Noel James Patterson in St. Andrew, Jamaica in 1935, the son of a farmer. Divorced, two children. Education: Graduated with honors degree in English, University of the West Indies, 1959; bachelor of law degree, London School of Economics, 1963; passed bar in Britain and Jamaica. Career: Prime minister of Jamaica, 1992s attorney and lifelong political organizer and politician. Party organizer, People’s National Party of Jamaica, 1958–60; party vice president, 1969–82; party chairman, 1983-; member, Jamaican senate, 1967–70; member, Jamaican House of Representatives, 1970s and 1980s; minister of industry, foreign trade, and tourism, Government of Jamaica, beginning in 1972; deputy prime minister and minister of foreign affairs and foreign trade, 1979–80, 1989–90; deputy prime minister and minister of development, planning, and production, 1990–91, resigned, 1992; elected prime minister of Jamaica, 1992 in special election caused by the death of Prime Minsiter Michael Manley; reelected 1993, 1997. Addresses: Office — Office of the Prime Minister, 1 Devon Road, Kingston 10, Jamaica; c/o Jamaican Embassy, 1850 K. St NW, Suite 335, Washington, DC 20006. of mixed-race background whose populist rhetoric led the PNP to victory in several 1970s elections. When the Jamaica Labor Party, a rightward-tilting party that cultivated a close relationship with the administration of U.S. President Ronald Reagan, came to power in the 1980s, Patterson emerged as a leader of the opposition, resisting the cuts in social programs pushed by the JLP and its leader, Edward Seaga. Manley, Patterson, and the PNP returned to power in 1989, by which time the steam had gone out of the international socialist movement, and Patterson was named deputy prime minister and finance minister. He assumed the unenviable task of rescuing the Jamaican economy from the inflation and national debt that had accumulated when the foreign investment Seaga had courted failed to materialize. The government took the step of devaluing the country’s currency, a move that pleased international financiers but wreaked havoc on ordinary Jamaicans, who often depended on the contributions of relatives who had emigrated to the United States or Canada. Patterson resigned from his posts in a 1991 scandal involving the improper granting of tax relief to the multinational Shell Oil Company. But the allegations did little damage politically, and when Manley announced his resignation due to ill health on March 15, 1992, Patterson was widely viewed as a strong candidate to succeed him. He won election as party leader (in Jamaican’s parliamentary system, modeled on that of Great Britain, the leader of the majority party in Parliament become prime minister), and was sworn in as prime minister on March 30. Although the nation’s economy was in crisis, Patterson confidently predicted a rapid improvement in Jamaican’s fortunes. He could have remained in office until 1994, but instead sought a mandate by calling elections for March of 1993. With Seaga as Patterson’s opponent, the campaign took on some racial overtones (Seaga was born in Boston and was of Lebanese-Jamaican ancestry), but also turned on economic issues; in the words of the Economist, “[Mr.] Patterson draws support not only from the poor, but also from the rapidly expanding class of entrepreneurs and small investors who, in a booming stock market, have done well from his government’s version of popular capitalism.” Patterson and the PNP easily won re-election, taking 61 percent of the popular vote and 54 seats in the 60-member House of Representatives. Dubbed the “Fresh Prince” after American star Will Smith, Patterson met with success even though Jamaica’s economy lagged behind those of other Western countries in the early and middle 1990s. Through a devaluation that impelled Patterson to appeal for aid from expatriate Jamaicans, the currency was stabilized, and Patterson won praise for what the Economist called a “consultative brand of politics” that stood in dramatic contrast to the rough-and-tumble governing styles of Jamaica’s past leaders. Some attributed this welcome change to Patterson’s rural background, and to the fact that he had risen to power outside of the culture of political violence that plagued the city of Kingston, the nation’s capital and largest city. Indeed, election-related violence emerged as an issue in Patterson’s 1997 campaign; he seemed to represent for many Jamaicans a new stability in the country’s leadership. After his convincing victory, he was quoted in Jet as saying, “I regard this (victory) as a clear signal to all who are too blind to see that the country wants an end to political violence.” The election was monitored by an international team of peacekeeper-observers, including former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and the Jamaican-descended U.S. general Colin Powell, and Patterson’s victory gave the PNP an unprecedented third term in power. By 1998 Patterson seemed to be in a position where he could continue to improve the lives of ordinary Jamaicans. He listed education, improved water, electricity, and sanitation services, and new roads as priorities for his upcoming term. “It is also very critical to win the fight against crime and the scourge of drugs,” he was quoted assaying, again in Jet. The leader whom the Economist called “a reticent man in a loud-mouthed country” had emerged as a respected black leader for the 1990s and beyond. Current Leaders of Nations, Gale, 1998. Black Enterprise, December 1992, p. 22. Economist, March 21, 1992, p. 48; March 27, 1993, p. 47. Financial Times, April 7, 1993, p. 4. Jet, April 4, 1994, p. 6; January 12, 1998, p. 8. Facts on File World News CD-ROM, Country Profile: Jamaica; also issues of January 9, 1992, April 2, 1992, and April 8, 1993. —James M. Manheim "Patterson, P. J. 1935–." Contemporary Black Biography. . Encyclopedia.com. (April 24, 2017). http://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/patterson-p-j-1935 "Patterson, P. J. 1935–." Contemporary Black Biography. . Retrieved April 24, 2017 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/education/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/patterson-p-j-1935 Patterson, P. J. P. J. Patterson: (Percival James Patterson), 1935–, Jamaican political leader, prime minister of Jamaica (1992–2006). A lawyer, he became an active member of the People's National party (PNP) in the 1950s. From 1972 to 1980 Patterson held various ministerial posts, including minister of finance. In 1989 he became deputy prime minister under Michael Manley, and when Manley resigned in 1992 Patterson was appointed party leader and prime minister. He won an electoral victory the next year and was returned to power in 1997 and 2002. In a time of economic difficulties for Jamaica, he pursued privatization and other free-market reforms, but crime remained a persistent problem, and his tenure was marred by corruption allegations. He retired in 2006, and Portia Simpson-Miller succeeded him as prime minister. "Patterson, P. J.." The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.. . Encyclopedia.com. (April 24, 2017). http://www.encyclopedia.com/reference/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/patterson-p-j "Patterson, P. J.." The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.. . Retrieved April 24, 2017 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/reference/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/patterson-p-j

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|Elevation||5,642 m (18,510 ft) | |Prominence||4,741 m (15,554 ft) |Isolation||2,473 kilometres (1,537 mi)| Volcanic Seven Summits Country high point |Federal subject||Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia| |Parent range||Caucasus Mountains| |Topo map||Elbrus and Upper Baksan Valley by EWP| |Age of rock||Unknown| |Mountain type||Stratovolcano (dormant)| |Last eruption||50 CE ± 50 years| |First ascent||(West summit) 1874, by Florence Crauford Grove, Frederick Gardner, Horace Walker and the guides Peter Knubel and Ahiya Sottaiev (Lower summit) 22 July 1829 by Khillar Khachirov |Easiest route||Basic snow/ice climb| Mount Elbrus (Russian: Эльбру́с, tr. Elbrus; IPA: [ɪlʲˈbrus]; Karachay-Balkar: Минги тау, Miñi taw, IPA: [mɪˈŋːi taw]; Kabardian: Ӏуащхьэмахуэ, ’Wāśhamāxwa IPA: [ʔʷoːɕħɑmæːxʷo]; Georgian: იალბუზი, tr. Ialbuzi; Ossetian: Halbruz) is the highest mountain in Russia and in Europe, and the tenth most prominent peak in the world. A dormant volcano, Elbrus is in the Caucasus Mountains in Southern Russia, near the border with Georgia. Elbrus has two summits, both of which are dormant volcanic domes. The taller west summit is 5,642 metres (18,510 ft);, the east summit is 5,621 metres (18,442 ft). The east summit was first ascended on 10 July 1829 (Julian calendar) by Khillar Khachirov, a Karachay guide for an Imperial Russian army scientific expedition led by General Emmanuel, and the west summit (by about 20 m; 66 ft) in 1874 by a British expedition led by F. Crauford Grove and including Frederick Gardner, Horace Walker, and the Swiss guide Peter Knubel of St. Niklaus. While authorities differ on how the Caucasus are distributed between Europe and Asia, most relevant modern authorities define the continental boundary as the Caucasus watershed, placing Elbrus in Europe due to its position on the north side in Russia. The name Elbrus // is a metathesis of Alborz, which is also the name of a long mountain range in northern Iran. It is derived from Avestan Harā Bərəzaitī, which is a legendary mountain in Iranian mythology. Harā Bərəzaitī reflects Proto-Iranian *Harā Bṛzatī, which was reformed into Middle Persian as Harborz, and into Modern Persian as Alborz. Bṛzatī is the feminine form of the adjective *bṛzant ("high"), the reconstructed ancestor of Modern Persian barz ("high"), berāzande ("elegant"), and boland ("high", "tall"), and Modern Kurdish barz ("high"). Harā may be interpreted as "watch" or "guard", from Indo-European *ser ("protect"). Elbrus stands 20 km (12 mi) north of the main range of the Greater Caucasus and 65 km (40 mi) south-southwest of the Russian town of Kislovodsk. Its permanent icecap feeds 22 glaciers, which in turn give rise to the Baksan, Kuban, and Malka Rivers. Elbrus sits on a moving tectonic area, and has been linked to a fault. A supply of magma lies deep beneath the dormant volcano. Mount Elbrus was formed more than 2.5 million years ago. The volcano is currently considered inactive. Elbrus was active in the Holocene, and according to the Global Volcanism Program, the last eruption took place about AD 50. Evidence of recent volcanism includes several lava flows on the mountain, which look fresh, and roughly 260 square kilometres (100 sq mi) of volcanic debris. The longest flow extends 24 kilometres (15 mi) down the northeast summit, indicative of a large eruption. There are other signs of activity on the volcano, including solfataric activity and hot springs. The western summit has a well-preserved volcanic crater about 250 metres (820 ft) in diameter. The ancients knew the mountain as Strobilus , Latin for "pine cone", a direct loan from the ancient Greek strobilos, meaning 'a twisted object' – a long established botanical term that describes the shape of the volcano's summit. Myth held that here Zeus had chained Prometheus, the Titan who had stolen fire from the gods and given it to ancient man – likely a reference to historic volcanic activity. The lower of the two summits was first ascended on 10 July 1829 (Julian calendar) by Khillar Khachirov, a Karachay guide for an Imperial Russian army scientific expedition led by General Emmanuel, and the higher (by about 40 m; 130 ft) in 1874 by an English expedition led by F. Crauford Grove and including Frederick Gardner, Horace Walker, and the Swiss guide Peter Knubel of St. Niklaus in the canton Valais. During the early years of the Soviet Union, mountaineering became a popular sport of the populace, and there was tremendous traffic on the mountain. On 17 March 1936, a group of 33 inexperienced Komsomol members attempted the mountain, and ended up suffering four fatalities when they slipped on the ice and fell to their deaths. During the Battle of the Caucasus in World War II, the Wehrmacht occupied the area surrounding the mountain from August 1942 to January 1943 with 10,000 Gebirgsjäger from the 1st Mountain Division. A possibly apocryphal story tells of a Soviet pilot being given a medal for bombing the main mountaineering hut, Priyut 11 (Приют одиннадцати, "Refuge of the 11"), while it was occupied. He was then later nominated for a medal for not hitting the hut, but instead the German fuel supply, leaving the hut standing for future generations. When news reached Adolf Hitler that a detachment of mountaineers was sent by the general officer commanding the German division to climb to the summit of Elbrus and plant the swastika flag at its top, he reportedly flew into a rage, called the achievement a "stunt" and threatened to court martial the general. The Soviet Union encouraged ascents of Elbrus, and in 1956 it was climbed en masse by 400 mountaineers to mark the 400th anniversary of the incorporation of Kabardino-Balkaria, the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic where Elbrus was located. From 1959 through 1976, a cable car system was built in stages that can take visitors as high as 3,800 metres (12,500 ft). There are a wide variety of routes up the mountain, but the normal route, which is free of crevasses, continues more or less straight up the slope from the end of the cable car system. During the summer, it is not uncommon for 100 people to be attempting the summit via this route each day. Winter ascents are rare, and are usually undertaken only by very experienced climbers. Elbrus is notorious for its brutal winter weather, and summit attempts are few and far between. The climb is not technically difficult, but it is physically arduous because of the elevations and the frequent strong winds. The average annual death toll on Elbrus is 15–30, primarily due to "many unorganized and poorly equipped" attempts to summit the mountain. In 1997 a team led by the Russian mountaineer Alexander Abramov took a Land Rover Defender to the summit of the East Peak, breaking into the Guinness Book of Records. The project took 45 days in total. They were able to drive the vehicle as high as the mountain huts at The Barrels (3,800 metres (12,500 ft)), but above this they used a pulley system to raise it most of the way. On the way down, a driver lost control of the vehicle and had to dive out. Although he survived the accident, the vehicle crashed into rocks and remains below the summit to this day. In 1929, eleven scientists erected a small hut at 4,160 metres and called it Priyut 11 (Refuge of the 11). At the same site, a larger hut for 40 people was built in 1932. A wilderness hut was built in 1933 in the saddle between the two summits but collapsed after only a few years. Its remains can still be seen. In 1939, the soviet Intourist travel agency built yet another structure a little above the "Priyut 11" site at 4,200 metres, covered in aluminium siding. It was meant to accommodate western tourists, who were encouraged to climb Mount Elbrus in commercial, guided tours at the time to bring in foreign currency. On 16 August 1998, this hut completely burned down after a cooking stove fell over. After that, the new "Diesel hut" was built in the summer of 2001 a few metres below its ruins, so called because it is located at the site of the former Diesel generator station. In addition, there is a collection of accommodations for six people each at the end of the short chairlift upwards of the second cableway section. Painted red and white, these horizontal steel cylinders (called Barrels, Russian bochki), are used as a base and for acclimatization by many mountaineers on their way to the summit. Beside the "Barrels", there are several container accommodations between about 3,800 and 4,200 metres. The Normal Route is the easiest, safest and fastest on account of the cable car and chairlift system which operates from about 9 a.m. till 3 p.m. Starting for the summit at about 2 a.m. from the Diesel Hut or Leaprus mountain hut should allow just enough time to get back down to the chairlift if movement is efficient. A longer ascent Kiukurtliu Route starts from below the cable-way Mir station and heads west over glacier slopes towards the Khotiutau pass. The ascent of Elbrus from the south takes about 6–9 hours, with a total height difference of 1,700–2,000 m (5,600–6,600 ft) between the Barrels Huts and the west summit of Elbrus. From Terskol village one can walk 5 km (3.1 mi) to the first elevation, Azau (2,350 m; 7,710 ft). A cable car service is available from Azau to the normal starting location for the Elbrus climb, known as Barrels Hut or Garabashi Station (3,720 m; 12,200 ft). The next destination – the Diesel Hut at 4,050 m (13,290 ft) – is located south from the Barrels Huts and up the slopes of Elbrus. From the Diesel Hut the route heads straight up towards the east summit of Elbrus, continuing south up the slopes. The slopes surrounding the classical route to Elbrus from the South contain large crevasses. Heading towards Pashtuhova Rocks (at 4,550–4,700 m (14,930–15,420 ft) elevation), the classical route up Elbrus becomes steeper after passing between two linear rock bands. After leaving this section, the Elbrus route heads on – first to the south, to the east summit of Elbrus, or rather the saddle between the east and west summits of Elbrus (5,416 m; 17,769 ft), but soon turns left to the west summit (5,642 m; 18,510 ft). Before reaching this saddle, the route passes through a gently sloped basin filled with snow. At the saddle there is a shelter, from which the route heads west, then – left, in the direction of rocks forming the shoulder of the west summit, in the form of a narrow, exposed snow path that allows for a straight dash to the summit ridge. The descent of Elbrus takes about 3–6 hours. While returning from the Elbrus summit, the most common mistake that climbers make and that often turns out fatal is heading low and down too early after their half-traverse below the saddle, especially under conditions of low visibility in stormy weather. On descent after the saddle, instead of going down the slope too early, one could stay high up on the slopes of the east peak, otherwise the route will become very steep and feature dangerous crevasses and falls. The north climbing route requires more commitment and is more remote than the south route. Also contributing to this is the fact that on the lower altitudes of the mountain this route can offer less in the way of infrastructure. However, this also means less human intrusion onto the landscape. With mechanical support brought to minimum, the tour to Elbrus from the north is mainly camping, with the summit route being longer and harder, and requiring good teamwork and/or winter camping skills since, if the weather is favorable, it involves an interim camp at 4,800 m (15,700 ft) or gaining 2000 vertical meters/6561 vertical ft up and down. Elbrus ascent by the north route offers rich ice and snow experience under unpredictable weather conditions. First gear on Elbrus took place in 1990. The Soviet climbers competed with Americans. Won by Anatoli Boukreev. Route Priut 11 (4050 m) - East (lower) summit of Elbrus (5621 m asl) beat for 1 hour and 47 minutes. The second was Kevin Cooney, and the third Patrick Healy. Regular competitions began to take place since 2005 is a choice of two routes: the classic and extreme. In 2006, on the route of extreme glade Azau (2400 m) - the western summit of Elbrus (5642 m asl) Denis Urubko set a record by winning the tour time 3 hours 55 minutes 59 seconds. On 24 September 2010, under the Artur Hajzer programm "Polish Winter Himalayism 2010-2015", the Polish Mountaineering Association sent a 13-person team for training purposes. The Pole Andrzej Bargiel won on the route of extreme and set a new course record of 3 hours 23 minutes 37 seconds. The Pole Aleksandra Dzik won the female competition on this route, becoming both the first woman graduated from extreme gear. Mount Elbrus is said to be home to the 'world's nastiest' outhouse which is close to being the highest privy in Europe. The title was conferred by Outside magazine following a 1993 search and article. The "outhouse" is surrounded by and covered in ice, perched off the end of a rock. - The World Book Encyclopedia—Page 317 by World Book, Inc - Mt. Elbrus : Image of the Day. Earthobservatory.nasa.gov. Retrieved on 15 May 2014. - Mount Elbrus Map Sample. Ewpnet.com. Retrieved on 15 May 2014. - Mount Elbrus and Upper Baksan Valley Map and Guide (Map) (2nd ed.). 1:50,000 with mountaineering information. EWP Map Guides. Cartography by EWP. EWP. 2007. ISBN 978-0-906227-95-4. - "Elbrus: Summary". Global Volcanism Program. Smithsonian Institution. Retrieved 25 February 2010. - "CIA World Factbook - Russia, Geography". US CIA. US Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 22 February 2016. - ''Радде Г. И. Кавказский хребет // Живописная Россия. Т. 9. Кавказ, СПб., 1883. С. Mountain.ru. Retrieved on 15 May 2014. - Miziev, I. M. "ФАКТЫ И СУЖДЕНИЯ", in Следы на Эльбрусе (из истории горного туризма и отечественного альпинизма) - История восхождений. elbrus-top.ru - "Alborz" in Encyclopædia Iranica - Caucasus from Elbrus to Kazbek (Map) (1st ed.). 1:200,000 with general information. Map Guides. Cartography by EWP. Robin Collomb and Andrew Wielochowski. 1993. ISBN 0-906227-54-2. - "Observations of crustal tide strains in the Elbrus area". Izvestiya Physics of the Solid Earth. MAIK Nauka. 43 (11): 922–930. November 2007. Bibcode:2007IzPSE..43..922M. doi:10.1134/S106935130711002X. - Kudinov V.F. Трагедия на Эльбрусе. poxod.ru - Mount Elbrus History. Ewpnet.com (10 January 1943). Retrieved on 15 May 2014. - Kershaw, Ian. Hitler: Nemesis 1936–1945. - SummitPost—Interview with Boris Tilov—the Chef of the rescue service of Elbrus region—Trip Reports. Summitpost.org. Retrieved on 15 May 2014. - Land Rover Defender climbs Mount Elbrus, ExplorersWeb (18 January 2004) - Horrell, Mark (9 August 2013). "Chapter 7: The wild side of Elbrus". Elbrus By Any Means. Smashwords. ISBN 9781301665822. - "New World Record: Summiting Elbrus with a Quad". - "Terskol Observatory". wikimapia.org. - "International Center for Astronomical, Medical and Ecological Research". terskol.com. - Polacy najszybsi na Elbrusie. polskihimalaizmzimowy.pl - Flinn, John (9 April 2006). "The pinnacle of success—and—disgust—for climbers". San Francisco Chronicle. - Getting to the Top In the Caucasus, New York Times (27 August 1989) |Wikimedia Commons has media related to Elbrus.| - Mount Elbrus on SummitPost - "Elbrus, Mount." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2006. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. 14 November 2006 <http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9032240>. - Computer generated summit panoramas North South. There are a few discontinuities due to incomplete data. - NASA Earth Observatory pages on Mount Elbrus: Mt. Elbrus (July 2003), Mt. Elbrus, Caucasus Range (November 2002) - Mt. Elbrus Expedition Cybercast Archives - Geographic Bureau. "Elbrus Region". Retrieved 5 January 2010.

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Free your muscles, strength lies in rest. Something done well has been done with ease. Strength in Rest - Do you know how to lie down? - Get comfortable - Sub-relaxation: a means and an end - The importance of relaxation - Localised relaxation Muscles Make Us All our vital processes, from digestion to thought, are performed by muscles. It has already been proved that it is not important for an athlete to have impressive-looking muscles and that the major value of large biceps is, perhaps, as a symbol of strength. The main muscles responsible for the body's general state of health are modest and unassuming. Our well-being (both psychological and physical) depends on the reliable functioning of muscles such as the heart, constantly pumping blood around our body, the diaphragm, which enables us to breathe, the fine muscles of the blood vessels and internal organs, and the muscles of the stomach and pelvic region that support important organs. The condition of our muscles determines our psychological state. All muscles have receptive zones in the brain that receive information and transmit orders. They form a complex system and relate to each other in different ways; we are conscious of only a very small part of their work. Not Quite As We Would Like As anyone with a basic knowledge of biology will know, we have both voluntary (or smooth) and involuntary (or striated) muscles. We normally have no power over the latter, the muscles of the intestines and the pupil of the eye, for example. They tense and relax independently and do not respond to direct conscious commands. We can, however, flex and extend voluntary muscles, (our biceps and calf muscles, say) as and when we like; although not quite as we would like, particularly when we are trying to relax, since there is an involuntary element even in the action of voluntary muscles. This is generally called tone, that is, a muscle's state of preparedness for action. When you are sitting back perfectly relaxed the tone of your muscles is minimal; when you are active and excited, it is very high. When we are startled we tense up immediately; when terrified, we can suddenly go very weak, our legs feel like jelly. All this takes place unconsciously, automatically. Our will plays only a limited role. If you wake up feeling weak you can try to invigorate yourself by doing physical exercises, by massage or by rubbing yourself down with a cold, damp towel. Sometimes you can be instantly galvanised into a state of intense activity simply by glancing at the clock! At other times, however, your tone just does not respond. You can close your eyes at the moment, keep then closed for as long as you like and open them when you feel like it. But when you are very tired, your eyes relentlessly close of their own accord. This happens because the muscles of the eyelids involuntarily relax as their basic tone falls. About 80% of our desire to sleep is determined by the involuntary relaxation of the muscles of the eyelids and neck other muscles then follow. But You Can Do Something If at this moment you suddenly had to clench your fist hard you could do so without the least trouble; but try doing this when you have just woken up in the morning and want to go back to sleep and you will find it is not as easy as you thought. It demands quite a lot of will-power (about as much as it takes to relax your hand when you are angry). Yet your mind is already quite active: you have remembered all you have to do during the day and have even had a couple of good ideas. Clearly the delicate muscles of the eye are already aroused even though the large skeletal muscles are still in a tone of sleep. Since various groups of muscles can thus have different tone at the same time we can use those that are already active to influence the tone of others; this is the basis of psychological regulation. Our state at any moment can be seen as the sum of all the tone of different groups of muscles registered back to the brain. In order to clench your fist on waking, you must first stretch out your fingers vigorously a few times. This is fairly easy since extensor muscles are less affected than flexor muscles by the general lowering of tone during sleep. Stretch out your fingers as hard as you can several times. You should feel the tone of the flexor muscles increase as well and it should now be quite easy to clench your fist hard and hold it. It will now be easier to make a fist with your other hand, the one you did not move. We shall return to this when we come to toning up. Do You Know How to Lie Down? Don’t move! At the moment you’re most likely either sitting or lying. Are you comfortable? Are you in the best possible position? Is it suitable for the matter in hand and is it conducive to the state of mind you’re hoping to create? Why are you sitting on the edge of your chair with your legs twined round each other? Why are you slouching? Why is one hand very tense? Do you really know how to lie down? Are you sure that the position you adopt before falling asleep is the best one for you? Your pose can put you in a bad mood, cause fear or anxiety and restrict your intellect or imagination. On the other hand, it can calm you down or make you more lively or self-assured. It is always necessary to have a correct and natural pose if you want to feel well and in control. This is not as trivial as it may seem; it is an art in itself. It is true that our pose does not always depend on us; our life-style and convention, for example, often take their toll. Our posture is affected by the position we assume and also by our attitude towards the muscles we are tensing. It is possible to adapt ourselves to almost any position, even to strap-hanging in the tube in the rush hour. An optimum pose requires us to be in a comfortable position as well as to be able to master the tone of our muscles. Poses for Auto-Training The "Coachman" position is the most well-known: sitting on a chair, a stool or a sofa with your legs bent at an angle of 45°, your forearms resting on your thighs, your trunk slightly forward and your head hanging loosely. This pose is both relaxed and stable: it allows you to doze without falling into a deep sleep. Another position is lying down (usually on your back) and relaxing as much as possible. An intermediate one is sitting in a comfortable armchair, with your arms on the arms of the chair and your head supported on the back. There are lots of suitable positions: for example, sitting at a table with your head in your hands, or resting on your arms folded on the table. The important thing is for the pose to be simple, natural and stable. There is never any need to remain perfectly still: even in a deep sleep you move around and turn over. It is quite easy to understand the advantages of a standard pose since, after a while, it will set up a conditioned reflex and trigger off the chain reaction you require. (Some people lie down because they are falling asleep, whilst others fall asleep because they are lying down). Moreover, a standard position for Auto-Training is part of the inner discipline and order you acquire with practice. However, you can only practise Auto-Training in this ideal pose in some situations (at home during your regular practice time or anywhere else where you have room and will be undisturbed), whereas you may well find you have to be fairly flexible under other circumstances. A standard pose, therefore, is good as long as you do not become dependent on it. Consequently, you should do a part of your training in other positions and even when moving. You will see presently that this is quite possible. During routine Auto-Training at home it is best to remove any restrictive clothing, belts, ties, shoes, etc., and loosen your neckline. But this, too, is only relatively important, since once you have learnt how to relax properly you will find it easier to ignore anything you need to. Copy Your Cat "…I'm lying down with the cat on the sofa, watching him sleep and trying to imitate him. It is, however. very difficult to be so completely relaxed. It is not hard to identify your tensions and then to relax them, the trouble is that as soon as you have released one tension, another immediately appears and so on, ad infinitum…" This passage is taken from the chapter "Muscle Relaxation" in Stanislavsky's book, "The Actor at Work on Himself". It will be a tremendous help if you learn everything a young actor needs to know. Suppose you have assumed your pose for Auto-Training: you are sitting in the coachman position, leaning back in an armchair or lying on a bed. Everything seems fine. But is it? Keep sweeping the beam of your attention over your whole body. Your task now is to relax as many as possible of the muscular tensions Shultz called "residue tensions". Although we are largely unconscious of them they nevertheless dictate our overall physical and psychological state. Relaxation is essential at the beginning of any Auto-Training and can have very diverse effects that range from helping us to fall asleep to making it easier for us to mix in company. "…The more you take note of all your body's tensions and spasms, the more there seem to be. By doing this you learn how to identify sensations you have never even noticed before. This helps you to find many more tensions: new ones keep appearing the more you discover. I managed to relax the muscles of my back and neck for a short time. I realised just how much unnecessary muscle tension we never even suspect we have and how harmful it is". Have you noticed that to relax your muscles you have to make a small, scarcely noticeable movement: a micro-movement, an inner sign as your muscles seem to be settling back into place rather than actually moving? When you first start concentrating on your muscles it sometimes tends to make you even more tense for a while: you can only learn very gradually how to catch yourself relaxing. It is so very difficult simply because you do not have to do anything! Shultz used to cultivated his patients’ muscle sense. He wrote: "I propose that our psychological nervous state is the sum of the random muscular tensions which are our involuntary response to external stimuli". Stanislavsky instructed his students to study the way cats and small children are able to relax totally, and to consciously cultivate a way of controlling their muscles which will ultimately become second nature for them. "… When lying down I was now able to relax the most rigid of tensions and to restrict the circle of my attention to my nose. At this point everything went hazy, just as though my head were starting to spin, and I slept the peaceful sleep of Mr. Cat. Relaxing your muscles whilst simultaneously decreasing the circle of your attention is clearly a good cure for insomnia ". A Strategy of Its Own If you have ever seen how a searchlight locates its target you will have noticed that, sweeping a wide field first of all, it gradually narrows it down and finally concentrates on a particular area. It periodically makes a wide, reconnaissance sweep and again homes in on one spot. This is the best strategy for locating any target, one you should follow when relaxing in Auto-Training. For the first few seconds aim to relieve all tension in general, immediately relaxing the whole body: the pose itself helps a little. Then let your attention sweep over your body a couple of times without concentrating on any one point in particular: the most persistent tensions will appear of their own accord. You can help yourself relax with verbal and mental Auto-Suggestion, for example: Relaxation of tension My muscles are relaxing, relaxing easily and quickly. my muscles are relaxing more easily, my muscles are relaxing more fully, my muscles are relaxing more deeply. All tension disappears immediately. My arms are relaxing more deeply, now my right arm. and my left arm. My legs are relaxing more deeply, now my right leg, and my left leg. My neck's relaxing more deeply, now the back of my head, and my shoulders. My chest's relaxing more deeply, now my stomach, and the base of my back. My fingers are relaxing more deeply, and my wrists. My face is relaxing more deeply. Continue in this vein, using any expressions you like in any order. After a while you will find what works best for you. These formulas can be very condensed, for example: or they can take the form of an order: Whatever form you choose, the aim is the same: to improve muscle and nerve tone, to relax excess tension and to create a sense of confidence and peace. This does not always come easily or quickly since tensions tend to lurk in the parts of our bodies we are least conscious of where they continue to hinder our attempts to relax and act efficiently. For a long time one of Stanislavsky's able students did not act as well as her potential promised; her talent seem suppressed in some way. Whenever something was important she always overacted and lost her spontaneity. No exercises helped in the least until someone realised that when this happened her right eyebrow always lifted slightly. This was the fateful tension that ruined everything. She began to work on relaxing her facial muscles and the results were astounding. "…Her feelings could now find expression: they escaped from the depths of her subconscious as though released from a sack". Clearly our psychological and physical state and behaviour hang on the finest of physiological threads. Although the muscles we tense vary, people still have "pet tensions": • constant tension in the forehead, the eyelids and along the bridge of the nose are common if you spend a great deal of time worrying about distressing situations, including health issues; • tension in the mouth, lips and jaws are often found in those who are lonely, irritable and dissatisfied; • tension in the neck, back of the head and shoulders ("tonic stooping") is common in the young and those lacking in self-confidence; • tension in the elbow joint and fingers are often present in those who are full of nervous energy, anxious and slow to trust; • tension in the larynx, throat, diaphragm and abdomen when we breathe and all the more so when we speak often accompany a lack of self-confidence, an irritable disposition and, in many cases, stuttering. There are a number of different combinations of tension, each giving physical expression to an individual’s current state of mind and their attitude to themselves and the world. By observing yourself in everyday situations and during Auto-Training you will be able to see what your own pet tensions are and can then start working to eliminate them. I have been told these exercises are a bit boring and I quite agree. But be patient, practise and you will be surprised at the results. After all, if someone hopes to become a concert pianist he or she accepts the need to practise scales. So why not get down topractising these relaxation scales with a will? There are also a few other exercises here which can be used either as a supplement to routine Auto-Training or just on their own. Scales for relaxation Relax your right wrist completely and, with your elbow resting on a table, let it hang down loosely. Try to make it as floppy as a whip. Do the same with the left wrist, both together, and then in turn. 1) Relax your fingers until they are like wax so each joint is as loose as possible. This is difficult since the fingers are generally tensed, but just trying to relax them totally is a good way of calming down. 2) Sitting or lying on a bed, let your shoulders hang (or lie) loosely and bend your elbow so your arm forms a right angle. Now let your arm fall back under its own weight, again like a whip. Notice the contrast: how tense your muscles are as you bend your arm and how relaxed as you let it go. Repeat with your left and right arm alternately, both together, and while relaxing the wrists and fingers. 3) Standing, sitting, lying or walking steadily raise your right arm and let it fall down loosely. Repeat with each arm alternately and with both together. Aim at making them flap loosely like the empty sleeves of a jacket. 4) Standing, sitting or walking at an even pace, swing your relaxed arms like pendulums gradually increasing and decreasing the sweep of the swing (like the empty sleeves of a jacket flapping in the wind). 5) Lying: press your right arm hard onto the bed. Relax and note the contrast. Repeat with each arm alternately and with both together. 6) Standing on a low stool or a large book, swing your unsupported leg loosely like a pendulum. Now try the other leg. 7) Sitting with your knees bent and legs slightly apart swing your thighs, bringing your legs together and then apart. Stretch one leg out, raise it slightly and release. Repeat with each leg alternately and with both together. 8) Lying down with one leg bent and supported by the heel on the bed: swing your hips to either side. Repeat with each leg alternately and with both together. Raise your legs, bending at the hip and the knee so your weight is supported evenly by the hip joint. Swing your thighs freely to either side and back and forwards as though they were on hinges. Do this at the same time as relaxing your arms, wrists and fingers. 9) Standing as in exercise 7, bend your unsupported leg at the knee and release. Repeat with the other leg. Repeat standing on the ground and trying to raise your knees as high as possible. 10) Sitting with your knees bent and your legs slightly apart: relax one leg so that it is supported freely on the heel. Repeat with each leg alternately and with both together. Repeat lying down. 11) Sitting with your knees bent at an angle of about 100°, pressing on your heels, bend your foot up towards your shin. Relax. Repeat with both feet together and alternately. Sitting with legs slightly apart, stretched out and supported on the heel: swing your feet loosely to either side as though they were on hinges. Repeat with each foot alternately and with both together. Repeat lying down. It is difficult to relax the feet since, after years of immobility, in adults they are chronically tense and are only fully relaxed in young babies. It is even harder to relax the toes: for most people they are just a completely inert mass. 12) Sitting and standing: raise your shoulders high and release them. First try the left, then the right, and then each alternately and both together. 13) Standing: bend forward, letting your torso and arms hang loosely. 14) Sitting up straight: flop back into the chair. 15) Sitting up straight with your legs apart, your elbows on your thighs: slump forwards from the waist, letting your head and arms hang loosely. 16) From an upright sitting position slump heavily to one side with your arms relaxed, and lean on the arm of the chair or sofa. Repeat, to either side in turn. 17) Lying: lift your torso slightly and release. 18) Standing or sitting, drop your head onto your chest as though you were falling asleep. Repeat standing, with your elbows supported on a table. In this position you can easily rock your head from side to side. 19) Standing: roll your head round slowly, lightly and freely. Repeat in the other direction. (This can sometimes relieve headaches). 20) Lying on your back, raise your head slightly and release it. Turn your head to one side and release it. Repeat lying on your stomach: turn your head from side to side. 21) A movement recommended in yoga: lying on your back on a rug or carpet but without a pillow with your arms alongside your body and your palms upwards ("pose of oblivion" or "the sunbather pose"), without lifting your head, turn it from side to side. This is believed to make the neck supple and to improve the blood supply to the brain. It also helps to calm down and relax. 22) Another movement of a similar type: lying on your back, slowly move the back of the head as though you were trying to smooth out a ruck in the carpet. This will quickly help to relax the muscles of the neck, the back of the head and the face and is a very effective way of changing your mental state. 23) Clamp your jaws together and relax (as though chewing), open your mouth wide (yawning), let your jaw drop down into its natural position (disbelief). Notice that you involuntarily hold your breath when your jaws are either tightly clamped together or wide open. You resume normal breathing again as soon as you relax. 24) Press your tongue against the roof of your mouth and then relax it. Press it against your upper and lower teeth, to the right and the left. Stick it out as far as you can. Relax. (When relaxed. your tongue naturally rests against the upper teeth). 25) To relax your face, close your eyes and direct your gaze downwards and inwards, let your lower jaw hang down and protrude slightly and have your tongue relaxed and resting lightly against your upper teeth. Not too aesthetic but quite useful, this relaxed face is sometimes part of medical Auto-Training. It also helps you to fall asleep at will and to move quickly into advanced stages of Auto-Training. A Smile for Yourself It is particularly difficult but very important to be able to control the tone of your face, the focus of the "psychological" muscular system. As in the exercises for the body muscles these exercises are based on the contrast between tension and relaxation and on catching the sensations you experience. Wrinkle your forehead by raising your eyebrows (surprise). Relax. Try to keep your forehead absolutely smooth for one minute. Frown (anger) and relax your eyebrows. Open your eyes wide (fear), relax your eyebrows and eyelids. Screw up your eyes (as if expecting a blow), and relax. Dilate your nostrils (as though sniffing), relax; contract your nostrils and release them. Raise your upper lip and wrinkle your nose (contempt). Relax. Bare your teeth (fury) and relax your cheeks and mouth. Stretch your lower lip downwards (disgust), relax. The main aim of these and any other exercises you care to think up along these lines is to develop your muscle sense in the face and your control over the tone of the facial muscles. If you are in a stressful situation, relaxing your face is always a good way of staying calm. In addition, you will probably notice that concentrating on these facial exercises will help you to feel mentally alert. Your smile is something entirely different and I hesitate to talk of "training" yourself to smile. It is, of course, possible to analyse the elements of tension and relaxation in a smile, but that is not the point. The important thing is that your smile gives pleasure as well as being a response to it. It is worth taking time to enjoy smiling, particularly if you are inclined to be irritable or moody. There is no need to put on a smile for anyone in particular, just smile for yourself; only a natural smile coming from within will convince others. In Samadhi (a state of bliss) the face assumes an expression similar to a slight smile (Buddha’s smile). This is attained by pulling the corners of the mouth and the eyes back and upwards and by smoothing out the cheeks as though trying to pull the ears back a little (some people find their ears do actually move). Try out this expression and hold it for a minute or two; your mood will change. How to Look Into Your Own Eyes If you want to discover someone's mood it is very useful to look for the answer in his or her eyes. Unfortunately, we cannot do this for ourselves since a mirror inevitably distorts our true expression. Our present aim is very modest but nevertheless requires some skill: to relax our eyes, that is, master a way of helping ourselves feel calm. Vision is controlled by the eyelid muscles, whose state we can observe directly, and by the hidden muscles of the eyeball. With practice, it is possible to relax both sets of muscles. Lower your eyelids a little so you can see them and you will notice that they are trembling. Try to keep them still. Although you will not succeed at first and the trembling will even increase, after a little training you can reduce and stop it altogether. Gazing out into the distance helps. Close your eyes. Now release your eyelids and let them assume their own natural position. If you are in an active state this will leave your eyes a little open. Repeat several times, trying to find the position of maximum relaxation. Here is a very simple but effective technique for calming down that we sometimes use unconsciously: stroke your fingers lightly around your temples, eyebrows, forehead and eyes. This can also help to calm a child and send him or her to sleep. (The endings of hypogenous nerves are evidently concentrated in these areas). Turn your gaze inwards and downwards and your eyelids will automatically begin to droop. Let your gaze return to its original position. Do this several times and it is very likely that you will feel a slight dizziness and drowsiness. This is another method of relaxing your eye muscles that can also help insomnia. One more exercise. Lying down or sitting in an armchair: open your eyes wide and gaze into infinity for 3 minutes. Let your thoughts wander freely if you like, although it is best if you contemplate some abstract concept ("eternity", for example). This exercise relaxes your eyes and mind. By improvising with eye exercises you will discover that you possess a hidden and very subtle mechanism for calming yourself, toning up, and changing your mood. I have only sketched a very few, general techniques here, you can try a lot more. The Sliding Pendulum This is the essence of the preceding exercises on localised relaxation; you will find it easier when your muscle sense is already fairly well developed. When I first devised it I was delighted how easy it became to feel totally liberated from all inner inhibitions. It was, of course, a clear case of reinventing the wheel since, for example, tribal dances that are thousands of years old are clearly similar and give comparable results. A quick way to ease tension and fatigue is to gently tense and relax all the muscles of the body's major joints in turn, from your feet to your head and back again. Do so 2-3 times, tensing and relaxing 3-5 times at each joint. You can either go down, starting with gentle shakes and nods of the head, or go up from the toes (both feet together or each in turn), tensing and relaxing the foot, the shin by bending the knees, the thighs by bending at the hip, and so on. The movements should be light and careless, as though your joints were free-moving hinges. This exercise gives best results when performed lying down. It can be done before and after Auto-Training and helps you to relax and tone up. Early Results of Superficial Relaxation You now know how to relax your muscles, a fundamental technique of Auto-Training. So far, we have only touched on superficial, moderate sub-relaxation, that is, the removal of excess nervous and muscular tension. Deep relaxation that prepares the body for sleep (self-hypnosis) is still to come. You may, of course, already have found that even moderate relaxation nearly sends you to sleep: in both relaxation and toning up (which we will be dealing with shortly), a chain reaction is set up. (Remember the pendulum in chapter 3). Nevertheless, at present, we are not concerned with trying to get to sleep (although any insomniacs will naturally be interested in this and it will come sometime soon). We are trying to learn how to gain full control of our muscle tone since this will help us regulate our moods, energy and stamina. In turn, this will liberate our ability to communicate and make it possible for us to go on to more intensive, goal-orientated Auto-Suggestion. It is extremely important to learn now to relax and remain relaxed in your everyday life: during Auto-Training you are only training. Once you know how pleasant and easy it is to be relaxed you will start to reap the benefits whatever you are doing and whatever effort you are making: whether you are working, resting, talking or playing. You will acquire a body sense that will help you attain a more balanced state of mind and greater spontaneity and which, when perfected, is pure virtuosity. Your sense of humour will almost certainly improve even without your noticing it. As far as such delights as high blood-pressure, ulcers and the like are concerned, all I can say is, that if they do not beg for mercy immediately it is all the worse for them: the really serious stuff is still to come. Remember when practising Auto-Training that you have all the time in the world and the order you do the exercises in is not as important as having a concentrated and confident attitude so that you feel you are totally absorbed in each one. It you have decided to work through the whole course of Auto-Training systematically, then it is best to spend 2-3 weeks concentrating on localised relaxation. Some people require longer; anyone inclined to be tense will find it helpful to do these exercises conscientiously every day. Gradually your subconscious will discipline itself to observe your muscles automatically at all times. You can add relaxation exercises to any programme of Auto-Training you devise. I would like to stress once more that if you first take your time looking at all the exercises and decide what you most need then this will cut down your choice. Although it is certainly worth giving everything a try.

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Secular Jews and Pacifism by Bennett Muraskin (adapted from “Jewish Secularism” in Peace, Justice and Jews: Reclaiming Our Tradition (2007), edited by Murray Polner and Stefan Merken) "Merely to be gentle is not yet to be good...If pacifism is purely a blend of lemonade and empty rhetoric, it cannot be what democrats believe it should be: the active unconditional resistance of human reason. It is imperative to distinguish between struggle and war." Ernst Bloch (1885-1977) Growing up as a red diaper baby and a secular Jew during the 1960s and 70s, I was not too keen on pacifism. The major milestones of progress, I was taught, were violent revolutions—the French and especially the Russian. We admired the Red Army both for its success in the Civil War that brought victory to the Bolsheviks and in World War Two. Because of its role in defeating the Nazis, the lefty Jewish teachers in my Yiddish shule (school) depicted it as the savior of Western Civilization in general and the Jewish people in particular. Our heroes were the volunteers of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, who fought Franco’s fascist armies in Spain, and the Jewish resistance fighters who led the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. The partisan hymn, Zog Nit Keynmol (Never Say) inspired us with hope and courage. One line proclaimed that it “was sung with weapons in hand. ”The Marxism I embraced in my youth preached class struggle and the necessity of violent revolution. Although we had already rejected the Soviet model, many of us saw Red China or Cuba as beacons of socialism. Neither nation was shy about glorifying military prowess. During the Vietnam War, we ardently supported the National Liberation Front, admiring its fighting skills against overwhelming American firepower. Our romance with violence reached its peak with the emergence of the Black Panther Party in the mid 1960s. The Panthers openly glorified armed resistance to police aka “pigs” and used an automatic weapon as one of its symbols. We signified our solidarity by chanting “Revolution has Come; It’s Time to Pick Up the Gun.” I was aware of the role of pacifists in the anti-war movement, especially A.J. Muste and David Dellinger, but they could not hold a candle in my imagination to Che Guevara, spreading revolution throughout South America through guerilla warfare. I admit to not even knowing of the existence of the Jewish Peace Fellowship during that era, and I am fairly certain that I was typical of radical Jewish youth. I have come to the conclusion that secular Jews of East European ancestry have not played a significant role in the pacifist movement or in support of the pacifist cause. The Encyclopedia of the American Left has numerous entries about secular leftist Jews and the institutions they founded or led, but only two Jewish names appears in its entry on "Pacifism"---poet Allen Ginsberg and Paul Goodman. Ginsberg was a child of East European immigrants, but his pacifism derived from his Buddhism. Maurice Isserman has a chapter, "Radical Pacifism," in his book, If I Had a Hammer…The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left. He discusses the role of Norman Thomas, A.J. Muste, Bayard Rustin, David Dellinger etc., but the only Jew he names is the very unconventional Paul Goodman. It is true that a disproportionate number of white civil rights activists were progressive secular Jews. One of them, Stanley Levison, became a close advisor to Martin Luther King. Yet King's non-violence came from the Christian tradition and from Gandhi, a Hindu. Nor did these Jews typically articulate a Jewish ethic for their activism. Theodore Bikel was the exception in this regard. During the civil rights era, he once sang a Yiddish socialist song (lyrics by Zhitlovsky) in the original and in his own English translation to a mass meeting held in a Black church in Birmingham Alabama. Why this under-representation among pacifists, when East European Jews and their descendants were so over-represented on the left in general? Secular Jews in Eastern Europe were rebels against the Jewish religious establishment. The rabbis' secret to Jewish survival was, of course, adherence to Jewish law, but just as important, submission to Gentile power. As long as Jews did not cause trouble for Gentile rulers, they would be allowed to regulate their own affairs. Should anti-Semites threaten the Jewish community, the tried and true strategy was to appeal to the highest Gentile authorities and seek their protection, often through bribery. If Jews kept their heads down and rolled with the punches, they would outlast their enemies and in God's good time, the Messiah would arrive and return Jews from exile to the Land of Israel. This was the traditional Jewish version of "pacifism" that secular Jews rejected. It appeared as an excuse for passivity. In place of religion, the most politically active among secularized East European Jews adopted either socialism or Zionism. The former, with its emphasis on class struggle and social revolution had no use for pacifism. Jewish socialists opposed "capitalist" and "imperialist" wars, but not class war. It was impossible to convince them that the tyrannical anti-Semitic Czarist regime could be toppled by non-violent means. Zionists sought to create a new Jew---a pioneering nationalist---who would settle a new land and be willing to defend it against the native population. Their heroes were Jewish warriors: the Maccabees and Bar Kochba. Pacifism was the last thing on the Zionist agenda. There were exceptions among the Zionists, but they tended to be German in origin. Two out of the three most prominent Zionist advocates of Jewish pacifism (and Arab-Jewish equality) were religious humanists: Martin Buber (1878-1965), who initially supported Germany in World War I and Rabbi Judah Magnes (1877-1948), who opposed it from the beginning. Buber came from Germany; Magnes was the American-born child of Polish and German immigrants. The best known German Jewish pacifist by far, Albert Einstein (1879-1955), "religious" only in Spinoza's sense of the term, vigorously condemned World War I, but like the others supported the Allied war effort in World War II. Perhaps the best known East European Jewish Zionist pacifist was A.D. Gordon (1856-1922), the spiritual father of the kibbutz movement. An immigrant from Russia who came to Palestine in 1904, he personally advocated co-operation with the Arab population. However, his embrace of the "conquest of labor" provoked Arab resistance by insisting that Jewish employers hire only Jewish workers. His beloved kibbutzim barred Arabs and were often built on the site of former Arab villages. Non-Zionist or anti-Zionist Jewish pacifists from Eastern Europe or of East European origin, include the religious Natan Hofshi (1889-1980) and the secular Toma Sik (1939-2006), both active as advocates of non-violence and conscientious objection in Israel, and American violin virtuoso Yehudi Menuhin (1916-1999). But more typically, Jewish pacifists were German Jews or of German Jewish origin---social activist Lillian Wald (1867-1940), Marxist humanist philosopher Ernst Bloch (1885-1977), anarchist, martyr and intimate of Martin Buber, Gustav Landauer (1870-1919) and the German born Israeli peace activist Uri Avnery (1923-)---all secular Jews. The anarchist Gentile Rudolph Rocker (1873-1958), who learned Yiddish, lived among Jewish workers and became the charismatic leader of Jewish anarchists in England and the US, was also from Germany. Why did most pacifist Jews come from Germany? Was it the influence of the Haskalah or Jewish Enlightenment that originated with the German Jew Moses Mendelssohn who was inspired by his encounter with European liberalism? Or perhaps their affinity for the Christian pacifist tradition within Central Europe begun by the 16th century Anabaptists and continued by their Mennonite descendants? Many German Jews, including Buber and Einstein, were familiar with Christianity and fascinated by the personality of Jesus, who can legitimately be considered a pacifist. I have long wondered what is there in Jewish tradition to sustain leftist secular Jews in their anti-war or pacifist positions. The Torah itself is a very militaristic text: The ancient Hebrews are on a mission from God to conquer Canaan by force and are explicitly commanded to exterminate the native inhabitants. The subsequent books of the Jewish Bible are in a similar vein. Joshua, Judges, Samuel and Kings are full of violence and warfare. The Prophets provide many lofty sayings, including the famous one from Zechariah 4:6 --"Not by might nor power, but by My spirit saith the Lord"--- but the Prophets' dedication to peace was highly conditional. If the Jews obey God's laws, as interpreted by the prophets themselves, swords will be beaten into plowshares and nations will study war no more, but if the Jews disobey, plowshares will be beaten into swords and God will exact horrific punishment. Selective quotation is a tricky business that, in my opinion, should be approached with great caution. I plead guilty myself to being influenced by prophetic literature. I entitled my book of biographies of secular/humanist progressive Jews Let Justice Well Up Like Water, a quote from Amos 5:24, but I believe that the Prophets were more authentically committed to social justice than to peace and more committed to stamping out pagan beliefs than to social justice. For example, Jeremiah advocated submission to the Babylonians, not out hatred for war, but out of a conviction that foreign conquest was necessary to punish the Jews for their sins. Above all, the Prophets were fanatical in their insistence on religious conformity and, therefore, terrible role models for progressive Jews. Talmudic sources are ambiguous at best. The Talmud is so massive that diverse and conflicting opinions on a seeming infinite variety of subjects abound, but the sad fact is that the prevailing rabbinic opinion was that the injunction to "love your neighbor as yourself" did not apply to non-Jews. The famous quote that concludes Schindler's List and appears in so many books about Judaism, "Whoever kills one soul is as if he destroyed mankind. Conversely, whoever saves one soul is as though he has saved the whole world" is actually the less authoritative version of Mishnah Sanhedrin 4:5 and Talmud Sanhedrin 37a. Both add the words "in Israel," after "soul," thereby limiting its scope to Jews only. Jewish law (Halakha), the preponderance of the Talmud, does not treat non-Jews with respect. Agada, the non-legal portions of the Talmud, consisting mainly of folklore, as well as the folklore that comprises much of the Midrash are a more fertile source for progressive humanistic ideals, including pacifist ones. For example, the earliest invocation to tikkun olam comes from Agada, in particular Pirkey Avot, a tractate from the Mishna in which Rabbi Tarfon says: "It is not your obligation to complete the task [of perfecting the world], but neither are you free to desist [from doing your part.]" Hillel's familiar ethical maxims (What is hateful to you do not do to your fellow etc.), so fundamental to humanistic values, come from the same source. Aaron, Moses brother, is highly praised as a peace maker. If there is any Jewish sage who could be cited for his unequivocal pacifism, it would be Yohanan ben Zakkai, the rabbi who opposed continued resistance to Rome during the 68-72 CE rebellion that resulted in massive bloodshed and the destruction of the Second Temple. He faked his death so he could be smuggled out of Jerusalem, besieged by Roman armies. He then obtained Roman approval to establish a rabbinic academy. His non-violent approach, rather than the fanatic belligerence of the Jewish rebels, is often credited with ensuring the survival of the Jewish people. Hans Kohn (1891-1971) grew up in Prague and lived in Paris, London and Palestine before making his way to the US in 1933. A critical scholar of modern nationalism, he joined Magnes and Buber in advocating a bi-national state in Palestine. Kohn claimed to draw inspiration from Yohannan ben Zakkai's pacifism in advocating international cooperation as an alternative to war. Two books of the Bible, Ruth and Jonah, stand out for their messages of respect and compassion for the non-Jewish "other," an essential precondition for peace and justice. In fact, they are among the very few books of the Bible where no one is killed by God or man. The Moabites are reviled in the Torah, but in the Book of Ruth, these putative enemies of the Jewish people welcome a Jewish family fleeing famine. Contrary to Jewish law, the two sons in this family married Moabite women, one of them Ruth. When they died, Ruth chose to return to Judah with Naomi, her mother in law. By affirming her love for the Jewish people, Ruth was accepted as a Jew. No indoctrination or conversion ceremony was required. And she did not become just any Jew, but the great grandmother of King David. Jonah is a reluctant prophet who flees from God rather than accept an assignment to preach repentance to the Assyrians of Nineveh. To make his escape, he boards a ship, but God sends a storm to cause a shipwreck. The non-Jewish sailors seek to save Jonah and only agree to throw him overboard when Jonah insists. The whale or big fish swallows him and spits him out at Nineveh. In short order, the people of Nineveh repent and God forgives them, but Jonah is upset because he fancied himself a prophet of doom. God answers: "And should not I care about Nineveh, that great city, in which there are more than a hundred and twenty thousand persons who do not yet know their right hand from their left (referring to the children) and many beasts as well!" Here God extends his compassion to non-Jews, men, women and children, who prove capable of moral redemption. There is no other book of the Bible where non-Jews are depicted so favorably, where God concerns himself with their fate and where He uses peaceful persuasion, rather than threats and violence, to teach a lesson in universal human dignity. Drawing on the Yiddish tradition, my favorite source of humanistic values, I have found two folktales that clearly embrace the concept of non-violent civil disobedience: The story is told that the leading men of the community were unsatisfied with the work of the caretaker of Rabbi Yoshe-Ber's rabbinical court in Brisk. They held a meeting and decided to fire the caretaker. Then they gave the task of dismissing him to Rabbi Yoshe-Ber, but he refused. "Why not, Rabbi?" the community leaders asked. "You're the rabbi and he's your employee." "I'll tell you," Rabbi Yoshe-Ber replied. "Since you read and know the story of the sacrifice of Isaac, you know that when the Blessed Name commanded Abraham to sacrifice Isaac, we find that it is written that He Himself spoke as follows: 'Take now thy son, thine only son...' But when He commanded Abraham to spare Isaac, God sent an angel, as it is written, `And the angel called unto Abraham...' This poses a question. Why was it that the Blessed Name did not send an angel at the beginning? The answer is that He knew very well that no angel would have accepted the assignment. Each of them would have said, 'If You want to command death, You had better do it Yourself.'" Yiddish Folktales ed. by Beatrice Silverman Weinreich, Pantheon Books, 1988 And one on the lighter side: To a rabbinical school in Old Russia, the military came in search of recruits. The entire student body was drafted. In camp, the students amazed their new masters by their marksmanship on the rifle range. Accordingly, when war broke out, the Yeshiva youths were ordered en masse into the front lines. Shortly after the contingent arrived an attack began. Far in the distance, in No Man's Land, an advancing horde of Germans appeared. The Czarist officers called out, "Ready...aim...fire!" But no fire was forthcoming. "Fire!" yelled the officers. "Didn't you hear? Fire, you idiots, fire!" Still nothing happened. Beside himself with rage, the commanding officer demanded, "Why don't you fire?" One of the youths mildly answered, "Can't you see...there are people in the way. Somebody might get hurt!" A Treasury of Jewish Folklore ed. by Nathan Ausubel, Crown Publishers, 1948 I included these stories, as well as others from Agada and Midrash, in my book, Humanist Readings in Jewish Folklore, International Institute for Secular Humanistic Judaism, 2001, which I wrote for the express purpose of introducing secular Jews to the humanist elements in Jewish tradition. Where are the secular Jewish pacifists and anti-war activists in the US today? Howard Zinn became a pacifist after serving as a bombardier in World War Two. Noam Chomsky may not identify himself as a pacifist, but his anti-war record is distinguished. Yet I would argue that their Jewishness is peripheral to their public life. Grace Paley (who I include because she just died in August 2007), the short story writer and child of East European immigrants, described herself as a "combative pacifist" and was involved with the pacifist organizations such as the War Resisters League and the Quaker American Friends Service Committee. In keeping with her Jewish commitments, she also joined the progressive Jews For Racial and Economic Justice and subscribed to Jewish Currents magazine. Her anti-war credentials were impeccable. Bikel is still with us, a strong voice for peace and reconciliation in Israel/Palestine, active in Meretz USA. Of the three explicitly secular Jewish organizations in North America, the Workmen's Circle, the Congress of Secular Jewish Organizations and the Society for Humanistic Judaism, the first two have long demonstrated strong anti-war commitments, extending to support for a two-state settlement in Israel/Palestine and opposition to the US invasion of Iraq. All three draw on humanistic elements in both the socialist Yiddish and left Zionist traditions. Yiddish writer I.L Peretz's poem, Ale Mentchen Zaynen Brider (All Men are Brothers), put to the melody of Beethoven's Ninth symphony, the Bundist unity song, Ale Brider (All Brothers) and Yiddish poet Avrom Reisen's inspirational Dos Naye Leed (The New Song), along with the Hebrew Bashana Haba'ah (Soon the Day Will Arrive), Hiney Ma Tov (Oh, How Good), derived from Psalm 133:1 and Lo Yisa Goy (Vine and Fig Tree), derived from Isaiah 2:4 and Micah 4:4, are frequently heard at their gatherings. Jewish Currents, a magazine sponsored by the Workmen's Circle and edited by Lawrence Bush, represents the intellectual and literary legacy of the secular Jewish left. As the combined voice of the Workmen's Circle and former Jewish communists, it is broadly sympathetic to a pacifist agenda. And progressive Jews of all persuasions work together in organizations like B'rit Tsedek v'Shalom, Americans for Peace Now and Jews for Racial and Economic Justice. I still cannot say that I consider myself a pacifist. On a case by case basis, however, I find myself having a harder and harder time justifying war. Some wars start out looking "good," but the "cure" turns out at least as bad as the disease. For example, in the case of Kosovo, the war launched by NATO in 1999 succeeded in stopping the Serbs from expelling Albanians, but resulted in Albanians expelling Serbs. Furthermore, the NATO bombing of Belgrade did far more harm to civilians than the Yugoslav government or military. The US invasion of Afghanistan after 9/11 appeared to me to be justified at the time, but now I have my doubts. The classic "good war," World War Two, which I still think was necessary, ended with the incineration of over 200,000 Japanese civilians and involved other grave war crimes committed by the anti-fascist coalition. In Israel/ Palestine, a complete cessation of violence on both sides, as part and parcel of a comprehensive negotiated two-state solution, may sound utopian, but in the final analysis is the only rational alternative to more suffering and misery. At the end of the day, secular Jews are also secular humanists and subscribe to the Humanist Manifesto III drawn up by the American Humanist Association: Humans are social by nature and find meaning in relationships. Humanists long for and strive toward a world of mutual care and concern, free of cruelty and its consequences, where differences are resolved cooperatively, without resorting to violence. The joining of individuality with interdependence enriches our lives, encourages us to enrich the lives of others, and inspires hope of attaining peace, justice, and opportunity for all. Its Yiddish counterpart, the poem Dos Naye Leed, mentioned above, is also clearly compatible with pacifist ideals: And though delayed may be the day when love and peace join hands, Yet it will come, for it must come, no dream; it's our command. I hear the song of mighty throngs, the song of peace in chorus. And each voice sings, as each note rings: "The sun is rising for us." And end to night, the world grows bright with hope, with joy and giving. I hear the sound, it's all around: "To courage, strength and living!" (Translation by Hershl Hartman) Stalin once said that you cannot make an omelet without breaking some eggs and many Jewish communists once justified his repressive policies on that basis. However, I believe that leftist secular Jews have long reject the idea that the peaceful ends justify violent means. In order for our goals to be justified, the means to achieve them must also be justified, which is a strong argument for pacifism, or if not pacifism, then resorting to violence only in self-defense and only as the last resort.

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By Kevin Bjornson, National Co-Chairman of The Libertarian Defense Caucus To understand recent world events, we should first put them in context of world pre-history and history. Then we can understand how ancient libertarianism developed and it’s foundation. These are the three most important early developments: Evidence was discovered pointing to the existence of modern man (Homo sapiens) in Israel as early as 400,000 years ago” (1.) The beginning of agriculture around 10 000 years ago has repeatedly been seen as the major transition in the human past, a change over from the natural environment in control of humans, to humans in cont rol of the natural environment. Before agriculture, humans were hunter- gatherers, dependent on wild resources for their nutritional requirements, which led to a largely nomadic lifestyle dictated by the annual cycle of animal and plant availability.” (2.) –institution of the roman republic about 509 BC, with the overthrow of the monarchy and creation of the Twelve Tablets of Rome (the supreme constitution of the world). Origin of Government The Paleolithic period (or “Estate of Nature” or “Garden of Eden”) was based on hunting-gathering. In the Neolithic period, agriculture enabled stored wealth for the first time. This led to the evolution of government from gangs of thieves: http://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/World_History/Ancient_Civilizations “As agriculture became more and more widespread, people began to accumulate surpluses of food, meaning that a single family grew more than it consumed. At the same time, the increasing tendency to remain in a single location put pressure on groups to protect themselves from other still nomadic peoples.” (3.) “Government” is the organization of force to regulate or control human behavior. If an individual thief tried to steal this stored wealth, he would be confronted by the farmer-owner, his family and friends. We must therefore conclude that some nomadic tribes operated as gangs, organizing force to steal. To counter this, creators of stored wealth organized force in protection of life, liberty and property. This is the real “social contract” whereby individuals hire government “guard dogs” to protect from government ”wolf packs”. We may suppose that protective government evolved from predatory gov’t, in like manner that guard dogs evolved from wolves. Because the notion of protection presupposes a threat. Let us contrast Locke with Hobbes: Locke: “Men living together according to reason without a common superior on earth, with authority to judge between them, is properly the state of Nature. But force, or a declared design of force upon the person of another, where there is no common superior on earth to appeal to for relief, is the state of war…” (4.) Hobbes: “Hereby it is manifest, that during the time men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called Warre; and such a warre, as is of every man, against every man.” (5.) Locke was correct in supposing that society created government; government didn’t create society. Hobbes assumed without evidence that the Paleolithic period was characterized by a “war of all against all”. However hunting-gathering provides neither incentive nor means for organized warfare. Because without stored wealth, there is little to steal, and little ability to organize force to steal. The concept “war” presupposes war between governments, hence by definition, there was no organized war in the estate of nature. Meaning of “Government” This means, contra Locke, that illegitimate governments arose before legitimate governments. Locke’s viewpoint does not exclude the possibility of illegitimate governments, but he views legitimate government as the archetype and this implies illegitimate governments are aberrations not the norm. Conversely, “anarcho-capitalists” imagine that their proposed agencies of defensive/retaliatory force would not be governments. In their view, by definition all governing actions initiate force and cannot defend or retaliate against initiations of force. Roy Childs: “Why is a limited government a floating abstraction? Because it must either initiate force or stop being a government.” However, dictionaries do not agree that governments necessarily initiate force. To “govern” means to rule over by right of authority. However, opinions may differ on what constitutes rightful authority. The synonym “rule” makes the meaning more clear, ”to exercise control, dominion, or direction over; govern”. When force is organized by government and used in retaliation or defense, that also constitutes governing or ruling. Legitimate governments necessarily protect against external predators, as well as citizen-subscribers who violate their contract with legitimate government by initiating aggression. In either case, whether dealing with external or internal threats, governments govern when they protect life, liberty, and rightful property. If they did not so govern, aggression could strike without restraint and there would be no legitimate governments. “Within libertarianism, though, the concept ‘government’ is still unstable. Anarcho-libertarians, who argue for something they dub ‘competing legal systems’ or ‘competing defense organizations,’ claim that the concept ’government’ means, essentially, ‘a monopoly of legal services over a given territory.’ This isn’t as clear cut as one might wish.“ … “In my own view, for example, the institutions anarcho-libertarians support are governments in every important respect–they are administrators, maintainers, and protectors of bona fide law within human communities. What critics claim is that such administration, maintenance and protection do not require contiguous spheres of jurisdiction but could work as a sort of crisscross system.” (7.) Nations traditionally have been organized around territory or ethnicity. However modernity has made the world transparent and open to movement. The internet has enabled organization based on ideas, much more so than the Gutenburg press. ”Intervention” and “Aggression” Another area in which “anarcho-capitalists” are confused, is their conflation of (military) non-intervention and non-aggression. To “intervene” simply means, a party joins a dispute, siding with one party over another. To intervene on behalf of the aggressor, is aggression. To intervene on behalf of the victim, is not aggression. By definition, there can be only one initiation of force in a conflict. The initial aggressor and the intervenor cannot both initiate force (in any given context), because there can be only one first strike. This confusion can be traced to a medieval misinterpretation of Jus Naturale: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/mainea04.asp Maine: “No passage has ever been adduced from the remains of Roman law which, in my judgment, proves the jurisconsults to have believed natural law to have obligatory force between independent commonwealths; and we cannot but see that to citizens of the Roman empire who regarded their sovereign’s dominions as conterminous with civilisation, the equal subjection of states to the Law of Nature, if contemplated at all, [would] have seemed at most an extreme result of curious speculation.” “If the society of nations is governed by Natural Law, the atoms which compose it must be absolutely equal. Men under the sceptre of Nature are all equal, and accordingly commonwealths are equal if the international state be one of nature.” “Acquisition of territory has always been the great spur of national ambition, and the rules which govern this acquisition, together with the rules which moderate the wars in which it too frequently results, are merely transcribed from the part of the Roman law which treats of the modes of acquiring property ‘jure gentium’. “They thus made their way into the modern Law of Nations, and the result is that those parts of the international system which refer to dominion, its nature, its limitations, the modes of acquiring and securing it, are pure Roman Property Law –“ “In order that these chapters of International Law may be capable of application, it is necessary that sovereigns should be related to each other like the members of a group of Roman proprietors. This is another of the postulates which lie at the threshold of the International Code, and it is also one which could not possibly have been subscribed to during the first centuries of modern European history.. It is resolvable into the double proposition that ‘sovereignty is territorial,’ i.e. that it is always associated with the proprietorship of a limited portion of the earth’s surface, and that ‘sovereigns inter se are to be deemed not paramount, but absolute, owners of the state’s territory.'” (8.) Rulers are governed by natural law, like all other natural persons. But they do not own all the real estate within their dominion, hence do not have a moral shield against intervention (between the ruler and the ruled), whether by invasion, revolution, or civil war. “A priori” and empirical induction People generally tend to be skeptical of “a priori” speculation, and prefer to see examples. Though, often self-identified libertarians try to define liberty deductively, from axioms. Yet they often do not start with true axioms. We should minimize the number of our assumptions, and make sure they correspond with reality. We may trace “competing governments” theory to the common law system of the roman republic; and this is more useful than trying to re-invent the wheel with “anarcho-capitalism”. Deduction from axioms is one side of the coin. The other side is empirical and inductive. Ancient libertarianism began as a synthesis of the two. We see this exemplified when Rome conquered Athens. Henry Maine: “It is notorious that this proposition — live according to nature — was the sum of the tenets of the famous Stoic philosophy. Now on the subjugation of Greece that philosophy made instantaneous progress in Roman society.” …The alliance of the lawyers with the Stoic philosophers lasted through many centuries.” (9.) Prior to this, the roman republic began a common law system they called “Jus Gentium” (or law of all nations). This was merchant law, because it pertained to international trade, and disputes that arose therefrom. Merchants from differentcity-states sometimes had disputes, and they resolved the question of what set of laws to apply by resorting to common Law. Though this method should be applied to all areas of law. Henry Maine translates and quotes the Institutional Treatise published under the authority of the Emperor Justinian: “All nations who are ruled by laws and customs, are governed partly by their own particular laws, and partly by those laws which are common to all mankind. The law which a people enacts is called the Civil Law of that people, but that which natural reason appoints for all mankind is called the Law of Nations, because all nations use it.” (10. ) Maine explains: “Jus Gentium was, in fact, the sum of the common ingredients in the customs of the old Italian tribes, for they were all the nations whom the Romans had the means of observing…“(11.) Resolving the subjectivist-objectivist paradox The Latin “Jus Gentium” or law in common to all nations (derived inductively), was objective in the sense of an aspect of human nature and not derived from contracts. Though politically, we must evaluate all human actions that do not initiate force, as if they were subjective. For example, a product maybe objectively better in the sense of greater efficiency, safety, and longevity; but it maybe too expensive or not satisfy irrational impulses of the buyer. We should reserve government force only for countering aggression; what is or is not rational in art, love, or personal pleasure cannot be known with sufficient certainty (and in such cases, Nature will bring punishment if appropriate). Which is why only the common law can rightly be enforced against those who do not agree to receive the enforcement. This resolves the seeming contradiction between Austrian economics and “objectivism”. Living in accord with Human Nature, in Justice and Life The Stoic philosophy was to live in accord with nature, keeping a balance or golden mean; the political aspect was the principle of equity and equal rights (this was the bridge to “Jus Gentium”). By extracting the elements in common to all law codes, the Romans did not intend “a priori” to arrive at the non-aggression principle. That is good, because well-intentioned people can come up with all kinds of axioms which they presume to be self-evident, and through pure logic arrive at a “reductio ad absurdum”. Jus Gentium arrived at an approximation of the non-aggression principle by analyzing examples of all law codes, extracting what they all have in common. All legal systems generally prohibit murder, robbery, and rape (forcible initiation of force upon another natural person). Though governments make exceptions for government employees, we should apply the same logic to all natural persons (“AEquitas” in Latin, “equity” in English). Thus by applying the logic of equity to common law, we arrive at knowledge of natural law, including the non-initiation-of-force principle (i.e. liberty principle). This natural law reigns supreme–applying to all natural persons, in all places, and for all time. Failure to live in accord with huamn nature will result in automatic punishment from nature, as surely as a poor diet and lifestyle will diminish lifespan. Sharia law is in direct opposition to natural law, and the world must choose between them. Decline of the West–then and now When the western roman empire fell, the eastern continued for another 1000 years. The EU, and it’s partner the US, are collapsing–economically, politically, and demographically. Russian law must be reformed in accord with “Jus Naturale” and then will be able to preserve civilization in the dark ages that might come. This will create hope and purpose for the future, inspiring population increase. Russia is a rightful heir to the eastern roman republic. If Russia enabled a Kurdistan protectorate in eastern Turkey, that would give Russia a land route from Armenia all the way to the Mediterranean. Russia should negotiate military transit privileges through Georgia, in a mutually beneficial deal that would allow return of refugees and choice of government in now-disputed provinces. Likewise, the US should negotiate military transit privileges through Armenia and Kurdistan. This would open a land route from the Black Sea, for trade and supply lines. Greece should reprise the Iliad, and reverse the Islamist conquest of Byzantium/Constantinople. Then, western Anatolia and Kurdistan could apply for membership in NATO. The US and the West are wrong to back an Islamic Turkey, now as they were in the Crimean War. Similarly the West backed the wrong side in Serbia and Afghanistan. Once the Iran domination of Syria ends, Russia should assume a leading role there. Russia has a moral duty to prevent the rise of the Sunni Caliphate and Shia nukes, and thus must resist the efforts of Erdogan and the mullahs in Iran. That is because Obama has further bankrupted the US. Pax Americana will go the way of Pax Britannica and Pax Romana. Russia has an arguable claim to Crimea, but should negotiate lower gas prices for Ukraine in exchange for Ukraine’s loss of rent for the Russian naval base there. Russia wants to secure cities in eastern Ukraine that produce military hardware, but such as they produce is obsolete and third-rate. Rebuilding the war-torn area would would be a burden for Russia, but Ukraine is more broke. Cities (and ideally, individual persons) should have a free choice of which government they want. A good replacement is needed to avert a new Dark Ages, the UN is manifestly unsuited to the task for multiple reasons. Instead of siding with Shia Iran against the Sunni Caliphate, and Obama backing whichever side seems trendy– Russia and the US should unite against both the Sunni caliphate and Shia nukes. The eastern and western fragments of the republic must unite in a co-dominion, changing their policies to form a humanistic alliance against theocracy 1. McDougall, I.; Brown, F.; & Fleagle, J.; (2005) “Stratigraphic placement and age of modern humans from Kibish, Ethiopia” Nature, Thursday Feb. 17, 2005 2. Brown, T.; Jones, M.; Powell, W.; and Allaby, R. (2008) “The complex origins of domesticated crops in the Fertile Crescent” Trends in Ecology and Evolution, 10-29 3. Wikibooks (2013) “Civilization Makes it’s Debut” in World History/Ancient Civilizations 4. Locke, J.; (1690) “Of the State of War” Second Treatise of Civil Government Chapter III Section 19 5. Hobbes, T.; (1660) “Of The Naturall Condition Of Mankind, As Concerning Their Felicity, And Misery” Leviathan, Chapter 13 6. Childs, R.; (1969) “An Open Letter to Ayn Rand: Objectivism and the State” The Rational Individualist, August 1969 7. Machan, T.; (2004) “‘Government’ vs. ‘State’” Strike the Root, March 13, 2004 8. Maine, H.: (1861) “The Modern History of the Law of Nature” Ancient Law, chapter four 9. Maine, H.: (1861) “The Law of Nature and Equity” Ancient Law, chapter three ‘World History and the Role of Russia; from a classical libertarian perspective’ was originally published in the Russian language academic journal “Modern Scientific Thought”. It is reprinted with permission here. “Modern Scientific Thought’ may be accessed here http://helri.com/dop_faily/snm-2013-4.pdf A profound thank you to Dr. Igor Suzdaltsev, Editor-in-Chief of ‘Modern Scientific Thought’, for his invaluable contribution to the publication of this article and to the cause of liberty. Here is a link to his book’Natiology’ http://www.amazon.com/Natiology-Social-Science-Third-Millennium/dp/0965375323 Photograph Link: http://helri.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=55&Itemid=1

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Facts, information and articles about Richard Nixon, the 37th U.S. President Richard Nixon Facts Years Of Military Service American Campaign Medal Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal World War II Victory Medal 37th President of the United States Richard Nixon Articles Explore articles from the History Net archives about Richard Nixon » See all Richard Nixon Articles In 1953, Nixon was chosen to be the vice-presidential candidate in Dwight Eisenhower’s bid for president. Eisenhower defeated Adlai Stevenson in the election. In 1960, Nixon unsuccessfully ran for president against John F. Kennedy. However, he ran again in 1968 and was successful, becoming the 37th president of the United States of America. During his presidency, he advocated for women and equality in employment, and he appointed several women to his cabinet. Many of the policies and changes he worked for helped the women’s rights movement. He also advocated for children, particularly those living in poverty. He urged passing of the Clean Air Act of 1970, and created the Environmental Protection Agency. His term was marred by the Watergate scandal and other accusations of corruption. He resigned from office in 1974 before his impending impeachment could occur. Nixon died in 1994. Articles Featuring Richard Nixon From History Net Magazines How Nixon Almost Won the Vietnam War From the Winter 2012 issue of MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History. Today, not one American in ten thousand knows about the Battle of An Loc. But for a few months in the spring of 1972, An Loc looked as if it would assume the same mythic importance as the battles of Saratoga, the Argonne, and the Bulge. In that climactic year of the Vietnam War, U.S. president Richard M. Nixon gambled his presidency on a program he called “Vietnamization.” Its goal was to gradually transfer responsibility for the fighting to the South Vietnamese, betting that—aided by a handful of American advisers on the ground and the might of U.S. air power—their troops could stand against the veteran battalions of North Vietnam. Under way for several years, this new style of warfare had seen limited success; An Loc was the first chance to test it in a major battle. To the surprise of both sides, Vietnamization worked. An Loc became its seminal triumph, and the most important Vietnam battle of Nixon’s presidency. Why then, is Vietnam now synonymous with failure and loss? The answer lies in An Loc, and the events that followed. The Battle of An Loc proved that Nixon had found the key to victory in Vietnam An Loc is a city of about 15,000 people, the capital of rural Binh Long Province in South Vietnam, near the border with Cambodia. The surrounding countryside is thick with French-planted rubber trees that once made it a rather prosperous place. After more than a decade of savage civil war between North and South Vietnam, no one thought of An Loc or the province as militarily important. Only one division of South Vietnam’s million-man army was stationed there. But An Loc sat on a paved highway, Route 13, just 65 miles from the South Vietnamese capital, Saigon. For General Vo Nguyen Giap, commander of the North Vietnamese Army (NVA), that made the city significant. In distant Paris in spring 1972, North Vietnamese diplomats were pretending to negotiate a peace treaty with South Vietnamese and American representatives. President Nixon had refused to yield to massive protests against American involvement in the war. Again and again he touted Vietnamization as the only honorable way to end America’s role in the conflict. By 1972, there were fewer than 100,000 combat GIs in Vietnam; none was in or near Binh Long Province. In November that year, Nixon would run for reelection. The leading Democratic challenger, Senator George McGovern of South Dakota, was calling for immediate and total withdrawal of American troops, planes, and warships. He claimed the South Vietnamese army, the ARVN, was hopeless. He had even harsher things to say about the new republic’s politicians. Had Vietnamization, then, been a failure? Quite the contrary. In 1968 the South Vietnamese and Americans had inflicted a shattering defeat on the Viet Cong, the communist guerrilla army in the south, when the VC launched an all-out offensive during Tet, the traditional Vietnamese holiday. In the wake of this victory, the ARVN and U.S. armed forces had been able to pacify the countryside, producing a remarkable approximation of peace for nearly four years. John Paul Vann, a former army colonel who had become a key civilian adviser, said in January 1972: “We are now at the lowest level of fighting the war has ever seen.” There was “an air of prosperity throughout the rural areas” of South Vietnam, Vann claimed. On the highways a traveler was in more danger “from hustling Hondas and Lambrettas than…from the VC.” Given the relative success of Vietnamization and pacification, the NVA’s General Giap had only one hope of victory: a massive invasion with his regular army. In the spring of 1972 he prepared a three-pronged assault to conquer large chunks of South Vietnam. The centerpiece of Giap’s plan (later known as the Easter Offensive) was to capture An Loc and claim it as the provisional capital of Revolutionary South Vietnam. Communist politicians would muster there, while Giap readied a tank-led army to rumble down Route 13 to Saigon after disgusted, war-weary American voters elected McGovern, and the demoralized South Vietnamese “puppets” realized the United States was about to abandon them. At U.S. Army headquarters in Saigon, there were no illusions that the war was over. Intelligence from NVA deserters and other sources detected General Giap’s buildup of forces on South Vietnam’s borders in preparation for the Easter Offensive. General Creighton Abrams, the U.S. Army commander, increased his air power at bases in South Vietnam and Thailand. Two aircraft carriers were ordered on station off the coast, with two more carriers on standby. B-52 long-range bombers on Guam were told to prepare for an all-out effort. “The stakes in this battle will be great,” Abrams said. At noon on March 30, 1972, the NVA attacked across the supposedly demilitarized zone between the two Vietnams. Fifteen North Vietnamese regiments poured thousands of rounds of mortar, rocket, and artillery fire into ARVN bases along the border and surged toward the district capital of Quang Tri. The second of Giap’s three invasion forces burst from NVA sanctuaries in Cambodia into South Vietnam’s Central Highlands, heading for another major city, Kontum. From farther south in Cambodia came Giap’s biggest thrust: Three NVA divisions backed by hundreds of tanks and artillery pieces rumbled toward An Loc. The 5th NVA Division had orders to clear the ARVN out of Loc Ninh, a small town on Route 13 about 20 miles north of An Loc. Seven American advisers, led by Lieutenant Colonel Richard Schott, who had recently transferred—at his request—from a desk job in Saigon, were in Loc Ninh. Colonel Nguyen Cong Vinh, the commander of the town’s defenders, the 9th ARVN Regiment, had been fighting the communists since 1950. He was frankly dismayed by the withdrawal of American combat troops and had no confidence in the ARVN’s ability to stand alone. Despite strong opposition from American air forces, the NVA’s tanks and infantry smashed through Loc Ninh’s defenses and overran the town in three days. Remnants of the 9th ARVN Regiment and the advisers fled into the countryside. Badly wounded in the head, Colonel Schott killed himself so his fellow advisers wouldn’t risk their lives trying to save him. Loc Ninh’s fall was not a good omen for the defenders of An Loc. Inside the city was a team of American advisers headed by Colonel William “Wild Bill” Miller, a veteran of three previous tours in Vietnam. His relationship with Brigadier General Le Van Hung, commander of the 5th ARVN Division, was tense; Hung did not like to take advice from Americans. When the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV) warned of the coming offensive, Hung stubbornly resisted Miller’s urgent pleas to withdraw men from isolated firebases and concentrate them in An Loc. Eventually, some 35,000 NVA troops surrounded the city. The besieged, including 2,000 lightly armed provincial militia, numbered 7,500. On April 7, the 9th NVA Division attacked the crucial Quan Loi airstrip, two miles northeast of An Loc, where American and ARVN helicopters rearmed and refueled. Human wave assaults preceded by canisters of tear and nausea gas overwhelmed the two companies of the 5th Division’s 7th Regiment defending the field. Onto the hills around An Loc the NVA dragged dozens of guns, ranging from mortars to 130mm Soviet-made artillery pieces. A few hours before dawn on April 13, they began a bombardment of horrendous intensity. In the next 15 hours, more than 7,000 shells and rockets crashed into An Loc, driving its defenders and trapped civilians underground. At dawn the NVA launched an assault on the city’s northern streets that panicked the South Vietnamese defenders. Swarms of T-54 tanks led the attack—the first time most of the South Vietnamese troops had confronted these death-dealing machines. Within hours, much of the northern section of the city was in enemy hands. It seemed that by equipping the NVA with this armored fist, North Vietnam’s Soviet backers had ensured that Vietnamization would unravel in a matter of days. But even as the ARVN retreated, South Vietnamese resistance stiffened. In An Loc, a young member of the provincial militia, Pham Cuong Tuan, peered from the roof of an elementary school and realized that the tanks were rolling far ahead of the infantry, virtually on their own. Tuan aimed his M72 Light Antitank Weapon (LAW) at one coming down the street. The tank exploded into flames. The North Vietnamese had violated a cardinal principle of urban armored warfare: Tanks need infantry to protect them. The news whirled through An Loc: LAWs kill tanks. Within hours, tank after isolated tank met a similar fate and the emboldened ARVN defenders began greeting the oncoming NVA infantry with blasts of machine gun and automatic rifle fire. One tank crew was so certain they had an unbeatable weapon, they rolled all the way to the southern end of the city with their hatches open. A South Vietnamese soldier with a LAW ended their joyride. Another tank clanked to a stop in front of a Catholic church and fired round after round through the front doors until it ran out of ammunition. The shells massacred some 100 men, women, and children who had taken shelter inside, hoping God would protect them. The tankers, perhaps realizing they were surrounded by LAW-wielding ARVN, climbed out of their killing machine and put up their hands. ARVN infantrymen shot them to death. At the same time, the American commanders injected into the battle a second crucial ingredient for victory—powerful, coordinated tactical air strikes. Cobra gunships from the Blue Max Squadron of the 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile) fired high-explosive antitank rockets with deadly effect. A column of 12 tanks coming down Route 13 was paralyzed when Cobras blew up the lead tank and the last one. The forest on either side of the road was too thick for the others to turn around, leaving them easy prey to U.S. tactical aircraft—A-6s, F-4s, and A-37s making constant sorties with the guidance of daring Forward Air Controllers (FACs) in light planes. At least as important were the B-52 strikes, code-named Arc Light. Every strike saw three of the huge planes, each carrying more than a hundred 500-pound bombs, hit targets close to An Loc. One strike destroyed an entire NVA battalion and its tanks. Still, the partnership between the U.S. and South Vietnamese forces was nearly stretched to the breaking point that first day defending An Loc. Captain Harold Moffett, the adviser to the ARVN 3rd Ranger Group, considered an elite force, was appalled when the men and their officers fled in panic. Moffett sprang into the street in front of the runaways, brandishing his rifle, and told the officers to do their duty. The shock treatment worked. The Rangers rejoined the battle and held their ground. In the division command bunker, Colonel Miller had to prod and push General Hung and his staff to stay in the fight. Miller persuaded Hung to shift ARVN Ranger units from parts of the city not yet under attack to the endangered northern section. By the end of the day, every NVA tank that had broken through the lines had been destroyed, and the NVA infantry’s advance had stalled. ARVN fighting spirit was repeatedly buoyed by the planes and hovering Cobra helicopters. An unexpectedly robust version of Vietnamization was being forged in the struggle for An Loc. After four days of fighting, the defenders were almost as battered as the attackers. Colonel Miller grimly assessed the situation for his MACV superior, Major General James F. Hollingsworth, on April 17. The enemy was still flinging 2,000 shells a day into An Loc. “Casualties continue to mount, medical supplies are low, wounded a major problem, mass burials for military and civilians,” Miller said. Evacuation of the wounded was almost impossible, because of intense North Vietnamese antiaircraft fire. South Vietnamese helicopters that attempted to land were almost invariably shot down, and the effort was soon abandoned. The NVA’s high command was infuriated by the 9th Division’s failure to quickly take An Loc, even denouncing the division’s poor performance in letters to officers. General Giap insisted on meeting his timetable, which called for announcing An Loc as the Revolutionary capital on April 20. Giap was soon frustrated. General Hollingsworth had persuaded the South Vietnamese to airlift two airborne battalions to An Loc’s southern outskirts, and they disrupted an NVA attempt to stage a diversionary attack from that direction. Meanwhile, three fresh North Vietnamese regiments got nowhere in the northern streets. American air support pulverized tanks and men, and the ARVN defenders held firm. On April 22, emboldened South Vietnamese Rangers went on the offensive, hoping to eliminate NVA companies entrenched in the wreckage. They were assisted by one of America’s most awesome airborne weapons, the AC-130 Spectre gunship, a plane whose 105mm cannons created nothing less than a rolling barrage behind which the ARVN advanced. Although the NVA was forced to retreat a few blocks, the stalemate continued. Several groups of desperate civilians tried to escape the city. But the North Vietnamese artillery slaughtered them the moment they emerged into the open fields. The city’s defenders had to figure out a way to feed both soldiers and civilians. High-altitude airdrops tended to fall into NVA hands, thanks to inexperienced Vietnamese parachute riggers at Saigon’s Tan Son Nhut Airfield. Low altitude drops resulted in several lost planes. To fix this problem, MACV flew in a team of trained American riggers from Okinawa. Soon drops were coming down in free fall from 8,000 feet, opening close to the ground, and landing in the arms of the hungry South Vietnamese. The standoff lasted until the night of May 10–11. Then came an ominous increase in the artillery bombardment. No less than 7,000 shells crashed into An Loc in four hours. By the end of the day, another 10,000 shells had fallen. Behind this curtain of fire came tanks and infantry trying to drive two powerful salients into the city and finish off the ARVN defenders piecemeal. With this assault came many mobile antiaircraft guns and units equipped with heat-seeking antiaircraft missiles to drive the Cobra gunships and FACs out of the sky. Everyone sensed the battle of An Loc was reaching a climax. The Americans answered the new NVA challenge with redoubled punishment from the sky. Despite losing two Cobra gunships, two FAC planes, and an A-37, the airmen stayed in the battle, wreaking havoc on the enemy. Jittering all over the sky to escape the metal flying up at them, FACs guided 297 tactical aircraft missions on the crucial day of May 11. At least as important were B-52 strikes, which by this point in the war were amazingly precise. As they approached the city, the big planes could quickly change targets and come to the rescue of a hard-pressed ARVN unit in response to a FAC’s emergency call. On May 11, the B-52s flew some 30 sorties, dropping 1,500 bombs. Rain set in on the night of May 12. The NVA, hoping the weather would limit air support, launched another attack, this time with PT-76 amphibious light tanks, evidence that it had run out of the fearsome T-54 main battle tanks. They made little progress. After midnight, the weather cleared and two Spectre gunships were soon overhead, spouting destruction from their cannons. In the morning, B-52s arrived to add to the mayhem. It was too much punishment for flesh and blood to endure. Facing ARVN counterattacks, the NVA abandoned its salients and retreated into the rubber trees. Several tank crews leaped out and ran, leaving their motors running. On May 15, the NVA launched another attack, but it was a pale imitation of previous assaults. The attackers seemed content to exchange random sniper fire in the ruins. The tanks stayed out of the fight, firing from far enough away that hits from LAWs were rare. It would take more than another month of fighting to clear Route 13 and regain control of An Loc’s airport. But the NVA had lost the initiative and the ARVN went over to the attack. They soon recaptured the city of Quang Tri, which they had abandoned in April. By that time General Giap’s North Vietnamese army was a wreck. Almost all its armor and artillery had been destroyed. The 14 divisions and 26 regiments thrown into the battle had suffered crippling losses. Giap himself was dismissed as commander in chief. South Vietnam trumpeted this victory in An Loc to the watching world. Nguyen Van Thieu, the president of South Vietnam, visited the battered city on July 7 and compared the battle to Dien Bien Phu, the 1954 communist Viet Minh victory that drove the French army out of Vietnam. The French forces had collapsed after a 56-day siege. At An Loc, the ARVN had held out for 70 days—and won. It was, Thieu said, “a victory of the free world’s democracy over communist totalitarianism.” Many observers agreed. Paris Match compared the battle to Verdun and Stalingrad. “The South Vietnamese army proved it could stand on its own two feet,” the editors wrote. American advisers and the MACV commanders who had directed the crucial air support also praised the stubborn courage of the South Vietnamese on the ground. President Nixon, meanwhile, hailed An Loc as proof that Vietnamization had succeeded. The crucial combination of air power and the steadying influence of advisers with the ARVN had vindicated and given teeth to the policy: It appeared the United States was poised to clasp South Vietnam’s hand in victory over the communists. Most American newsmen saw things differently. By 1972 the war had few defenders in the media. “Perhaps the best that can be said is that the city died bravely,” one reporter wrote. Most in the press ignored the tremendous losses suffered by the North Vietnamese and were seemingly indifferent to An Loc’s significance—that the South Vietnamese had stood up to the NVA’s finest troops without the aid of American ground soldiers. The North Vietnamese had neither the weapons nor the strategy to counter America’s awesome air power. In the November presidential election, Nixon routed George McGovern. He won a staggering 61 percent of the popular vote; his 18-million-vote margin of victory was the largest in U.S. history. The American people, ignoring the media and the protesters, overwhelmingly approved Nixon’s policy of Vietnamization, with its victorious centerpiece, the Battle of An Loc. Seldom had American voters watched a president and a challenger clash over an issue as specific as Vietnam—and responded with such massive support for the man in the White House. At the Paris peace talks, meanwhile, the North Vietnamese and the Americans reached an agreement of sorts. It called for a cease-fire that ratified the status quo—and left large numbers of NVA regulars holding territory in South Vietnam. President Thieu went on television and denounced this decision, made in secret by Henry Kissinger, Nixon’s national security adviser. When Nixon told Kissinger to obtain changes to mollify Thieu, the North Vietnamese walked out of the talks. On November 30, in the wake of his election victory, Nixon met with the Joint Chiefs of Staff to discuss the situation. He reassured his military advisers that leaving the NVA in South Vietnam did not in any way signal that the United States was abandoning its ally. The president said he would “react strongly” to violations of the treaty by North Vietnam and would maintain a potent military presence in Southeast Asia. Even more significant was Nixon’s decision when the North Vietnamese continued to boycott the Paris talks. He ordered a bombing campaign, dubbed Linebacker II, that gave Hanoi, after years of hesitation and limitations by previous presidents, its first taste of all-out air war. Navy planes swooped down and mined the harbors of Haiphong and Hanoi. For 11 days, 149 B-52s from Guam pounded the two cities, with support from hundreds of smaller bombers. No targets were off limits. Warehouses, docks, rail yards, petroleum storage tanks, and electric power plants were methodically smashed. Afterward, the humbled North Vietnamese returned to Paris and signed the peace treaty. The president had showed an obstinate enemy that the United States, with air power alone, could amply support its South Vietnamese allies. The implication was clear; any attempt to restart the war would trigger a renewal of this destruction from the air. For the first months of 1973, there was peace in Vietnam. By any measure, Nixon could claim a resounding victory. The war was essentially over, and the Republic of Vietnam was intact. But on March 30, Watergate intervened. On that day, Federal District Judge John Sirica—who had presided at a trial of five men who had broken into the Democratic Party’s headquarters in the Watergate apartments during the presidential campaign—read aloud in his courtroom a letter he had received from one of the convicted men. The man claimed he had been ordered to plead guilty to the break-in to protect high officials in the Nixon administration. Reporters raced to telephones. At that moment, the astonishing victory at An Loc began fading from public consciousness, and the United States started to abandon South Vietnam. Though Nixon would remain in office for some time, the forceful president who had ordered Linebacker II receded to a dim historical phantasm, a weak, morose man who flailed in vain as an antiwar Congress seized control. Despite the victory at An Loc and the clear success of Vietnamization, many lawmakers wanted only to get out of Vietnam. The Watergate scandal became the cover behind which they achieved a ban on further U.S. military activity in South Vietnam. Equally fatal, they reduced American economic aid to the vanishing point. The impact on the ARVN’s morale and ability to fight was catastrophic. As Watergate simmered, the Soviet Union and China resupplied and re-equipped its communist ally’s army with the latest tanks and artillery. In August 1974, Nixon resigned rather than face impeachment. His replacement, Vice President Gerald Ford, was a leader with neither power nor prestige. The end came in March 1975, almost exactly three years after General Giap launched his assault on An Loc. Overwhelming North Vietnamese attacks drove the ARVN out of the Central Highlands. Frantic attempts to regroup and save the southern half of the country collapsed. “Our friends are dying!” a desperate President Ford told Congress. On April 30, NVA tanks rolled into Saigon. It was the beginning of an agonizing ordeal for the South Vietnamese who had sided with the Americans. Many leaders, including General Hung, the ARVN commander at An Loc, committed suicide. Millions of people fled to sea in small boats and confronted pirates and terrible storms to seek refuge in other countries. Their nation, the Republic of South Vietnam, ceased to exist—and with it went the memory of the victory at An Loc.

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T. S. Eliot’s Poetry Is AliveSeptember 29, 2015 by William Edgar Poetry is about crafting words. Not data, but lyrical, imaginative verbal invention. Unlike other art forms, even creative prose, poetry addresses the soul at its very source, at the place where language intermingles with deepest consciousness, God’s own image. To catch the difference, try saying in descriptive prose, “Death be not proud.” You might at best explain that death has been conquered by God’s power, or that it can no longer hold us in bondage. You might succeed in describing the aging process, the agony of disease, the separation of spirit and body, and then the hope of heaven. But you would have missed everything important: the defiance, the victory song, the stance, looking at the last enemy in the face, and dressing it down. John Donne’s entire sonnet leads up to the final line, “Death, thou shalt die!” Poetry is about crafting words. Not data, but lyrical, imaginative verbal invention. Poetry, as Matthew Arnold puts it, has power “to awaken in us a wonderfully full, new, and intimate sense of [things], and our relation to them.” Poetry, like music, is a performance, not just a message. At times it resembles prayer. Poetry, as John Ciardi puts it, is “the natural language of man’s most exalted thoughts.”[i] To accomplish that, “the essence of a poem is that one thing in it requires another… The poem, that is, is forever generating its own context. Like a piece of music, it exists as self-entering, self-generating, self-complicating, self resolving form.”[ii] That is not to say there is no relation of poetry to outside facts. It relates to them mostly with connotations, feelings, words as historical repositories, and less than with denotations. Thomas Stearns Eliot (1888-1065) was a staunch defender of the art of poetry, because for him well-crafted words could subdue the tohu wabohu, the formless void of the world. In his 1939 essay, “That Poetry Is Made with Words,” he says, Poetry, if it is not to be a lifeless repetition of forms, must be constantly exploring “the frontiers of the spirit.” But these frontiers are not like the surveys of geographical explorers, conquered once for all and settled. The frontiers of the spirit are more like the jungle which, unless continuously kept under control, is always ready to encroach and eventually obliterate the cultivated area.[iii] In this case, the chaos is as much within as without. Thus, the frontiers of the spirit need taming, and poetry is the best instrument to subdue this most present jungle. But of course, not just any poetry can do this. Eliot revolutionized modern literature. Even his critics, who were numerous, agreed that his lyric poetry changed the landscape altogether. “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock” (1917) established him as a classic poet, one that would be known and reckoned with down through the ages. Most of us who were educated in the English tradition will have had many of its eloquent lines hard-wired into our memories: Let us go then, you and I, Where the evening is spread out against the sky Like a patient etherized upon a table… What starts out as a quiet romantic walk with my beloved in the sunset ends up in Qoheleth-like emptiness. The poem is full of such contrasts. The twice repeated line, “In the room the women come and go, Talking of Michelangelo” satirically sums up the atmosphere of false aspirations ending in babble so characteristic of his day, perhaps of any day. While we want to be significant, are we not reduced to “a pair of ragged claws Scuttling across the floors of the silent seas?” Very few texts so well captured the jungle at the frontier of human souls wandering around war-torn Europe. Much of Eliot’s early work indeed echoed the anxiety reigning in the West after the defeat of pre-war optimism, in the years between the two world wars. But the very words of such a poem testify, albeit dimly, to hope, to a world beyond the chaos: “I have heard the mermaids singing, each to each.” Eliot revolutionized modern literature. Even his critics, who were numerous, agreed that his lyric poetry changed the landscape altogether. T. S. Eliot was born in St. Louis, to a wealthy family from New England. His puritan ancestors came to Massachusetts for reasons of religious dissent. By the late nineteenth century most of the family has become well-bred Unitarians. His mother, Charlotte Stearns Champe Eliot, had taught school and was a quite decent poet herself. She was religiously inclined; the parallels between mother and son are patent, though not complete. Her poetry was rather serene, whereas Thomas’ was, if the word is not too strong, tormented. Eliot’s intelligence was prodigious. He devoured Western literature. He read or spoke numerous languages. He studied Indian culture. He entered Harvard at seventeen to study French literature. He stayed there through the PhD program, but took a year at Oxford, and never left England thereafter. He was unhappily married to Vivien Haigh-Wood, a woman deeply troubled both physically and mentally. Eliot initiated a separation, and she died in an asylum in 1947. He remarried at the age of sixty eight to Esmé Valerie Fletcher, and had a relatively happy conjugal life until his death, age seventy five. He died of complications arising from emphysema, provoked by the London air and his heavy smoking. After a brief time of teaching, followed by a position as clerk at Lloyd’s Bank in London, Eliot went to work as a director at Faber Gwyer, later Faber & Faber, the legendary publishing company. He created The Criterion which he edited from 1922 to 1932. This gave him a considerable voice in the literary and social criticism of the day. In 1927 he converted to the Anglican Church, and settled into its Anglo-Catholic expression. He also became a British citizen. Publicly he was an industrious editor and the friend of many younger authors. Privately, as is evidenced in his poetry, he was a man haunted by much grief and suffering, though a man of faith. Although he wrote essays and plays, many of which are monuments in their own right, his lasting contribution is without doubt his poetry. As a young man in London he became friends with Ezra Pound, who recognized Eliot’s great gift and helped him on the way to a life of artistry in words. Eliot gratefully acknowledged his mentor in the dedication of “The Waste Land,” calling him il migliore fabbro (“the better craftsman,” as Dante had put it in Purgatorio XXVI). This was a considerable compliment! * * * Several surprises await the novice reader of Eliot’s poetry. The breadth of his knowledge is so dazzling, we are tempted to say of him, as was said of the Apostle Paul, “your great learning is turning you mad.” (Acts 26:24) At first, his many quotations and references seem almost distracting. Then after reading and rereading the text, and reciting it out loud, we begin the hear, as it were, the work as a whole. If one takes the trouble to decode the references and translate the quotes, then the many parts begin to cohere. Like the great symphony, non-musicians can enjoy it and perhaps hum the melodies. The learned music scholar will hear all the nuances, the different instruments, the cross-references, the historic roots, and the whole will be all the more meaningful. The breadth of his knowledge is dazzling. At first, his many quotations and references seem almost distracting. A related surprise is the apparent fragmentation of Eliot’s poetry. In what is perhaps his greatest masterpiece, “The Waste Land,” such atomization is acknowledged by the poet himself. The very last line says it with synecdoche (the part representing the whole): These fragments I have shored against my ruins Why then Ile fit you. Hieronymo’s mad againe. Datta. Dayahhvam. Damyata. Shantih shantih shantih[iv] What are these fragments? Presumably they are the pieces of Western culture left in shambles after the destruction of the prevalent optimism of the nineteenth century. Still, the poem is not a random set of motifs, but a seamless movement, a symphonic elegy unified in its diversity. Significantly, Eliot has shored the fragments into a sort of collage, where various bits are glued together. And this give hope in the midst of the ruins. As Helen Vendler puts it, “[T]here is purposefulness in its wandering: as the poem completes itself linearly, it also takes on a crystalline spatial structure that replicates, in it textual feeling, a pattern of human emotion.”[v] Again, the analogy of music is helpful here, especially modern music, like that of Stravinsky’s large-scale ballets or Maria Schneider’s jazz orchestral arrangements, because it parallels the unity and diversity of the words crafted into this concerted montage of metaphors and quotations. Eliot’s poetry is informed by his lifelong pursuit of philosophy with a theological essence. As an undergraduate at Harvard he concentrated on philosophy and literature. Upon graduation he went to Paris for a year to study Henri Bergson (1859-1941). Bergson was Jewish, but would convert to Roman Catholicism in 1921. Highly critical of Marx for his materialism, and of Darwin for his approach to natural selection, he nevertheless believed in a sort of macro-evolutionary movement in the universe, directed by an élan vital, the creative force akin to God himself. What drew Eliot to Bergson (who knew America and was close to some of its prominent thinkers) was the idea of process. Bergson’s rather lyrical or rhapsodic notion of universal process and his idea that the human brain was a repository and censor of the past in the present, is not unlike Eliot’s baroque combinations of words and themes, leading to some faraway mermaid call. Eliot believed the Christian life was one of slow and steady growth, rather than instantaneous conversion. Eliot’s poetry is informed by his lifelong pursuit of philosophy with a theological essence. Another early philosophical influence on T. S. Eliot was the idealist Francis Herbert Bradley (1846-1924), about whom he wrote his doctoral dissertation for Harvard.[vi] Unlike Bergson in many ways, yet Bradley also attacked empiricism and utilitarianism, and believed in acquiring the best ideas through human experience, an experience that tends toward the ideal. Truth is only partially available to us, yet we may believe that there is an Absolute in which all things cohere. Soon, however, Eliot was drawn to the powerful outlook of Britain’s most prominent philosopher, Bertrand Russell. Strange as it sounds, for Russell (1872-1970) was a famous atheist. Eliot not only admired him, but he and his wife would move in to Russell’s flat in London (which would not be helpful for their marriage, sad to say). Eliot believed this mentor to be among the clearest voices for science and linguistic analysis, ones that liberated English philosophy from the German influence. Russell used his craft to achieve two sorts of analyses. The first was reductive, attacking various logical fictions in order to reduce them to non existence. The second was more constructive, taking concepts and making them more clear and measurable. On the strength of Russell’s influence, Eliot now returns to a sort of empiricism. In his first works on literary criticism he clearly reflects Russell’s penchant for scientific responsibility. In a major work on criticism, The Sacred Wood (1920), he calls for clarity, precision, and decries anything vague and indefinite. This does not mean merely the cold analytic deductions of bare intellect. He also defends the role of feelings as well as knowledge, to achieve human perception. For example, he criticizes the poetry of Swinburne because, “the meaning is merely the hallucination of meaning,” and that because “the object has ceased to exist,” whereas he praises John Donne because in his verse, “sensation became word and word became sensation.”[vii] Russell was the early twentieth century’s great apostle of pure science. He argued that science was much more likely to be true than philosophy. In his work on logical atomism he advocated the facts, the facts and only the facts. Eliot would soon turn away from this scientific idolatry, finding it “crude and raw and provincial.” Still, he would always cherish a certain need for objectivity both in criticism and poetry. Unlike Russell, as he grew, he would increasingly locate this objectivity in living tradition. He found it in such places as a common inheritance, a common cause, common principles, and especially the common pursuit of true judgment. Eventually he would concede that objectivity cannot be devoid of human passion and situatedness. Not unlike Wittgenstein, Eliot began to believe that all knowledge was applied, and somehow socially conditioned.[viii] The heart of Eliot’s philosophy, then, is wisdom. This is not to say that Eliot was a relativist. He converted to Anglicanism in 1927. While he no longer could accept the naïve objectivity of Bradley and Russell, he did believe that God, the Absolute, could dispense much practical wisdom to his creatures. Something like Aristotle’s phronesis emerged in a Christianized version. Aristotle taught that intelligence must be qualified by virtue if it is to lead to the wisdom we need to navigate in the world. Eliot famously said, “there is no method except to be very intelligent.”[ix] The heart of Eliot’s philosophy, then, is wisdom, not only instrumental wisdom, but the ability, as found in the children of Issachar, who “understood the times and knew what Israel should do.” (1 Chron 12:32) Where would such wisdom lead him? We know and respect Eliot first and foremost as a poet. He was also a respected literary critic, and a social critic. While we must not simply apply his social thought to his own verse, there has to be some connection. His views are not always easy to summarize. A good deal of debate surrounds the question of Eliot’s real convictions. Eliot sympathized with some of the more conservative movements of his day. Though critical of romanticism, he loved nineteenth century cultural advocates, like Coleridge. He endorsed Charles Maurras in the New Criterion, at least in a sanitized version. When the pope condemned Maurras’ Action Française in 1927, Eliot defended the group, albeit without endorsing some of its darker aspects. Maurras had argued that the French version of republicanism was basically a façade to hide an industrial and capitalist lust to wrench authority from the nobles and from the church. Eliot did not approve AF’s purist nationalism, nor did he “flirt with fascism,” as some of his critics would have it. Nor can he be proven to be anti-Semitic. It is true he was slower than some to see the evils of Nazism. He would later regret any impression of denying the horror of the Nazi persecutions of Jews.[x] One possible reason for these kinds of accusation is that at times Eliot sounds élitist to the point of denying the virtues of a liberal and diverse society. Occasionally he made statements about the dangers of mixing cultures that sounded racist. Further, at one point early on he was a royalist, though he later developed the view that the church should be a social center of gravity, not the government, be it royal or Tory. In his work on the nature of culture looked for an approach that could provide a dynamic for unity that could overcome the fragmentation of the age. In Notes Toward the Definition of Culture Eliot argues that culture at its best is simply “that which makes life worth living.” He strongly believed that “no culture can appear or develop except in relation to religion.”[xi] Accepting Durkheim’s type of evolutionary view, he reckoned that given enough time, modern societies would grow and would become more differentiated. While this is happening, we must ensure that we strive toward concord, rather than what appear to be the forces leading to an “aggregation of human beings who are not units but merely bundles of incoherent impulses and beliefs.”[xii] * * * Eliot’s wisdom would lead him to write some of the most original and powerful poetry of modern times. How do we assess it? Few are indifferent to it. His most famous critic was C. S. Lewis. Although Lewis averred in A Preface to Paradise Lost, “I agree with Eliot on matters of such great importance that all literary questions are trivial in comparison,” yet their disagreements were deep. It made it hard to be a supporter of both men. Their conflict was the more remarkable in that they were so similar in profile: roughly contemporary (Lewis lived from 1889 to 1963), both were outsiders (Lewis from Ireland, Eliot from America), both converts to Anglicanism, and both conservatives who were placed by commentators into the same camp, along with such co-belligerents as W. H. Auden, Dorothy Sayers and Graham Greene.[xiii] Over what issues were they at odds? His most famous critic was C. S. Lewis. The line between temperament and conviction is often very thin. Early on, C. S. Lewis himself had wanted more than anything to be a poet. His numerous poems are almost entirely classical, mythic, profoundly committed to the great canon of Western literature. The enemy is modernism, which tends toward the “abolition of man.” J. R. R. Tolkien himself described their clash not to be jealousy, but the conflict between two different worlds, “the classical and the traditional versus the free and the modern.” Lewis loved solid forms and shapes, conventional symbols, he said, whereas Eliot delved into new images and subjective thought associations. Lewis suggested in one of his own poems, “A Confession” (1954), that Eliot could only testify to “sensibility in decay.” Eliot’s modernism was inaccessible to Lewis. To compare as he does in “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock” an evening spread to the sky with “a patient etherised upon a table” made no sense to him at all. Some of the judgments made by these two rivals are nearly comical. T. S. Eliot once remarked that Shakespeare’s Hamlet was most certainly an artistic failure. To which Lewis replied, if this is failure, then failure is better than success! To be fair, Eliot did think Shakespeare, like his beloved John Donne, belonged to an age where the intellect “was at the tip of the senses.” Eliot was largely responsible for the revival of interest in the metaphysical poet John Donne. Lewis called Donne a minor poet whose tortured imagery is the main reason why there is such interest in him today. Instead, Lewis loved Percy Bysshe Shelley, whereas Eliot thought him old fashioned, lacking even the virtue of a John Dryden, whom he considered modern and refreshing for his time. Eliot thought romanticism to be wasteful nostalgia, Lewis thought it a sure guide to faith. And so it went. Happily, in the late 1950s they became very good friends. They had both been assigned to the group that revised the Anglican Psalter, and found so much in common that their abiding philosophical differences took second place to their human affection. How should the arts respond to the growing threats of the twentieth century against the dignity of human life and the heritage of celestial values? A large part of the misunderstanding arose out of the question of the proper interpretation of the purpose of literature. How should the arts respond to the growing threats of the twentieth century against the dignity of human life and the heritage of celestial values? How to assess the surrounding culture in order to critique it? Eliot thought the best way was prophetic warning. One raises a red flag by echoing much that can be heard. Lewis called that accommodation. In 1935 a mutual friend, Paul Elmer Moore, wrote Lewis about one of Eliot’s essays on James Joyce, and called Eliot “a great genius expending itself on the propagation of irresponsibility.” To which Lewis responded, here we have no great genius, but we do have the propagation of irresponsibility![xiv] Lewis could not imagine anyone standing for truth who did not do so in a classicist, well-disciplined fashion. Eliot was worse than a devil since he posed as a student of the classics. As to matters of faith, for Lewis, Eliot is Mr. Neo-Angular, the character in Pilgrim’s Regress who represents people who use the Christian religion to promote snobbery, “trying to make of Christianity itself one more high-brow, Chelsea, bourgeois-baiting fad.” Further, “T.S. Eliot is the single man who sums up the thing I am fighting against.”[xv] Eliot did have his rather highbrow views of culture, as we have seen. But is it fair to call him Mr. Angular? This is one of the abiding aesthetic questions of our time. Should Christians be conservatives? And is conservatism classicist? Or should they be iconoclastic prophets, warning of decay by describing it in its own terms? It is a legitimate debate. I find myself largely sympathetic with T. S. Eliot in this matter, even though I am devoted to so much in C. S. Lewis. Was not Eliot a twentieth-century Amos, a John the Baptist? Gentle reader, you decide. Read these extraordinary poems and then decide. Or don’t. Simply let them weave their spell on you. The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock (1917) The Waste Land (1922) Four Quartets (1935-1942) [i] John Ciardi, How Does a Poem Mean?, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1959, p. 678. [ii] Ibid., p. 769. [iii] New English Weekly, 15, 27 April, 1939, p. 27. [iv] The second line is from Thomas Kyd, a contemporary of Shakespeare, in the play inspired by Seneca, The Spanish Tragedy, in which Hieronymo takes revenge on his son’s murderer before killing himself. The final words are the last lines of one of the Upanishads, and according to Eliot signify the same benediction as expressed in the New Testament, taken up in the Book of Common Prayer: “The peace which passeth understanding.” [v] Helen Vendler, “Introduction,” in T. S. Eliot: The Wasteland and Other Poems, New York: Signet, 1998, p. xviii. [vi] Titled, “Experience and the Objects of Knowledge in the Philosophy of F. H. Bradley,” it was sent to the Harvard philosophy department from England in 1916, and enthusiastically received by the faculty. Because of difficulties in trans-Atlantic travel during the war, Eliot was unable either to defend, or to be awarded the degree. [vii] T. S. Eliot: The Sacred Wood, London: Faber & Faber, 1997 (orig. 1920), pp. 129, 149. [viii] The Use of Poetry and the Use of Criticism, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987 (orig. 1933). According to Richard Susterman, here he moves from foundationalist realism to hermeneutic historicism. See, “Eliot as Philosopher,” in The Cambridge Companion to T. S. Eliot, A. David Moody, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 40. [ix] The Sacred Wood, op. cit., p. 11. [x] The attempt to prove Eliot anti-Semitic by Anthony Julius, in his T. S. Eliot, Anti-Semitism and Literary Form, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, is utterly unconvincing. [xi] London: Faber & Faber, 1948, rev. 1962, p. 27. [xii] T. S. Eliot: “Religion Without Humanism,” in Humanism and America, Norman Foerester, ed., New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1930, p. 112. [xiii] The cover story by Time Magazine, Sept. 8, 1947, calls this group “heretic intellectuals.” Their heresy? Orthodox Christian belief. [xiv] Quoted in Rowland Croucher: John Mark Ministries. This article was published in an earlier form on The Trinity Forum. Does the Asian-American Church Need an Adjusted Gospel?September 25, 2015 by Jeffrey Jue

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