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1929年還是1989年?
翻譯成英文。
1929 or 1989?
巴黎-隨著經濟危機不斷加深和蔓延,整個世界一直在尋找歷史上的類似事件希望有助於我們瞭解目前正在發生的情況。
翻譯成英文。
PARIS – As the economic crisis deepens and widens, the world has been searching for historical analogies to help us understand what has been happening.
一開始,很多人把這次危機比作1982年或1973年所發生的情況,這樣得類比是令人寬心的,因為這兩段時期意味著典型的週期性衰退。
翻譯成英文。
At the start of the crisis, many people likened it to 1982 or 1973, which was reassuring, because both dates refer to classical cyclical downturns.
Today, the mood is much grimmer, with references to 1929 and 1931 beginning to abound, even if some governments continue to behave as if the crisis was more classical than exceptional.
翻譯成中文。
如今人們的心情卻是沉重多了,許多人開始把這次危機與1929年和1931年相比,即使一些國家政府的表現仍然似乎把視目前的情況為是典型的而看見的衰退。
The tendency is either excessive restraint (Europe) or a diffusion of the effort (the United States).
翻譯成中文。
目前的趨勢是,要麼是過度的剋制(歐洲),要麼是努力的擴充套件(美國)。
Europe is being cautious in the name of avoiding debt and defending the euro, whereas the US has moved on many fronts in order not to waste an ideal opportunity to implement badly needed structural reforms.
翻譯成中文。
歐洲在避免債務和捍衛歐元的名義下正變得謹慎,而美國已經在許多方面行動起來,以利用這一理想的時機來實行急需的結構性改革。
For geo-strategists, however, the year that naturally comes to mind, in both politics and economics, is 1989.
翻譯成中文。
然而,作為地域戰略學家,無論是從政治意義還是從經濟意義上,讓我自然想到的年份是1989年。
當然,雷曼兄弟公司的倒閉和柏林牆的倒塌沒有任何關係。
翻譯成英文。
Of course, the fall of the house of Lehman Brothers has nothing to do with the fall of the Berlin Wall.
事實上,從表面上看,兩者似乎是完全是相反的:一個是象徵著壓抑和人為分裂的柏林牆的倒塌,而另一個是看似堅不可摧的並令人安心的金融資本主義機構的倒塌。
翻譯成英文。
Indeed, on the surface it seems to be its perfect antithesis: the collapse of a wall symbolizing oppression and artificial divisions versus the collapse of a seemingly indestructible and reassuring institution of financial capitalism.
Yet 2008-2009, like 1989, may very well correspond to an epochal change, whose unfolding consequences will be felt for decades.
翻譯成中文。
然而,和1989年一樣,2008-2009年很可能也能被視為一個劃時代的改變,其帶來的發人深省的後果將在幾十年後仍能讓我們感受得到。
The end of the East-West ideological divide and the end of absolute faith in markets are historical turning points.
翻譯成中文。
東西方意識形態鴻溝的結束,以及對市場絕對信心的後果,都是歷史的轉折點。
而2009年所發生的事情可能會威脅1989年革命所帶來的積極成果,包括歐洲的和平統一和民主制度戰勝了民族主義傾向,如果不是恐外傾向的話。
翻譯成英文。
And what happens in 2009 may jeopardize some of the positive results of 1989, including the peaceful reunification of Europe and the triumph of democratic principles over nationalist, if not xenophobic, tendencies.
1989年,自由民主戰勝了由蘇聯集團具體化並推崇的社會主義意識形態。
翻譯成英文。
In 1989, liberal democracy triumphed over the socialist ideology incarnated and promoted by the Soviet Bloc.
對於里根總統的許多的支持者來說,就是他精心策劃的軍備競賽的升級,把蘇聯經濟推向了崩潰的邊緣,從而充分顯示了自由社會和自由市場的優越性。
翻譯成英文。
For many of his supporters, it was President Ronald Reagan who, with his deliberate escalation of the arms race, pushed the Soviet economy to the brink, thereby fully demonstrating the superiority of liberal societies and free markets.
Of course, there are obvious differences between 1989 and now.
翻譯成中文。
當然,現在的情況和1989年的情況明顯不同了。
首先,也許是最重要的,1989年的革命和隨後的蘇聯解體結束了全球的兩極化。
翻譯成英文。
First, and perhaps above all, the revolutions of 1989 and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union put an end to global bipolarity.
與此相反,2009年很可能會為一種新的兩極化形式鋪平道路,只是中國取代了蘇聯。
翻譯成英文。
By contrast, 2009 is likely to pave the way to a new form of bipolarity, but with China substituting for the Soviet Union.
Second, whereas democracy and market capitalism appeared as clear – if more fragile than expected – winners in 1989, it is difficult in 2009, with the spread of the global crisis, to distinguish winners from losers.
翻譯成中文。
其二,民主制度和市場資本主義,或許要比預期的要脆弱些,看來確實是當時的贏家。 而在2009年,隨著全球危機的蔓延,卻很難區分贏家和輸家;
Everyone seems to be a loser, even if some are more affected than others.
翻譯成中文。
每個人似乎都是輸家,即使有些國家比其它國家受到的影響更大。
而歷史是不公平的。 儘管美國要為當今的全球危機負更大的責任,但美國可能會比大多數國家以更良好的勢態走出困境。
翻譯成英文。
Yet, history is unfair, and the US, despite its greater responsibility for today’s global crisis, may emerge in better shape than most countries from the morass.
In better shape, but not alone.
翻譯成中文。
美國會恢復得更好,但並不是唯一能恢復的國家。
As a visiting professor at Harvard and MIT, I am getting a good preview of what the world could look like when the crisis finally passes.
翻譯成中文。
作為哈佛大學和麻省理工學院的訪問教授,我能看到危機過後的世界是什麼樣子的。
One senses something like the making of an American-Asian dominated universe.
翻譯成中文。
我們能感受到一個美國和亞洲占主導地位的世界正在形成。
從一流的麻省理工學院的媒體實驗室到哈佛大學的數學和經濟系,亞洲人-尤其是中國和印度人-到處都是,猶如公元前一世紀在雅典的羅馬人一樣:他們對那裡學到太多東西的人們充滿了敬佩,而他們將在今後幾十年打敗他們學習的物件。
翻譯成英文。
From the incredible media lab at MIT to the mathematics and economics departments at Harvard, Asians – Chinese and Indians, in particular – are everywhere, like the Romans in Athens in the first century BC: full of admiration for those from whom they were learning so much, and whom they would overcome in the coming decades.
但是,在這一新秩序的出現之前,世界可能會面臨更廣泛的混沌,如果不是徹底的混亂的話。
翻譯成英文。
But before this new order appears, the world may be faced with spreading disorder, if not outright chaos.
What, for example, will happen to a country as central and vulnerable as Egypt when hundred of thousands of Egyptians working in the Gulf are forced to return to their homeland as a result of the crisis in the oil-producing countries?
翻譯成中文。
例如,對埃及這樣一個重要而又脆弱的國家,有數十萬的埃及人曾在海灣工作但現在因石油生產國出現的危機而被迫返回了自己的家園,那埃及會發生什麼情況呢?
When the rich get less rich, the poor get poorer.
翻譯成中文。
當富人不再那麼富了,窮人就會更窮。
還有,對於那些追求“歐洲夢”的外來工人,現在他們面臨著理應是開放的歐洲國家的仇外心態可能的爆發,他們會有怎樣的遭遇?
翻譯成英文。
And what about the foreign workers who have reached for the “European dream” and are now faced with potential explosions of xenophobia in Europe’s supposedly open countries?
1989年革命所帶來的成果,最後沒有包括我在內許多觀察家所想象的那麼持久。
翻譯成英文。
The consequences of 1989 ended up being less enduring than many observers, including me, would have assumed.
We can only hope that, in the end, the consequences of 2009 similarly prove to be far less dramatic than we now – intuitively and in our historical reflexes – feel them to be.
翻譯成中文。
我們只能希望2009年的危機同樣地最後被證明是遠遠低於我們現在以直覺和歷史回顧的方式��感覺到的那麼劇烈。
What Failed in 2008?
翻譯成中文。
2008年敗在何處?
BERKELEY – To solve a problem, it is not enough to know what to do.
翻譯成中文。
伯克利—要解決問題,光知道做什麼是不夠的。
You actually have to implement the solution – and be willing to change course if it turns out that you did not know quite as much as you thought.
翻譯成中文。
你實際上必須實施解決辦法——並且在事實證明你知道的並不如你認為的那樣多時,你得願意改變辦法。
這就是兩本新書一起告訴你的資訊。 這兩本新書講述了你需要知道的關於2008年金融危機的一切:什麼引起了金融危機,可以做什麼防止它再次發生,以及為何這些事情還沒有人去做。
翻譯成英文。
That is the message of two recent books that, together, tell you everything you need to know about the 2008 financial crisis: what caused it, what can be done to prevent it from recurring, and why those things have yet to be done.
第一本書是《變化和衝擊》(The Shifts and the Shocks),作者是保守派英國記者馬丁·沃爾夫(Martin Wolf)。 在書的開頭,他對醞釀了至今仍在影響世界的這場經濟災難的重要變化做了歸納編目。
翻譯成英文。
The first book is The Shifts and the Shocks, by the conservative British journalist Martin Wolf, who begins by cataloguing the major shifts that set the stage for the economic disaster that continues to shape the world today.
His starting point is the huge rise in wealth among the world’s richest 0.1% and 0.01% and the consequent pressure for people, governments, and companies to take on increasingly unsustainable levels of debt.
翻譯成中文。
1%和0. 01%人群財富劇增,這給人民、政府和公司造成了日益不可持續的高負債的壓力。
與此同時,決策者因為“有效市場假說”等經濟理論的廣泛接受而志得意滿,有效市場假說認為投資者的行為是理性的,在作出決策時會利用一切可獲得的信心。
翻譯成英文。
Meanwhile, policymakers were lulled into complacency by the widespread acceptance of economic theories such as the “efficient-market hypothesis,” which assumes that investors act rationally and use all available information when making their decisions.
As a result, markets were deregulated, making it easier to trade assets that were perceived to be safe, but were in fact not.
翻譯成中文。
結果,市場監管被放鬆,交易被認為安全但實際並不安全的資產變得更加容易。
As a result, systemic risk proliferated beyond central bankers’ wildest imagination.
翻譯成中文。
結果,系統性風險悄然醞釀,並且超過了央行官員最大膽的想象。
未受檢驗並且最終錯誤的假設形成了一個只能用狂妄自大形容的決策環境。
翻譯成英文。
Untested – and ultimately incorrect – assumptions created a policymaking environment defined by what can only be called hubris.
官員低估了尾部風險。
翻譯成英文。
Officials underestimated tail risks.
它們將通脹目標設定在2%左右——這意味著當波濤洶湧時他們根本沒有多少施展空間。
翻譯成英文。
They set inflation targets at around 2% – leaving little room for maneuver when the water got choppy.
And, most audaciously of all, the European Union introduced the euro as a common currency.
翻譯成中文。
此外,最大膽的動作要數歐盟引入歐元作為共同貨幣。
Indeed, wrongheaded policymaking continued long after the crisis began.
翻譯成中文。
事實上,方向錯誤的決策在危機開始後仍然能維持了很長時間。
Politicians responded to worsening economic conditions by hewing as closely as possible to failed prescriptions, making sure to do no more than absolutely necessary to address the biggest economic disaster since the Great Depression.
翻譯成中文。
政客對惡化的經濟條件的反應是堅定實施錯誤的藥方,對於這場大蕭條以來最嚴重的經濟災難,他們除了絕對需要做的事情意外什麼都不做。
Wolf’s prescription for countering the crisis is simple, smart, and unassailable.
翻譯成中文。
沃爾夫給抵禦這場危機開出的藥方簡單、明智並且無懈可擊。
In the short term, he suggests that countries with reserve currencies spend more (especially to finance public-sector investments) and issue more debt.
翻譯成中文。
在短期,他建議擁有儲備貨幣的國家增加支出(特別是公共部門投資融資)、發行更多債務。
Their central banks, he argues, should raise inflation targets to 3% or even 4% per year.
翻譯成中文。
他指出,這些國家的央行應該將通脹目標提高到每年3%甚至4%。
在中期,沃爾夫認為各國需要實施監管措施降低債務水平、阻止過度舉債。
翻譯成英文。
Over the medium term, according to Wolf, countries need to put in place regulatory measures that lower debt levels and discourage overleveraging.
The eurozone, too, must resolve its internal contradictions, either by disbanding or by introducing “a minimum set of institutions and policies” that allow the monetary union to function properly.
翻譯成中文。
歐元區也必須解決其內部矛盾,要麼通過解散歐元區實現,要麼通過引入能令貨幣聯盟正常執行的“最小限度的機構和政策組合”實現。
沃爾夫的長期解決方案包括遏制不平等、“更加全球化的監管”、更大程度的“個體國家自己決定反應方式的自由”以及更少受到自由市場思想束縛的經濟分析。 一開始正是自由市場思想讓我們陷入了危機。
翻譯成英文。
Wolf’s long-term solutions include tackling inequality, “more global regulation,” a greater degree of “freedom for individual countries to craft their own responses,” and economic analysis that is less in thrall to the free-market ideologues that led us into the crisis in the first place.
And yet, as recommendable as Wolf’s proposals may be, little has been done to implement them.
翻譯成中文。
但是,儘管沃爾夫的方案值得推薦,但幾乎沒有任何實施。
The reasons why are found in the second book: Hall of Mirrors, by my friend, teacher, and patron, Barry Eichengreen.
翻譯成中文。
原因可以從第二本書中找到:由我的朋友、老師和“老闆”巴里·艾肯格林(Barry Eichengreen)所著的《鏡廳》(Hall of Mirrors)。
Eichengreen traces our tepid response to the crisis to the triumph of monetarist economists, the disciples of Milton Friedman, over their Keynesian and Minskyite peers – at least when it comes to interpretations of the causes and consequences of the Great Depression.
翻譯成中文。
艾肯格林認為,我們對這場危機反應不溫不火,原因要追溯到作為弗裡德曼(MiltonFriedman)門徒的���幣經濟學家對凱恩斯主義和明斯基(MInskyite)主義同行的勝利——至少在解釋大蕭條的原因和後果方面是如此。
When the 2008 financial crisis erupted, policymakers tried to apply Friedman’s proposed solutions to the Great Depression.
翻譯成中文。
2008年金融危機爆發時,決策者試圖使用弗裡德曼提出的大蕭條方案。
不幸的是,事實證明這是錯的,直言不諱地說,貨幣主義者對大蕭條的解釋在眾多方面都是錯誤的,並且非常不完整。
翻譯成英文。
Unfortunately, this turned out to be the wrong thing to do, as the monetarist interpretation of the Great Depression was, to put it bluntly, wrong in significant respects and radically incomplete.
The resulting policies were enough to prevent the post-2008 recession from developing into a full-blown depression; but that partial success turned out to be a Pyrrhic victory, for it allowed politicians to declare that the crisis had been overcome, and that it was time to embrace austerity and focus on structural reform.
翻譯成中文。
由此產生的政策足以阻止2008年後的衰退演變為完全的蕭條; 但這一區域性成功的代價也是巨大的,它讓政客宣佈危機已經被克服,應該採取緊縮並專注於結構改革。
The result is today’s stagnant economy, marked by anemic growth that threatens to become the new normal.
翻譯成中文。
結果就是現在的經濟停滯,其特徵是增長無力並且隨時可能成為新常態。
The United States and Europe are on track to have thrown away 10% of their potential wealth, while the failure to strengthen financial-sector regulation has left the world economy exposed to the risk of another major crisis.
翻譯成中文。
美國和歐洲損失了10%的潛在財富,而沒有強化金融部門監管讓世界經濟隨時可能迎來新一場大危機。
Wolf and Eichengreen would agree that the main shortcomings that led to the 2008 financial crisis – and that continue to underpin our inadequate response to it – are intellectual.
翻譯成中文。
沃爾夫和艾肯格林會認為,導致2008年金融危機的主要缺陷——以及繼續破壞我們對危機的不充分反應的主要缺陷——是知識缺陷。
Indeed, the only true lesson of the crisis so far seems to be that its lessons will never truly be learned.
翻譯成中文。
事實上,到目前為止,危機的唯一真正教訓是它的教訓從未被真正汲取。
歐洲的重振戰略
翻譯成英文。
A Comeback Strategy for Europe
STOCKHOLM/MADRID – When Pope Francis addressed the European Parliament last November, he compared the European Union to a grandmother – pleasant and rich with experience, but lacking the vitality and energy of the past.
翻譯成中文。
斯托克霍姆/馬德里—去年11月,教皇方濟各在其歐洲議會演講中將歐盟比作祖母——和藹而富於經驗,但已不再有過去的活力和能量。
方濟各說,現在是一個關鍵時刻,歐盟領導人必須擺脫懈怠形象,承認歐洲所面臨的戰略挑戰,並構建應對挑戰的明確政策。
翻譯成英文。
It is high time, Francis argued, that EU leaders shed their dozy image, recognize the strategic challenges that Europe faces, and forge a clear policy for tackling them.
Admittedly, the pope’s characterization was alarmingly accurate in some respects.
翻譯成中文。
誠然,教皇的描述在某些角度講非常準確。
But, despite its seeming lassitude, Europe retains significant strengths.
翻譯成中文。
但是,儘管歐洲看起來疲態盡露,但仍擁有巨大優勢。 歐洲是高水平思想和創新的樞紐;
是世界最有競爭力地區和產業的所在地; 最重要的是,它還構建了一個由五億人組成的社會和市場。
翻譯成英文。
It is a hub of high-level thought and innovation; it is home to some of the world’s most competitive regions and industries; and, perhaps most impressive, it has built a community and market encompassing a half-billion people.
But the world is changing: the Asia-Pacific region is increasingly influencing global developments, economic and otherwise.
翻譯成中文。
但世界正在變化:亞太地區正在日益影響全球經濟和其他發展趨勢。
跨太平洋合作伙伴關係(Trans-Pacific Partnership,TPP,由美國和其他11國建立的巨型地區自由貿易區)很有可能加速這一變革(如果中國最終也能加入就更加如此了)。
翻譯成英文。
The Trans-Pacific Partnership – by which the United States and 11 other countries would create a mega-regional free-trade zone – would most likely accelerate this shift (all the more so if China eventually joins).
Though the TPP faces no shortage of hurdles to clear before an agreement is finalized, its potential to augment Asia’s economic power cannot be underestimated.
翻譯成中文。
儘管TPP距離最終完成協議還有很多障礙需要跨越,但其擴大亞洲經濟實力的潛力絕不容���覷。
歐洲必須致力於確保其在新世界秩序中的地位——首先要強化其自身與美國的貿易和投資聯絡。
翻譯成英文。
Europe must work to secure its position in the new world order – beginning by enhancing its own trade and investment ties with the US.
The problem is that, as the TPP negotiations progress, talks on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) have become so deeply mired in domestic controversies that the entire project may well be scuttled.
翻譯成中文。
在TPP談判不斷推進的同時,歐盟-美國跨大西洋貿易和投資夥伴關係(Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership,TTIP)談判卻深陷國內矛盾的掣肘,整個工程都有可能夭折。
大西洋兩岸的商業領袖相信,成功的TTIP協議將帶來巨大的經濟收益——許多研究都強化了這一感覺。
翻譯成英文。
Business leaders on both sides of the Atlantic are convinced that a successful TTIP agreement would bring substantial economic benefits – a perception that many studies reinforce.
Yet trivial issues – for example, the use of chlorinated chicken and settlements of investor disputes – continue to dominate the debate.
翻譯成中文。
但一些微妙的問題——比如“氯化雞”(歐洲懷疑美國雞肉進入市場前都用氯消毒)和投資者糾紛和解等問題——仍主導著爭論。
TTIP的目標是釋放跨大西洋經濟的力量——目前大西洋兩岸仍是世界最大最富有的市場,佔全球金融活動的四分之三和世界貿易量的一大半。
翻譯成英文。
The TTIP’s goal is to unleash the power of the transatlantic economy, which remains by far the world’s largest and wealthiest market, accounting for three-quarters of global financial activity and more than half of world trade.
(If the TTIP was opened to other economies – such as Turkey, Mexico, and Canada – the benefits would be even greater.)
翻譯成中文。
(如果TTIP向其他經濟體開放——比如土耳其、墨西哥和加拿大——則收益還將更大。 )
但是,比達成協議的好處更加讓人感到必須成功的是談判失敗可能帶來的災難性結果。
翻譯成英文。
Even more compelling than the benefits of achieving an agreement, though, are the potentially catastrophic consequences of failure.
首先,TTIP談判的破裂將極大地加強英國鼓吹離開歐盟陣營的力量; 反之,如果TTIP獲得實施,英國離開歐盟將是不明智之舉,因此也不會發生。
翻譯成英文。
For starters, a breakdown of TTIP talks would give considerable ammunition to those in the United Kingdom who advocate withdrawal from the EU; conversely, if the TTIP were implemented, the UK would be unwise – and thus unlikely – to leave.
Moreover, the perception that the EU’s internal squabbles had led it to squander a strategic opportunity would probably drive the US to accelerate its disengagement from the continent.
翻譯成中文。
此外,歐洲的內訌導致其白白浪費了一個戰略機會,這一感覺可能促使美國加速遠離歐洲。
And Russian President Vladimir Putin would invariably regard the EU’s failure as a major opportunity to exert more influence over parts of Europe.
翻譯成中文。
而俄羅斯總統普京也必然會將歐洲的失敗視為影響歐洲更多地區的良機。
All of this contributes to a starkly fundamental strategic risk: If the TTIP stalls or collapses, while the TPP moves forward and succeeds, the global balance will tip strongly in Asia’s favor – and Europe will have few options, if any, for regaining its economic and geopolitical influence.
翻譯成中文。
所有這些凸顯出一個根本新戰略風險:如果TTIP無法取得進展或失敗,而TPP取得進展併成功,則全球平衡將朝著極有利於亞洲的方向發展——歐洲極有可能無法重振其經濟和地緣政治影響力。
When the TTIP was first proposed, Europe seemed to recognize its value.
翻譯成中文。
TTIP首次提出時,歐洲似乎能夠認識到其價值。
事實上,是歐洲推動一開始對歐洲的承諾有所懷疑的美國在2013年6月啟動了談判程式。
翻譯成英文。
Indeed, it was the EU that pushed the US, which initially doubted Europe’s commitment, to launch the negotiation process in June 2013.
當時人們雄心萬丈,意圖“一鼓作氣”完成談判。
翻譯成英文。
The ambition was to complete the negotiations on “one tank of gas.”
No one wanted to endure protracted talks – or the associated political pain.
翻譯成中文。
沒人想讓談判長久拖延——或忍受因此帶來的政治痛苦。
但歐盟領導人在事實上拋棄了這一工程,而這也印證了美國的擔心。
翻譯成英文。
But EU leaders essentially abandoned the project, seemingly confirming American fears.
貿易談判在掙扎中前行,而反全球化組織掌握了公共觀點的控制權,將TTIP描述為對一切事物的威脅——從歐洲的民主到歐洲的健康莫不如此。
翻譯成英文。
Trade negotiators struggled to make headway, while anti-globalization groups seized control of the public discourse, presenting the TTIP as a threat to everything from Europe’s democracy to its health.
This is dangerously inaccurate talk, and EU leaders must prevent it from gaining any more traction by making the strategic case for the agreement.
翻譯成中文。
這是非常危險的錯誤言論,歐盟領導人必須拿出推進TTIP的戰略性理由,從而阻止這一言論獲得更大的市場。
And they must revive their commitment to conclude the talks successfully in 2015.
翻譯成中文。
他們還必須重振2015年成功完成談判的承諾。
This is not to say that resolving the remaining issues in the TTIP negotiations will be simple.
翻譯成中文。
這並不是說解決TTIP談判中仍然存在的問題輕而易舉。
但簽訂貿易協議,特別是包含如此多監管問題的貿易協議,永遠不是件容易事,因為它必須考慮到現代經濟的複雜性和易變性。
翻譯成英文。
But establishing a trade agreement, especially one that entails so many regulatory issues, is always difficult, as it must account for the complexity and changeability of modern economies.
事實上,完成TTIP所包含的挑戰並不比歐盟領導人在過去幾年的危機中所遇到的挑戰更棘手。
翻譯成英文。
The fact is that the challenges inherent in completing the TTIP are no more intractable than those that EU leaders have faced in the last few years of crisis.
TTIP談判將在下個月重啟,屆時歐盟領導人必須推動真正的進展,並以在年底完成協議為目標。
翻譯成英文。
When the TTIP negotiations resume next month, EU leaders must push for genuine progress, with the goal of completing a deal by the end of the year.
好訊息是最近的美國中期選舉有可能增加他們成功的機會。
翻譯成英文。
The good news is that the recent midterm elections in the US might have improved their chances.
President Barack Obama now might get so-called fast-track negotiating authority from Congress.
翻譯成中文。
現在,美國總統奧巴馬可能將從國會獲得所謂的快速談判授權。
果真如此的話,美國國會將對談成的協議予以批准或否決,而不能束之高閣。
翻譯成英文。
If he does, Congress would simply approve or reject any negotiated agreement, rather than picking it apart.
美國總統競選季即將來開帷幕,在新的一年裡,其他問題可能輕而易舉地取代歐盟日程。
翻譯成英文。
The US presidential election season is starting, and other issues in the new year could easily take over the EU agenda.
正因如此,歐洲領導人已無時間可以浪費。
翻譯成英文。
That is why Europe’s leaders have no time to waste.
他們必須抓住經濟機會——並避免戰略災難。
翻譯成英文。
They must seize economic opportunity – and avert strategic disaster.
The Year That Ended an Epoch?
翻譯成中文。
標誌著時代終結的一年?

本資料集是來自QingySi所搜集的中英對照新聞評論,一共有 252,776 對中英語翻譯的句子,是使用Alpaca的指令資料集格式製成。本資料集利用了OpenCC 進行簡轉繁。

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